Women of Color Politics New Media PDF

Nicole Madera
Ortbals
April 10, 2014
Women of Color and the Politics of New Media
Abstract: Social media plays an ever increasing role in politics as an important means of
communication for both political consumers and politicians. Through a qualitative content
analysis of the posts of women of color Members of Congress on Facebook, Twitter, and
YouTube, I assess self-gendering as it relates the intersection of race and gender. I find that most
WOC politicians self-gender by discussing positions or policies surrounding women’s issues or
family/social/compassion issues but not by referring to their own age or family status. Overall,
there is a less consistent mention of race or gender plus race; however, this was more common
among African American politicians than Latinas or Asian Americans. This study presents a
building block for future research on external gendering of WOC politicians and establishes the
importance of intersectionality in social media.
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Women of Color and the Politics of New Media
In a summer 2008 edition of Nieman Reports, Kathleen Hall Jamieson and Jacqueline
Dunn located eight Facebook groups with at least one hundred members expressly dedicated to
the gender-based attack of then presidential candidate Hillary Clinton (2008). The Facebook
groups ranged in name from the sexist but tame “Hillary Clinton: Stop running for president and
make me a sandwich” to the vulgar “Life’s a b****, don’t vote for one.” The article describes
how members’ reactions to the gendered attacks were determined by tallying the objections to
insulting wall posts and comments. The authors found that when affronted individuals wrote that
there ought to be an emphasis on policy instead of on Clinton’s gender identity others retorted to
silence such grievances. While counter initiatives to these groups have spurred the creation of
groups in defense of Clinton, it is vital to recall that Clinton did not win the nomination for
Democratic presidential candidate and that these types of gender-based criticism are still
reflective of patriarchal notions of gender roles and the sexualizing of women. In this paper, I
focus on how the identities of women of color (WOC) politicians in the United States House of
Representatives impact how they are gendered or gender themselves via social media. How does
a woman’s race or ethnicity influence social media gendering? How does her age or family status
affect gendering? Gendering herein means the process of ascribing characteristics of masculinity
or femininity to a phenomenon (i.e., a role, position, concept, person, object, organization, or
artifact), usually resulting in power and privilege, voice and neglect, or advantage and
disadvantage, as drawn along the lines of sex and gender (Dye 2010).
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The example of Hillary Clinton as a model for the treatment of women in the national
political scene has been tried several times (Vaughn et al 2013; Gutgold 2009; Carroll et al
2010). While most would not discount the validity of her struggle, when considering the vitriolic
rhetoric of social media, an intersectional approach that considers both race and ethnicity and
gender as the root for criticism is arguably more worthy. Intersectionality, as an approach for
analyzing representation via social media, signifies that the researcher takes into account the
multiple elements of identity and institutional structures factor into the unique experiences of
women of color (Crenshaw 1991; Hancock 2007) As a white woman of means, Clinton’s
experience in United States politics is vastly different to that of women of color, who belong to
multiple historically oppressed subgroups. For instance, Michelle Obama has been scorned for
her figure, an attack that is both gendered and racially-motivated, as the detractors usually cite
elements of her physique that are often associated with African American women (MP 2009) and
occasionally lauded for it in a way that is redolent of exoticism (Kaplan 2008).
While Michelle Obama is not an elected official, her rendering is potentially emblematic
of the situations of other women of color in politics. My research into the representation and
gendering of women of color in politics is based both in literature on women in politics in
traditional media (Anderson et al, 2011; Bystrom, 2001, 2004; Ibroscheva et al, 2009; Lee, 2004;
Nacos, 2005; Wasburn et al, 2011; Winfield, 2003) and social media and politics (Bennett, 2012;
Davis, 2009, 2012; Oxley, 2012; Lawless, 2012; Hindman, 2009; Kenski et al, 2006; Mossberger
et al, 2008; Wolfsfeld et al, 2013). Generally, these sources have successfully illustrated the
relationships between the representation of female politicians on television and their status in the
minds of voters or the rise of new media in contemporary politics. However, there has been little
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investigation into the links—should they exist—between women in politics and social media,
and even more minimally between social media and women of color in politics.
Moreover, historically, social media seemingly has been a useful tool for outsiders and
newcomers to politics (Gelber 2011) and women are often both of these. However, the frequently
negative rhetoric of social media can make the various platforms a double-edged sword for
women of color political candidates in a society that is still profoundly biased toward white
masculinity. My study starts to take a position on these two views of social media by exploring
how women of color utilize social media to represent themselves vis-á-vis their gender identity
and race.
In addressing the gap in the literature regarding women of color, politics, and social
media, by analyzing the content on sites such as Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube I observe how
and to what extent women of color politicians are gendered and gender themselves, herein
referred to as “doing gender” (West et al 1987; Yancey 2003; Deutsch 2007). “Doing gender”
implies that gender is an accomplishment of individuals that is classified socially. This study
predominately presents women of color politicians doing gender on different platforms of social
media.
I find that most WOC politicians self-gender by discussing positions or policies
surrounding women’s issues or family/social/compassion issues but not by referring to their own
age or family status. Overall, there is a less consistent mention of race or gender plus race;
however, this was more common among African American politicians than Latinas or Asian
Americans. These findings benefit the literature of different disciplines. First, there is an elevated
discussion about the significance of social media in 21st century politics in the literature of
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sociology and communications. A small but increasing number of political science scholars also
are debating about the position of women of color in United States politics. My study fills an
empirical gap in the literature because no scholars are examining the interplay of women of color
politicians, gendering, and social media. Practically, this study could teach women of color how
to better maximize new media, in light of both political trends and the overarching attitudes of
American social media users toward WOC politicians, in terms of doing (or undoing) gender.
The paper is organized into several sections, beginning with a review of the literature.
Following, I present a description of my method along with the results. Finally, I discuss the
results and offer conclusions as to the future of women of color in politics and new media.
Literature Review
The literature regarding women, politics, and media consists of theory on the evolution of
women in politics, women in politics and traditional media, the rise of social media in politics,
and limited commentary on women of color in politics and intersectionality. Below I describe
and explain how a woman’s identity—race, age, and family status—is used to gender her through
various media. I first present the literature on the evolution of women in politics, followed by a
discussion of how women have historically been and continue to be represented in traditional
media. Next, I review how social media has impacted the political scene, irrespective of gender.
Eventually I explore some literature regarding women of color in politics and intersectional
feminism in order to highlight the gap in knowledge of the relationship between women of color
and social media.
Women and Politics
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Historically as well as contemporarily, women have fought an uphill battle to achieve
equal representation in elected office in the United States and in other democracies. Paxton
(2007) reasons that women’s contest for formal political representation is “mostly won” (264),
given that in all countries without legislatures except Saudi Arabia, women now vote with men—
at times in larger numbers. Nevertheless, women often do not capitalize on these rights or run for
office for many years. Women’s descriptive representation in national legislatures only averages
between 10 and 30% in the most progressive of countries (CAWP 2013), suggesting that there is
a bias against women in elections and politics.
Wolbrecht et al (2008) reveal a persistent gender hierarchy in United States politics,
along with a stubborn resistance to the idea that gender should not matter to one’s political
standing—even if it may have relevance in one’s focus on certain policy areas. Wolbrecht et al.
make the claim that gender, like race, is at the nucleus of our political system because it
profoundly influences the manner in which that system has been arranged and transformed over
time. Historically, women in the American national identity have been celebrated for their
feminine roles, indicating that gender functions centrally in nationalist ideology—and usually to
deny women rights or political enfranchisement. For example, Americans have classically
deemed women as best suited to care for children, cook, and clean in the home or to jobs like
teaching or nursing that call for nurturing personalities—stereotypically feminine.
In fact, in most societies, women are typecast as “communal and concerned with the
wellbeing and welfare of others” (Lammers et al, 2008). Traditionally, beliefs that women are ill-
tempered or ill-qualified to participate in politics, and rather belong in the home, have put
women at a disadvantage, with leadership viewed as a masculine skill. Similarly, when women
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do exhibit leaderships skills, members of the public judge that behavior more negatively than
they would equally domineering behavior in men (Eagly et al 1992; Kahn 1991). Other
scholarship by Kahn suggests that people’s perceptions of male and female candidates are
affected by gender differences in media patterns and by gender stereotypes held in general
(1994).
In contrast to the stereotypical representation of women in traditional media, the literature
indicates that men are more commonly seen as assertive, self-assured, and controlling (Eagly,
1987). These perceptions of men and women are just as basic to assessments of male and female
political candidates. In a 2005 study, Lawless and Theriault found that 25% of the U.S.
population still feels that men are better suited emotionally to politics, and 15% agreed that
“women should take care of running their homes and leave running the country up to men.”
Lammers et al found that male politicians are rated as better candidates when survey participants
are told that problems that stereotypically favor competitiveness, such as the economy, defense,
or infrastructure, are the most critical issues of the day (2009). This principle can be applied in
reverse when the most important problems require more communality, like health care, so that
voters appraise women as better candidates. Nevertheless, the populace is typically biased
against communal issues. Women often stress their leadership skills to combat typical images
and expectations of women candidates, but media coverage does not reflect this emphasis and
instead relies on gender stereotypes in the reporting of women (Kahn 1993).
Over the past several decades, while women have certainly made strides in the workplace
and toward general gender equality, they are still subject to generally destructive gendering in
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media and from the public, though some scholars support the idea that women can utilize
gendering to their advantage in some situations.
Women in Politics and Traditional Media
Research shows that traditional media sources, such as print media, radio, and television,
