This study examines political ideological divides and views on assistance to the poor in the United States. Survey data from the General Social Survey is analyzed, looking at the relationship between income level, political ideology, and views on spending on assistance to the poor. The results show that lower-income individuals and those who identify as more liberal are more likely to believe not enough is spent on assistance. However, a majority across all income levels and political ideologies believe too little is spent. Ethnographic interviews provide further qualitative insight. The findings contradict some prior literature by suggesting the political divide on this issue may not be as stark as portrayed.
December 26, 2017 "Information Clearing House" - Gallup headlined on December 18th, “Americans View Government as Nation’s Top Problem in 2017”. Their report made clear that though this finding was unprecedented, it’s part of a longer-term trend, toward Americans naming America’s own “government as the most important problem facing the nation.” In a democracy, the public do not view the nation’s government to be (as in America) their enemy (which is the case if they view the “government as the most important problem facing the nation”). Americans increasingly view the Government as their enemy.
December 26, 2017 "Information Clearing House" - Gallup headlined on December 18th, “Americans View Government as Nation’s Top Problem in 2017”. Their report made clear that though this finding was unprecedented, it’s part of a longer-term trend, toward Americans naming America’s own “government as the most important problem facing the nation.” In a democracy, the public do not view the nation’s government to be (as in America) their enemy (which is the case if they view the “government as the most important problem facing the nation”). Americans increasingly view the Government as their enemy.
Our two main political parties are at a crossroads. Can a consumer marketing lens reveal a way forward?
By Stacy Baas and Samantha Cabaluna
Full text of the report available at https://www.baasstrategy.com/blog/making-sense-of-the-moment-b4tsw
High coordination costs are often identified as the reason for the low quality of public goods available to the poor. We report findings from a unique combination of a village-randomized controlled trial and a lab-in-the-field experiment. An in-depth survey of 1,600 women before and after an intervention establishing membership-based organizations in one of the poorest districts in India shows that the presence of these groups increased villagers’ capacity to address water delivery problems, and improved access to, and quality of, water service. Public goods games with over 200 participants in a subset of control and treatment villages show that the presence of village groups increased cooperation among both members and non-members in treated villages. We find little evidence that cooperation is facilitated by more common tastes among group members. These results suggest that, in contrast to traditional community development programs, membership groups can help poor communities build social capital.
This paper presents the results of a new monitoring project of the US presidential elections with the aim of establishing computer-based tools to track in real time the popularity or awareness of candidates. The designed and developed innovative methods allow us to extract the frequency of queries sent to numerous search engines by US Internet users. Based on these data, this paper demonstrates that Trump was more frequently searched than the Democratic candidates, either Hillary Clinton in 2016 or Joe Biden in 2020. When analyzing the topics, it is observed that in 2020 the US users had shown a remarkable interest in two subjects, namely, Coronavirus and Jobs (unemployment). Interest for other topics such as Education or Healthcare were less pronounced while issues such as Immigration were given even less attention by users. Finally, some “flame” topics such as Black Lives Matter (2020) and Gun Control (2016) appear to be very popular for a few weeks before returning to a low level of interest. When analyzing tweets sent by candidates during the 2020 campaign, one can observe that Trump was focused mainly on Jobs and on Riots, announcing what would happen if Democrats took power. To these negative ads, Biden answered by putting forward moral values (e.g., love, honesty) and political symbols (e.g., democracy, rights) and by underlying the failure of the current administration in resolving the pandemic situation.
Alsindi 1Dhari Alsindi Professor Cole POLS 372 14 April .docxnettletondevon
Alsindi 1
Dhari Alsindi
Professor Cole
POLS 372
14 April 2016
Homework #5
Poverty is responsible for a decrease in voter turnout. Therefore, what are the main components of poverty contributing to a decrease in voter turnout? The following essay will explore the significant voting factors that play a role in the poverty stricken societies. One indicator commonly used to measure voter turnout is the proportion of individuals who participate in the political system. Defining the underlying effects of decreasing voter turnout rates can be challenging. A low turnout may be due to disappointment or indifference, or even complacent satisfaction with the way the nation is being governed. Contrariwise, a high turnout rate may reflect compulsory voting laws or pressure. Voter turnout therefore societies do not maintain sufficient indicator of social cohesion. The vast majority of political analysts, however, consider a high voter turnout to be desirable to a low turnout because it indicates that the government is inclined to reflect the benefits of a larger share of the population. Low voter turnout suggests that the democratic system may not be replicating the happiness of all citizens. Voter turnout tends to be decrease among youth, those who are less educated, and those in lower income brackets.