typically represent female politicians, public figures, and political actors through the lens of
gender stereotypes and personal characteristics (Anderson et al, 2011; Bystrom, 2001, 2004;
Ibroscheva et al, 2009; Lee, 2004; Nacos, 2005; Wasburn et al, 2011; Winfield, 2003).
The reporting of male versus female politicians often exhibits a polarity in language that
places an unnecessary focus on the physical appearance, maternal, and marital status of the
female figures (Anderson et al, 2011; Lee, 2004). According to Anderson’s case study of media
misrepresentation of Liberian women in politics, the media still constructs politics in
stereotypically masculine terms, and thus news reporting is not as unbiased nor as objective as
journalists might intend it to be. Female political leaders are frequently “misrepresented” when
language constructs them as “trespassers” or interlopers in the “masculine” realm of politics
(Anderson et al 2011; Ibroscheva et al 2009). Anderson found that numerous media reports
explicitly referred to the appearance of Liberian presidential candidate Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf,
emphasized her femininity by citing her marital or maternal status, and generally focused on her
identity as a woman rather than as an experienced politician—unlike her male challenger
(Anderson et al 2011, 2512-2515). Moreover, Everitt (2005), regarding Canada, contends some
of the widespread themes in media reports are also physical characteristics and relationships.
Similarly, Bystrom et al. (2001) examined media coverage of male and female
gubernatorial candidates in the U.S. and found that the women were usually appraised in regard
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to their maternal or marital roles, rather than their political, academic, or professional
background. In both cases, gender identification was more relevant than the women’s political
experience or abilities (Bystrom, 2001; Anderson et al, 2011). Bystrom (2004) also demonstrated
that further biases in the media representation of female leaders are evident in the news media’s
rendering of matters that stereotypically are of more consequence to women—such as childcare
or corruption. Anderson et al. and Ibroscheva et al. would conclude that gendered media
portrayals cultivate a social environment that tolerates sexism. Whence women are “either
treated as a novelty or framed within typical stereotypes of femininity” (Ibroscheva et al, 2009:
1) such as a focus on their appearance, relationships, or personal characteristics, they cannot dig
up the deeply ingrained roots of sexism.
Wasburn et al. (2011) also demonstrate that gendered reporting deters Americans from
voting for women candidates or supporting women’s campaigns and discourages women from
entering politics at all. Their case study of Sarah Palin’s 2008 run for Vice President of the
United States, nevertheless, finds that the consequences of gendered reporting may not be
homogeneous. In some respects, the news coverage of Palin coincided with conventional
reporting on female political leaders in that it emphasized her appearance, youth, and domestic
life rather than her ideology or position-taking, which may have harmed her bid and general
political career. Some evidence still suggests that aspects of this image were advanced by Palin’s
campaign to attract a populist, personal persona. The tendency of media coverage to highlight
appearance and youth also holds true for first ladies and female terrorists (Winfield et al. 2003;
Nacos 2005). Wasburn et al. propose that future studies of the intersection of media and women
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political campaigns must consider context and the individual qualities of singular candidates
(2011).
Extraordinary candidates are of particular relevance in Lee’s study of the portrayal of
female officials in Hong Kong newspapers, a situation that overall is somewhat counterintuitive
(2004). As of the time of the article’s publishing, Hong Kong claimed the highest number of
female top officials in the world; however, the media representation of female leaders in Hong
Kong takes a dramatically gendered emphasis. Lee reveals that newspaper coverage of female
politicians highlights the way in which they are “perfect women” (208) who are exceptional in
all areas of life, domestic to public, and are ideal models for other women in society. However,
Lee critiques this surface-positive portrayal of female officials because they are not necessarily
representative of women on the whole. Such positive representation obviously benefits the
individual women, but it does not assay the sustained inequalities of the family institution at
large. Media empower the female politicians, acclaiming their impressive balancing of work and
family, yet they fail to recognize the problematic tension between work and family for middle
and working class women that perpetuates the existing family convention that does not confine
men nearly as strongly.
Taken as a whole, this body of literature shows women as victims of gender stereotypes
by traditional media, suffering political injury in the “masculine” world of politics. Rather than
reporting the policies and educational and professional qualifications of women politicians,
media often describes them in terms of their personal and physical characteristics, maternal or
marital roles, and age. However, many scholars seem to agree that context and distinctive
circumstances should always be considered when evaluating the representation of women.
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New Media and Politics
The body of literature surrounding social media and politics details how the rise of new
media has impacted contemporary politics. For the most part, scholars all agree that the
relevance of social media in any discussion of political trends should not be discounted or
overlooked because of its expanding role as a tool both of politicians and constituents (Bennett,
2012; Davis, 2009, 2012; Oxley, 2012; Lawless, 2012; Hindman, 2009; Kenski et al, 2006;
Mossberger et al, 2008; Wolfsfeld et al, 2013), even if they differ on its efficacy.
Bennett (2012) argues that we are presently in an era of personalized politics that has
resulted from social fragmentation and the decline of group loyalties. Individuals have displaced
collective action frames in favor or mobilizing around personal lifestyle values. Personalized
political participation is, he contends, likely “the defining change in the political culture of our
era” (38). Large-scale individualized collective action is organized through digital media
technology, with layers of social media from Facebook to Twitter to blogs.
Davis (2009) meanwhile finds that blogs have not quite transcended traditional media but
rather have positioned themselves in a small but important niche in American politics—usually
in the arena of agenda setting, where they have occasional success. Bennett also reminds scholars
(2012) that political bloggers and journalists partake of a symbiotic relationship, given that they
share basic personal and professional interests—specifically the need to gather information and
produce a product that upholds an audience as well as the desire to create or sustain a niche in
the unpredictable media climate. Thus, as journalists continue to view bloggers as potential news
sources and bloggers depend on such traditional news outlets for their news, this symbiotic
relationship will persist.
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Where these journalists and bloggers acquire their information is one of the most
contentious features of the social media debate. Oxley (2009) questions whether more sources
automatically equate to a better informed public. In some ways, as the internet has emerged as an
invaluable mine of political information, following certain public policy debates (such as the
2009-2010 health care reform) has become much easier. The explosion of new media has not
resulted in unequivocal increases in knowledge – some characteristics of the new media universe
appear to enhance knowledge acquisition, while others detract. The accessibility of the internet
means that false information can be easily uploaded, which thus necessitates a sharp eye to
identify what is or is not accurate. Generally, Oxley finds no solid consensus as to which way the
scale tips, however she does conclude that those who consult more news sources are better
informed than those who rely on fewer sources (2009). Some individuals are less motivated or
able to consult such sources, and subsequently there is a widening gap in knowledge.
Hindman (2009) and Mossberger et al. (2008) reflect on this gap in knowledge and the
concepts of digital democracy and digital citizenship, both. Conceding that the successes of
internet politics are increasingly obvious, while Hindman questions whether new media has
simply created another a group of political elites, Mossberger et al. insists that digital citizenship
is the ideal citizenship of the 21st century. Each author affirms the hardship of exclusion from this
new digital democracy. Hindman, even admitting that vast quantities of information are only a
click away for motivated citizens, feels that new media has failed to empower ordinary citizens
to exercise their political voice. Mossberger et al. argues that exclusion from digital citizenship is
a piece of the general fabric of social inequality in the United States. Still, participation in said
democracy through daily internet use increases the likelihood of voting and civic engagement
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and promotes higher incomes for African Americans and Latinos in particular because it
represents capacity, belonging, and the potential for political and economic engagement in
society in the information age. Kenski et al. (2006) confirm in their study that the internet has not
had a negative effect on the efficacy, knowledge, and participation of internet users but grant that
their results, while significant and positive, are small enough to indicate that the internet will not
be cure-all in Western democracy.
While other scholars focused on the interaction between the public and new political
media, Lawless (2012) investigates the content and use patterns of members of Congress (MCs)
on social media platforms like Twitter and Facebook. How and for what do these representatives
utilize new media in their political lives? According to Lawless, strong evidence shows that these
forms of media are commonly used and are growing in popularity among MCs. However, not all
MCs are equally likely to assume their new social posts. Typically, Republicans outperform
Democrats both in intensity of use and size of audience, which may ultimately pay dividends for
campaigns, elections, and governing. Regardless, all MCs have employed these new methods of
communication for classic activities, such as advertising, position-taking, and credit-claiming.
Clearly the content of the messages MCs transmit to their constituencies has not revolutionized,
but the ease of communication with the American public is radically significant
The literature reveals that social media is increasingly relevant in the current era as a
means of communication between politicians and constituents and amongst citizens and as a
mode of expression for both politicians and political consumers. I seek to question how this
social media affects the representation of women of color in politics.
Women of Color in Politics
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Modern theories of multicultural and intersectional feminism would argue that race and
ethnicity are two of the most elemental dynamics to consider in regard to the representation of
women in politics.
According to unifying women of color feminisms, particular women’s experiences of
privilege and oppression differ, therefore accurate, respectful treatment of these women and their
experiences requires one to describe them on the terms of the women themselves (Botts 2013).
As Kimberlé Crenshaw first described in 1989 and noted in her study of identity politics and
violence against women of color, “[b]ecause of their intersectional identity as both women and
of color within discourses that are shaped to respond to one or the other, women of color are
marginalized within both” (1991, 1244). There are different understandings of the term of color.
It could merely imply “nonwhite,” but to some of color has significant sociological, historical,
and political repercussions that stress the commonality of experience of different cultural and
ethnic groups who have been racialized in Western culture. Thus, the term woman of color means
that said woman has experienced life as woman within a non-white racial or ethnic group, and
with that experience comes the oppression of both aspects of her identity (Botts et al 2013).
Given the substantial disparity of descriptive representation between women and men in
the United States, as a society that is defined as much by its attitude toward race as gender,
women of color are shockingly underrepresented.
The pool of women of color politicians to analyze is not large. Of the 98 women serving
in the 113th US Congress, only 30 are women of color (CAWP 2013). By and large, women and
women of color do not run for political office in the same numbers as men. The US gender gap
in political interest and knowledge varies even below the level of women of color. For example,
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among whites, African Americans, and Latinos, black women have the smallest gender gap,
compared to black men, in political knowledge but the largest in interest in national politics.
Overall, Latinas are consistently the least engaged in and knowledgeable of politics (Burns et al
2001). Curiously, these gender gaps disappear or even reverse among children and teenagers
(Alozie et al 2003). This fact poses an interesting possibility when considering adolescents’
domination of social media.
Women of color face an additional barrier to political office and different experiences
with representation in media. Women of color feminisms and intersectional feminism critically
note that women of color encounter both patriarchal oppression and racial oppression. These
oppressions together embody the unique injustice experienced by an individual woman. Hancock
argues that intersectionality and its roots in Black feminist theory can serve as a significant
intellectual resource for contemplating opportunities for political action and social change (2008,
19). In another article, Hancock notes as an example that previous examination of gender
differences in voting behavior, candidate recruitment, or party identification have significantly
benefited the political science discipline. Similarly, questions about the gendering of women of
color politicians in social media can contribute valuable knowledge to political science and other
disciplines (2007).
Many of the foremost scholars of intersectionality have originated in women of color
feminisms. The most developed and historic women of color feminism—African American
feminism—demonstrates that the oppression of black women has been systematized and
structured along three discrete dimensions: economic, political, and ideological (Botts et al
2013). The ideological dimension speaks most compellingly to the representation of women of
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color in traditional and new media because it imposes a set of controlling images on black
women, including “mammies, Jezebels, breeders, smiling Aunt Jemimas, and the ubiquitous
prostitutes and welfare mothers of contemporary popular culture” (Botts et al 2013: 220). Such
stereotypical images are enormously negative and key to the oppression of black women, and
similar circumstances surround the representation of Latina and Asian women.
By studying social media and women of color politicians, we may hope to draw
comparisons amongst women of different racial groups, ages, and family statuses and their
experiences with gendering. I hope to investigate how in the contemporary age of new media and
instant communication women of color politicians are represented vis-á-vis their gender and
other defining features of their identity on social media platforms. As I study gendering of
women of color politicians on social media, I am interested in how the different components of
their identity interact and influence communication between representatives and constituents,
given that women of color face distinctive obstacles in achieving political power in the first
place.
Implications of the Extant Literature
Myriad studies have examined the gendering of women in politics, their representation in
traditional media, and the impact of new media on politics. Research suggests that women are
still stereotyped according to sexist gender norms, which can affect outcomes—such as whether
not they are elected or which policies they may pursue once in office. Comparatively, few
scholars have addressed how specifically women of color politicians are gendered, how they
gender themselves via new media, or how other factors in their identity may impact gendering.
Intersectionality literature suggests that the interaction of race and gender in politics should
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amplify the gendering of women of color politicians, in new media or otherwise. In the
continued march toward equal representation of women in government, my study seeks to
investigate the differences in gendering of female political figures of color as a result of their
identities, through the new media platforms of Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube.
Research Design
In this thesis, I ask how the identities of women of color (WOC) politicians in the United
States House of Representatives impact how they are gendered or gender themselves via social
media.
Hypotheses
Existing studies reveal that women are often represented through a normative, gendered
lens and that social media has had a significant effect on contemporary politics. However, other
variables might also impact the discrimination of women of color in politics or how they are
represented/represent themselves. One might argue that the type of new media platform used
influences how the user expresses information. If that is true, then the type of media platform—
Facebook, Twitter, or YouTube—should affect how women and women of color in politics are
gendered. In this study, WOC politicians may use or may not use their Facebook and Twitter
accounts to gender themselves, but the way they express this gendering may differ on YouTube.
This difference is a consequence of the different methods of communication inherent to each
platform—a 140 character tweet versus a ten minute YouTube video, for example. Additionally,
others may potentially gender the women on YouTube, which is not possible through their
individual Facebook and Twitter accounts.
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More substantially, nonetheless, one might expect that race would appreciably impact the
gendering of women of color in politics. The intersection of different disenfranchised groups in
the political sphere predicts that identity will be very important in a voter’s or constituent’s
evaluation of a woman of color politician or in how she may choose to frame herself and her
ideas. Previous studies showed that for women politicians, identity and personal characteristics
are more important than qualifications or political stances. Thus when the public perceives a
WOC politician, her race is usually an integral part of her identity they can observe. Women face
increased pressure from gender stereotypes than men, which are multiplied when intersectional
systems of oppression act upon a woman politician.
Additionally, younger women may obviously look more youthful, drawing attention to
their appearance—a facet of gendering not typically experienced by men. Therefore, younger
WOC politicians are expected to be gendered more than older WOC politicians, facing elevated
attention on their appearance. Social media users may note a WOC’s youthful glow, shapely
figure, and smooth skin, as examples—overall an aspect of gendering male politicians do not
typically experience.
Family status—that is whether or not someone is married or whether they have children
—can also be viewed as a variable in the gendering of women of color politicians, as women
have been historically consigned to roles as a wife and mother. The extant research in the
literature review above also shows that women, and by extension women of color, are still
frequently described in terms of their family status, and WOC politicians may additionally self-
gender themselves by focusing their legislative interests on family and women’s issues.
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I want to determine how race, age, and family status influence the gendering of women of
color politicians in Congress through social media. Do Facebook posts or blog posts reference a
female politician’s race, and how do they relate that to her gender? Do units of social media
refer to a woman’s age in on the subject of her attractiveness—a tactic of gendering than men do
not usually face? Or does the data mention her family status, in keeping with traditional or non-
traditional gender expectations? Does the rhetoric tend to fall into commentary typifying those
gender stereotypes and gender expectations? Do women of color face harsher rhetoric than white
women politicians? How does the varying platform of social media play a part? That is, do
women of color self-gender in their Facebook posts and tweets?
These questions and the aforementioned theories lead to the following hypotheses that
will be the focus this study:
H1: The race of a woman of color politician influences the gendering of said woman in
the realm of new media.
The following secondary hypotheses will serve to control and determine whether race is
the defining factor in the representation of women of color in politics:
H2: The type of new media affects the type of gendering experienced by women of color
in politics. Facebook and Twitter are a WOC politician’s resources to self-gender, versus
YouTube through which she may be gendered by others.
H3: Younger women of color will be gendered differently than older women of color in
politics.
H4: Women of color with any positive family status—married, children—will be
gendered according to this status and vice versa.
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Model
In this study the unit of analysis is social media, specifically Facebook posts, individual
tweets from the website Twitter, and videos on YouTube. I measure the dependent variables,
mentions of gender and mentions of race, by analyzing the posts pertaining to ten WOC
politicians.
For each WOC politician I gather 50 tweets, 50 Facebook posts, and 10 YouTube videos
and analyze their content. See Appendix B for case selection logic. The tweets and Facebook
posts are taken consecutively, while the YouTube videos will be selected based on relevance
(does the video even mention or come from the politician?) and upload date (within the last two
years). Using a content analysis coding form (see Appendix A), I will examine each post for
references to gender or race and input the information into spreadsheets. From there I can
determine if and how women of color in the House of Representatives self-gender by way of
their social media accounts or are gendered by others on YouTube.
Independent variables:
• type of media – Facebook, Twitter, YouTube
• race – African American, Latina, Asian
• age – younger (30s-mid 40s) or older (mid 40s +)
• family status – married/divorced/widowed/singe and children or no children
The following are my conceptualizations.
GENDERING: I define gendering as the process of ascribing characteristics if
masculinity or femininity, femaleness or maleness to a phenomenon (i.e., a role, position,
concept, person, object, organization, or artifact), usually resulting in power and privilege, voice
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and neglect, or advantage and disadvantage, as drawn along the lines of sex and gender (Dye
2010). Various scholars have proposed a distinction between gendering and self-gendering or
“doing gender.” While West and Zimmerman regard gender as an achievement of individuals but
one that is positioned socially (1987), Deutsch furthers their work but shifts to ask how we can
“undo” gender by highlighting the social processes that underpin change to the conventional
dynamic of gender relations (2007). Yancey Martin defines “doing” or “practicing” gender as a
continuous phenomenon that is done quickly, directionally, and usually nonreflexively; is often
informed by luminal awareness; and is in concert with others (2003).
Operationalizations:
RACE: piece of data references woman’s race or elements of her physical/social persona
that relate to her race
AGE: piece of data references woman’s age either abstractly or in regard to her
appearance
FAMILY STATUS: piece of data references woman’s marital status or maternal status
GENDERING: data that focuses on any aspects gender either directly or indirectly via
the dependent variables as opposed to woman’s political opinions/ideas/policies or
intellectual/professional/educational qualifications
POLICIES THAT ARE GENDERED: policies related to women’s issues including
women’s rights, discrimination, sexual harassment, women’s access to education and
income, and women’s health; family/social/compassion issues, which refer to issues that
traditionally have been associated with women and include children and family,
education, health, public/social welfare, and the environment (Schwindt-Bayer 2010)
!21