Literature Review
The following article titled “Income Inequality, Redistribution, and Poverty: Contrasting Rational Choice and Behavioral Perspectives” written by Malte Luebker explores the difference in political representation from citizens according to their income. Income plays a large role within political participation in the United States of America. The article is grounded on the “standard axiom of individual utility maximization”. The author effectively offers research suggesting individuals who earn a higher income inequality translates into greater participation in influencing the median voter's participation. While numerous scholarly articles tested this suggestion, the journal continues through offering separated over the applicable degree for redistribution. The article often refers to additional articles that argue similar aspects. However, the current paper argues that the median voter theory suggests that comparative redistribution should rise in line with poverty. The article also provides empirical evidence. An empirical test was presented based on 110 observations from the Luxembourg Income Study ( LIS ). The results test the narrow concept of human motivation that supports rational choice, and highlight the importance of justice orientations that have been stressed in social economics.
The article “What Affects Voter Turnout” by André Blais explores significant information related to the reasons why the United States faces lower voter turnout rates as opposed to other regions. The article mentions an effective question, “Why is turnout higher in some countries and/or in some elections than in others? And Why does it increase .
Our two main political parties are at a crossroads. Can a consumer marketing lens reveal a way forward?
By Stacy Baas and Samantha Cabaluna
Full text of the report available at https://www.baasstrategy.com/blog/making-sense-of-the-moment-b4tsw
High coordination costs are often identified as the reason for the low quality of public goods available to the poor. We report findings from a unique combination of a village-randomized controlled trial and a lab-in-the-field experiment. An in-depth survey of 1,600 women before and after an intervention establishing membership-based organizations in one of the poorest districts in India shows that the presence of these groups increased villagers’ capacity to address water delivery problems, and improved access to, and quality of, water service. Public goods games with over 200 participants in a subset of control and treatment villages show that the presence of village groups increased cooperation among both members and non-members in treated villages. We find little evidence that cooperation is facilitated by more common tastes among group members. These results suggest that, in contrast to traditional community development programs, membership groups can help poor communities build social capital.
This paper presents the results of a new monitoring project of the US presidential elections with the aim of establishing computer-based tools to track in real time the popularity or awareness of candidates. The designed and developed innovative methods allow us to extract the frequency of queries sent to numerous search engines by US Internet users. Based on these data, this paper demonstrates that Trump was more frequently searched than the Democratic candidates, either Hillary Clinton in 2016 or Joe Biden in 2020. When analyzing the topics, it is observed that in 2020 the US users had shown a remarkable interest in two subjects, namely, Coronavirus and Jobs (unemployment). Interest for other topics such as Education or Healthcare were less pronounced while issues such as Immigration were given even less attention by users. Finally, some “flame” topics such as Black Lives Matter (2020) and Gun Control (2016) appear to be very popular for a few weeks before returning to a low level of interest. When analyzing tweets sent by candidates during the 2020 campaign, one can observe that Trump was focused mainly on Jobs and on Riots, announcing what would happen if Democrats took power. To these negative ads, Biden answered by putting forward moral values (e.g., love, honesty) and political symbols (e.g., democracy, rights) and by underlying the failure of the current administration in resolving the pandemic situation.
Alsindi 1Dhari Alsindi Professor Cole POLS 372 14 April .docxnettletondevon
Alsindi 1
Dhari Alsindi
Professor Cole
POLS 372
14 April 2016
Homework #5
Poverty is responsible for a decrease in voter turnout. Therefore, what are the main components of poverty contributing to a decrease in voter turnout? The following essay will explore the significant voting factors that play a role in the poverty stricken societies. One indicator commonly used to measure voter turnout is the proportion of individuals who participate in the political system. Defining the underlying effects of decreasing voter turnout rates can be challenging. A low turnout may be due to disappointment or indifference, or even complacent satisfaction with the way the nation is being governed. Contrariwise, a high turnout rate may reflect compulsory voting laws or pressure. Voter turnout therefore societies do not maintain sufficient indicator of social cohesion. The vast majority of political analysts, however, consider a high voter turnout to be desirable to a low turnout because it indicates that the government is inclined to reflect the benefits of a larger share of the population. Low voter turnout suggests that the democratic system may not be replicating the happiness of all citizens. Voter turnout tends to be decrease among youth, those who are less educated, and those in lower income brackets.