Mentions of race, age, and family status in the content will be fairly straightforward.
When a source references a WOC politician’s race directly, apart from merely factual
declarations (e.g., Jane Doe is the first Asian American MC in Georgia), or indirectly through the
use of stereotypes especially as they relate to her physical or social persona. Similarly, any
instance in the content that cites a WOC politician’s age, with the exception of noting a
particularly unusual circumstance (e.g., Jane Doe is the youngest or oldest MC from California),
will be noted as a possible occurrence of gendering. For example, a source may allude to a WOC
politician’s youth as a manner of sexualization, or a source may identify an older WOC politician
as “grandmotherly” in an attempt to discredit her politically. Further, references to a WOC
politician’s family status—that is, whether or not she has children, is married, divorced, or single
—will be regarded as gendering. Finally, I will also know gendering is occurring when sources
cite the looks of a WOC politician; when sources mention personality characteristics that are
seen as either stereotypically feminine or masculine, and when sources identify actions and
policies of a WOC politician as either stereotypically feminine or masculine.
Results
“#WhatWomenNeed for Valentine’s Day is equal work for equal pay” was a commonly
tweeted declaration among the female Democratic members of the United States House of
Representatives during the month of February 2014, drawing on the aims of When Women
Succeed, America Succeeds: An Economic Agenda for Women and Families (WWSAS), laid out
by the House Democrats in July 2013.
Throughout the month of March, as well,
National Women’s History Month,
!22

woman of color politicians frequently expressed their support for the policy goals of WWSAS
and other matters related to women’s issues and family or compassion issues, such as the raising
of the minimum wage, education, or the
preservation of Supplemental Nutrition
Assistance Program (SNAP) benefits. African
American representatives celebrated Black
History Month in February on their Twitter and
Facebook accounts, occasionally drawing on the
intersection of race and gender.
In regard to intersectionality, as shown in
the tweet below, each of the African American
politicians referred the “My Brother’s Keeper”
campaign on both their Facebook and Twitter accounts. This campaign draws on the intersection
of race and gender in the lives of young men of color, who are disproportionately at risk
throughout their lives, implying that both their gender and race coalesce to disadvantage them in
comparison to other demographics.
Meanwhile, Grace Napolitano also made
notable the intersection of race and gender
in her post congratulating the “strong
Latina” Maria Contreras-Sweet on her
nomination to the role of Administrator of
the Small Business Administration and in retweeting a post that called for greater parity in the
!23

political representation of Latinas. Sheila Jackson Lee also noted that women still only earn 77
cents for every one dollar earned by a man and that this gap is wider for African American and
Hispanic women, thus again purporting the importance of intersectionality in the representation
of women of color.
Overall, the WOC representatives of the House frequently posted about gender or policies
and positions that may be typically gendered. As shown in Tables 1-12, given that 50 tweets, 50
Facebook posts, and 10 videos were examined per politician, some women wrote about gender in
the majority of their posts, such as Representative Donna Edwards (see Appendix B for politician
profiles), whose tweets referenced gender 37 times.
When WOC politicians self-gendered, they tended to concentrate on policies or positions
pertaining to women’s issues or family/social/compassion issues (see Appendix C for
descriptions of these issues). In fact over 86 percent of gender mentions related to policies or
positions (see Figure 1).
!24

!
Figure 1
Over 65 percent of mentions pertaining to policy involved family/compassion/social issues, such
as childhood and higher education, health care, the environment, social assistance programs, and
human rights. The remaining nearly 35 percent of mentions pertained to issues specifically
affecting women (see Figure 2).
What is
mentioned that
pertains to
gender?
Appearance
Age
Partner/Marital Status
Children/Maternal Status
Gender Stereotypes/Gender Expectations
Feminine/Masculine Characteristics/Emotions/Actions
Policy/Position related to women's issues, family/social/compassion issues
!25

!
Figure 2
Originally, I suggested that the race of a woman influences the gendering of that woman
in social media. While, as can be seen in Tables 1-3, the politicians discussed gender more than
race or ethnicity, Latinas and Asian Americans appeared to self-gender less than their African
American colleagues. African American women were also slightly more likely to tweet or post
about the intersection of race and gender. With this in mind, I would argue that a woman’s race
does influence whether she self-genders or is gendered, though there is not enough evidence in
the data to establish causality.
Twitter Table 1: Control
for age and marital
status (older, married
with children), vary race
If pertaining
to policy,
which type
of issue was
mentioned?
Women's Issues
Family/Compassion/Social Issues
!260
10
20
30
40
Sheila Jackson Lee African American Grace Napolitano Latina
Gender
Race

Table 2: Control for
age and marital
status (older,
married with
children), vary race
YouTube Table 3:
Control for age
and marital status
(older, married
with children),
vary race
!27
0
10
20
30
40
Gender
Race
0
2
4
5
7
Gender
Race

My secondary hypotheses were intended to control and determine whether race is the
defining factor in how women of color politicians represent themselves in social media. For
example, I proposed that the type of new media affects the type of gendering experienced by
women of color in politics, suggesting that a WOC politician uses Facebook and Twitter to self-
gender more than YouTube. On the contrary, gendering and mentions of race across all platforms
are consistent. If analyzed in the future, blogs might be a better resource to analyze the external
gendering of politicians.
I also hypothesized that younger of women of color would be gendered and would self-
gender differently than older women of color. However, this is not borne out in the results. The
age of the politician also did not significantly alter the self-gendering of the politician, amongst
both Latinas and Asian Americans (see Tables 4-9) and across all platforms. I also found through
intercoder reliability a ninety-four percent score of agreement.
Twitter Tables 4 and 5: Control for race and marital status, vary age - Latina, married with children
!
0
10
20
30
40
Jaime H. Beutler Younger Grace Napolitano Older
Gender
Race
!28

Asian American, married with children
!
Facebook Tables 6 and 7: Control for race and marital status, vary age
Latina, married with children
!
!
YouTube Tables 8 and 9: Control for race and marital status, vary age
Latina, married with children
0
8
15
23
30
Grace Meng Younger
Gender
Race
0
10
20
30
40
Gender
Race
0
6
11
17
22
Grace Meng Younger
Gender
Race
!29

!
!
Finally, I also suggested that women of color with any positive family status—married,
children—will be gendered according to this status and vice versa. The results do not support this
hypothesis and demonstrate that family status did not affect the rate at which they self-gendered
(see Tables 10-12).
Twitter Table 10: Control for race and age (older, African American), vary family status
!
0
2
4
5
7
Gender
Race
0
2
4
6
8
Grace Meng Younger
Gender
Race
0
10
20
30
40
Donna Edwards Divorced mother Robin Kelly Married
Gender
Race
!30

Facebook Table 11: Control for race and age (older, African American), vary family status
!
YouTube Table 12: Control for race and age (older, African American), vary family status
!
Conclusions
At the beginning of this paper, I asked how the identities of women of color
(WOC) politicians in the United States House of Representatives impact how they are gendered
or gender themselves via social media. The data indicate that WOC politicians in the United
States use new media as a way to self-gender and discuss policies that stereotypically concern
women. There is an overall bias toward self gendering, as opposed to external gendering, which
might be a limit of Facebook and Twitter. Self gendering, in my results, usually takes the form of
attitudes or policy ideas related to women’s issues or family/social/compassion issues. Generally
0
8
15
23
30
Gender
Race
0
2
4
5
7
Gender
Race
!31

women did not refer to their own identities, partners, or children in their tweets and Facebook
posts. Some of the content addressed the intersectionality of race and gender, but largely the
WOC politicians focused individually on either race or gender and gendered issues, if those were
the subject of the posts. African American women notably covered intersectionality more broadly
in their posts than Latina or Asian American women.
On another note, the two Republican women spoke less about women’s issues than their
Democratic colleagues. Republican Jaime Herrera Beutler’s only concrete mentions of gender
were a few posts regarding sexual assault in the military. Republican Ileana Ros-Lehtinen also
mentioned gender in her posts—referring to International Women’s Day, the need to do more to
eradicate violence against women and girls, and the human rights situation in Venezuela—
however, like Herrera Beutler, she did so much less often than their Democratic colleagues.
While I cannot establish causality in this paper, I have documented the existence of
gendering—at the very least, self gendering—in the social media of WOC politicians. I
hypothesized originally that the race of a WOC politician would influence the gendering of that
woman new media. Of all the possible factors, race may contribute most strongly to the
gendering of WOC politicians, as African American women posted, in some cases, two or three
times more about race and gender than Latina or Asian American women. I also originally
hypothesized that some factors, including the age and the family status of the woman, would
affect the gendering of said WOC politician; however the data did not substantiate this
postulation. Younger women and women with positive family status did not gender themselves
any differently than older women or single women without children. Overall, the politicians
avoided the subjects of motherhood, their partners, and their age.
!32

Political party or political ideology can be a significant contributing factor, given that
Republican women quite noticeably avoided the topic of gender in their tweets, apart from Ros-
Lehtinen’s focus on the compassion issue of human rights in Venezuela. The proximity of
Valentine’s Day, the designation of February as Black History Month, and the designation of
March as National Women’s History Month are potentially substantial influences on the content
of each politician’s social media in the gathered data.
In retrospect of these findings, I argue that self-gendering on policy is acceptable because
representation is crucial and the concerns of women of color need addressing. Nevertheless,
while impossible to determine without interviewing the politicians, the findings do beg the
question: do women or women of color concentrate on women’s issues or family/compassion
issues because they feel bound to or feel an expectation to do so? The Inter-Parliamentary Union
(IPU) and UN Women launched the Women in Politics Map 2014 on 11 March 2014,
demonstrating that while women ministers still dominate the traditionally “soft” portfolios such
as Social Affairs, Education, or Women’s Affairs, more women are acceding to “hard” ministerial
portfolios like Defense, Foreign Affairs, and the Environment. Ideally, the importance of the
“soft” issues should be stressed, while all elements in government should work to establish the
presence of women—and women of color—in all areas, soft and hard.
Given these points, I can note that this paper demonstrates findings that transcend the
women and politics literature that touches on traditional media and gendering. As previously
underscored, there are countless examples of the media gendering women politicians and women
of color politicians. However, self-gendering or “doing gender” are vastly different in the results
they produce in comparison to the simpler notion of external gendering. Typically, gendering in
!33

traditional media is predisposed to concentrate on the physical appearance of a woman or other
elements of her personal identity that may stereotypically cast her in a less competent light. As
this paper has shown, when a woman of color self-genders and focuses her legislative output on
women’s issues or family/compassion issues, she expresses her own political agency.
In the future, new media may be used like traditional media as a gendering tool, however,
as of the present, it functions differently and supports self gendering in regard to Twitter,
Facebook, and YouTube. In this paper, I also establish the tenuous importance of intersectionality
in the social media use of women of color politicians. Minimally, I can document that some
reference to intersectionality exists. Moving forward, then, the content analysis coding forms1
used in this project’s research design can be a tool for studying intersectionality in new media
through replication or via the exploration of blogs and comment forums. Just as well, this paper’s
research design would also function effectively in studying intersectionality in traditional media.
Ultimately, future research in this area should certainly consider blogs, bearing in mind
that finding authoritative sources that adequately comment on the legislative activities of women
of color Members of Congress is difficult. When considered preliminarily for this project, blogs
were not found to have enough content or adequately survey the population of WOC Members of
Congress. Still, local blogs in each congressional district, if found, might be a more relevant and
consistent tool in studying gendering. Further, should a future researcher choose to devote
attention to the comments sections of Facebook, YouTube, and Twitter, the existence of “trolls”
should not be overlooked. If these “troll” comments—made usually in large number by
!34
See Appendix A1

anonymous individuals simply to provoke or cause harm—are gendered, a scholar would need to
bear in mind the question of the authoritative source.
Again, in regard to intersectionality, I found important instances of its discussion
surrounding the topic of young men of color and the challenges they face in American society.
This is as gendered a matter as women of color in the United States, so more study should be
allocated to expand its presence in the literature. Finally, a major question that arises from this
research is if men concentrate on or highlight many of the same policies as women, especially in
regard to compassion issues like human rights, raising the wage, and health care. If so, are these
issues really then gendered? A comparison study would shed light on this uncertainty.
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Appendix A
Content Analysis
Twitter
Date of tweet
Name of politician
Twitter handle
Race/Ethnicity
1-African American
2-Asian
3-Latina
Marital Status
0-Single
1-Married
Maternal Status
0-Not a mother
1-Mother
Age
0-Younger (30s, 40s)
1-Olders (50s, 60s)
Describe topic of tweet in one, short phrase
!42

Is gender mentioned? (referring to her gender identity or aspects of it, including her
appearance, age, marital status, maternal status, gender expectations, feminine/masculine
characteristics, or policies related to women’s issues, family/social/compassion issues)
0-No
1-Yes
Is race or ethnicity mentioned?
0-No
1-Yes
Is family status mentioned?
0-No
1-Yes
Is age mentioned?
0-No
1-Yes
What is mentioned that pertains to gender? (Select up to two)
I
0-Not mentioned
1-appearance
2-age
3-husband/partner/marital status
4-children/maternal status
5-gender stereotypes/gender expectations
6-feminine/masculine characteristics/emotions/actions
7-policy related to women’s issues, family/social/compassion issues2
8-other, fill in
II
0-Not mentioned
1-appearance
2-age
!43
Women’s issues include women’s rights, discrimination, sexual harassment, women’s access to education and2
income, and women’s health. Family/social/compassion issues refer to issues that traditionally have been associated
with women and include children and family, education, health, public/social welfare, and the environment

7-policy related to women’s issues, family/social/compassion issues
8-other, fill in
If number 7 was selected, indicate which type of issue was mentioned.
0-Not mentioned
1-women’s issues
2-family/social/compassion issues
If identified as an advocate of women’s issues or family/social/compassion issues, is this
particularly related in any way to race?
0-No/Not mentioned
1-Yes
What is mentioned that pertains to race or ethnicity? (Select up to two)
I
0-Not mentioned
1-physical appearance related to race
2-social persona related to race3
3-cultural elements related to race
4-other, fill in
II
0-Not mentioned
2-social persona related to race
4-other, fill in
Is the politician identified as young or old?
0-no, not identified as young or old
1-yes, identified as young
2-yes, identified as old
Is the politician identified as a mother?
0-N/A
1-Yes
2-No
Is the politician identified as either a wife or as single?
0-N/A
!44
Social or political persona: elements of politician’s persona regarding social or political that may be racialized3

1-yes, wife
2-yes, single
Content Analysis
Facebook
Date of post
Name of politician
Describe topic of post in one, short phrase
Race/Ethnicity
1-African American
2-Asian
3-Latina
Marital Status
0-Single
1-Married
Maternal Status
0-Not a mother
1-Mother
Age
1-Olders (50s, 60s)
Describe topic of tweet in one, short phrase
0-No
1-Yes
0-No
1-Yes
!45

0-No
1-Yes
Is age mentioned?
0-No
1-Yes
What is mentioned that pertains to gender? (Select up to two)
I
0-Not mentioned
1-appearance
2-age
8-other, fill in
II
0-Not mentioned
1-appearance
2-age
8-other, fill in
0-Not mentioned
1-women’s issues
0-No/Not mentioned
1-Yes
!46

I
0-Not mentioned
4-other, fill in
II
0-Not mentioned
4-other, fill in
Is the politician identified as a mother?
0-N/A
1-Yes
2-No
Is the politician identified as either a wife or as single?
0-N/A
1-yes, wife
2-yes, single
Content Analysis
YouTube
Date of video
Name of channel
Video URL
!47

Name of politician
Describe topic of video in one, short phrase
Race/Ethnicity
1-African American
2-Asian
3-Latina
Marital Status
0-Single
1-Married
Maternal Status
0-Not a mother
1-Mother
Age
1-Olders (50s, 60s)
0-No
1-Yes
0-No
1-Yes
0-No
1-Yes
Is age mentioned?
0-No
1-Yes
What is mentioned that pertains to gender? (Select up to three)
!48

I
0-Not mentioned
1-appearance
2-age
8-other, fill in
II
0-Not mentioned
1-appearance
2-age
8-other, fill in
III
0-Not mentioned
1-appearance
2-age
8-other, fill in
0-Not mentioned
1-women’s issues
0-No/Not mentioned
1-Yes
!49

I
0-Not mentioned
4-other, fill in
II
0-Not mentioned
4-other, fill in
Is the politician’s physical appearance described?
0-no, physical appearance is not mentioned
1-yes, physical appearance is mentioned
What about the politician’s appearance is mentioned? (Select all that apply)
0-Not mentioned
1-Clothing
2-Hair
3-Face
4-Body/body posture (height included)
5-Other, fill in
How is the politician’s figure described?
0-Not mentioned
1-full figure
2-curvy
3-petite
Is the woman identified as an advocate of social welfare?
0-No
1-Yes
!50

Is that (previous question) mentioned in regard to race or gender?
0-N/A
1-No
2-Yes
Regardless of race, are any of the following descriptors used in regard to the politician?
(Select up to three)
I
0-N/A
1-loud
2-assertive/aggressive
3-sapphire (or its definition)
4-jezebel (or its definition)
5-welfare queen
6-angry
7-independent (as in independent black woman)
8-quiet
9-meek, docile, submissive, obedient
10-China doll
11-smart
12-exotic (or related)
13-familial (or related)
14-hot/sexy/sensual
15-passionate/feisty/loud
16-religious
17-spicy
18-devious/manipulative
19-other, fill in
II
0-N/A
1-loud
5-welfare queen
6-angry
8-quiet
10-China doll
11-smart
!51

14-hot/sexy/sensual
16-religious
17-spicy
19-other, fill in
III
0-N/A
1-loud
5-welfare queen
6-angry
8-quiet
10-China doll
11-smart
14-hot/sexy/sensual
16-religious
17-spicy
19-other, fill in
If African American, is the politician described with any of the following descriptors?
(Select up to three)
I
0-N/A
1-loud
5-welfare queen
6-angry
!52

8-other, fill in
II
0-N/A
1-loud
5-welfare queen
6-angry
8-other, fill in
III
0-N/A
1-loud
5-welfare queen
6-angry
8-other, fill in
If Asian American, is the politician described with any of the following descriptors? (Select
up to three)
I
0-N/A
1-quiet
3-China doll
4-smart
7-other, fill in
II
0-N/A
1-quiet
3-China doll
4-smart
!53

7-other, fill in
III
0-N/A
1-quiet
3-China doll
4-smart
If Latina, is the politician described with any of the following descriptors? (Select up to
three)
I
0-N/A
1-hot/sexy/sensual
3-religious
4-exotic/spicy
7-other, fill in
II
0-N/A
1-hot/sexy/sensual
3-religious
4-exotic/spicy
7-other, fill in
III
0-N/A
1-hot/sexy/sensual
3-religious
4-exotic/spicy
!54

7-other, fill in
Are any of the following words stereotypically associated with femininity used to describe
the politician? (Select up to three)
I
0-N/A
1-dependent
2-emotional
3-passive
4-sensitive
5-quiet
6-graceful
7-innocent
8-weak
9-flirtatious
10-nurturing
11-self-critical
12-soft
13-submissive
14-accepting
II
0-N/A
1-dependent
2-emotional
3-passive
4-sensitive
5-quiet
6-graceful
7-innocent
8-weak
9-flirtatious
10-nurturing
11-self-critical
12-soft
13-submissive
14-accepting
III
!55

0-N/A
1-dependent
2-emotional
3-passive
4-sensitive
5-quiet
6-graceful
7-innocent
8-weak
9-flirtatious
10-nurturing
11-self-critical
12-soft
13-submissive
14-accepting
13-submissive
14-accepting
Are any of the following words stereotypically associated with masculinity used to describe
the politician?
I
0-N/A
1-indepdent
2-non-emotional
3-aggressive
4-tough/tough/thick-skinned
5-competitive
6-clumsy
7-experienced
8-strong
9-active
10-self-confident
11-hard
12-dominant
13-rebellious
II
0-N/A
1-indepdent
2-non-emotional
3-aggressive
!56

5-competitive
6-clumsy
7-experienced
8-strong
9-active
10-self-confident
11-hard
12-dominant
13-rebellious
III
0-N/A
1-indepdent
2-non-emotional
3-aggressive
5-competitive
6-clumsy
7-experienced
8-strong
9-active
10-self-confident
11-hard
12-dominant
13-rebellious
!57

Appendix B
In order to select these ten women to investigate, I first organized the vital information of
all women of color in Congress into a spreadsheet. From there I sought to replicate a distribution
Name Race Age
Family
Status District Party
Donna Edwards African American 55 divorced mother MD 4th
Democra
t
Marcia Fudge African American 61 single OH 11th
Democra
t
Robin L. Kelly African American 57 married IL 2nd
Democra
t
Barbara
Lee African American 67 single mother CA 13th
Democra
t
Sheila Jackson Lee African American 63
married with
children TX 18th
Democra
t
Doris Matsui Asian American 60
widow with
children CA 6th
Democra
t
Grace Meng Asian American 38
married with
children NY 6th
Democra
t
Jaime H. Beutler Latina 34
married with
children WA 3rd
Republic
an
Grace Napolitano Latina 76
married with
children CA 32nd
Democra
t
Ileana Ros-
Lehtinen Latina 61
married with
children FL 27th
Republic
an
!58

of race in my selections that reflected that of the actual House of Representatives. As closely as
possible, I looked for an appropriate number of women who were younger or older, single or
married, mother or not a mother, as well as two Republican women, in order to reveal patterns
once I had isolated particular variables. The results prompted the selection of these ten women.
As an example, since I sought to determine how race affects gendering, it was necessary to
control for age and family status. I selected two African American women, Sheila Jackson Lee
and Robin Kelly; one Latina woman, Grace Napolitano; and one Asian American woman, Doris
Matsui, all with almost identical family statuses and very similar in age. With race still varied, I
would be able to determine if race affected how they gendered themselves through social media.
Appendix C
Different forms of gendering
Appearance: any reference to physical appearance—including figure, clothing, hair, makeup, etc.
Age: any reference to age or youth of the politician or of others, such as seniors
Husband/partner/marital status: any reference to a woman’s partner or marital status
Children/maternal status: any reference to a woman’s children or maternal status, or to children
in general
Gender stereotypes/gender expectations: reference to typical gender stereotypes or to particular
challenges faced by each gender
Feminine/masculine characteristics/emotions/actions: references to particular characteristics or
emotions of a woman or other entity that is usually termed feminine or masculine
Policy or position related to women’s issues, family/social/compassion issues:
reference to any policy or political stance related to women’s issues, which include women’s
rights, discrimination, sexual harassment, women’s access to education and income, and
women’s health; family/social/compassion issues, which refer to issues that traditionally have
been associated with women and include children and family, education, health, public/social
welfare, and the environment
!59

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