Literature Review
The following article titled “Income Inequality, Redistribution, and Poverty: Contrasting Rational Choice and Behavioral Perspectives” written by Malte Luebker explores the difference in political representation from citizens according to their income. Income plays a large role within political participation in the United States of America. The article is grounded on the “standard axiom of individual utility maximization”. The author effectively offers research suggesting individuals who earn a higher income inequality translates into greater participation in influencing the median voter's participation. While numerous scholarly articles tested this suggestion, the journal continues through offering separated over the applicable degree for redistribution. The article often refers to additional articles that argue similar aspects. However, the current paper argues that the median voter theory suggests that comparative redistribution should rise in line with poverty. The article also provides empirical evidence. An empirical test was presented based on 110 observations from the Luxembourg Income Study ( LIS ). The results test the narrow concept of human motivation that supports rational choice, and highlight the importance of justice orientations that have been stressed in social economics.
The article “What Affects Voter Turnout” by André Blais explores significant information related to the reasons why the United States faces lower voter turnout rates as opposed to other regions. The article mentions an effective question, “Why is turnout higher in some countries and/or in some elections than in others? And Why does it increase .
Poverty is associated with political conflict in developing countries, but evidence of individual grievances translating into dissent among the poor is mixed. We analyze survey data from 40 developing nations to understand the determinants radicalism, support for violence, and participation in legal anti-regime actions as petitions, demonstrations, and strikes. In particular, we examine the role of perceived political and economic inequities. Our findings suggest that individuals who feel marginalized tend to harbor extremist resentments against the government, but they are generally less likely to join collective political movements that aim to instigate regime changes. This potentially explains the commonly-observed pattern in low- and middle-income countries whereby marginalized groups, despite their political attitudes and high-levels of community engagement, are more difficult to mobilize in nation-wide movements. We also find that arenas for active political participation (beyond voting) are more likely to be dominated by upper-middle income groups who are committed, ultimately, to preserving the status quo. Suppressing these forms of political action may thus be counterproductive, if it pushes these groups towards more radical preferences. Finally, our findings suggest that the poor, in developing nations, may be caught in a vicious circle of self-exclusion and greater marginalization.
Anders Olofsgård (with R. Desai and T. Yousef).
Running Head WEALTH INEQULITIES AND DEMOCRACY1WEALTH INEQULI.docxtoltonkendal
Running Head: WEALTH INEQULITIES AND DEMOCRACY1
WEALTH INEQULITIES AND DEMOCRACY 14
Wealth Inequalities and Democracy Rough Draft
Your Name
GEN 499 General Education
Professor’s Name
6 February 2017
Introduction
Economic inequality refers to a condition whereby there is the disparity in the distribution of wealth and income between various groups of individuals in the society. This is usually related to the concept “the poor get poorer as the richer get richer.” This phrase more particularly refers to the gap in the distribution of assets or the income from the richest segment of the society and the poorest individuals in the nation. While income refers to the amount of money an individual or household earns per year, wealth refers to the value of that individual or household overall. The calculation of wealth is done by subtraction of debt from assets, and in various ways, it is a more accurate window into the racial and economic disparity in America as well as the entire world. While it is significant to understand the gaps in income as part of the cycle of drawbacks and benefits in the United States, wealth represents the command grounded on the financial resources that have been accumulated by the family over its lifetime together with wealth that has been inherited by individuals across generations (Loffredo, 2001, p. 147). When such resources are combined with the income, the opportunity can be created to secure the “good life” in whatever fashion is required—business, health, comfort, training, justice and many others
In spite of the fact that fundamental ideas have entered the consciousness of the public, the influences of the highly concentrated wealth are excitedly debated and not well conceptualized by the observers. Various studies attribute both the benefits and negative impacts of the pronounced degree of wealth inequality. Certain studies postulate that inequalities in income can be social beneficial despite high probabilities in its negative influences in the society.
The global trends have contributed to the rise in the concentration of wealth within small groups of individuals. Even though some techniques used in the calculation of the global economic inequalities indicates little variation in the distribution of wealth, various methods used in the calculation of wealth or income tend to produce different results. A good number of global wealth analysts have concluded that inequality is generally on the rise. For instance, in 2013, half of the global population owned almost half of all the global wealth.
Wealth and income are necessarily not correlated, and a great variation exists in wealth within categories of income. This paper will first discuss the factors leading to wealth inequalities before discussing the systematic factors that perpetuate and reflect the increasing gap between the poorer and wealthy individuals in the United States. The relationship between economic inequality and ethnicity/race ...
Report #3 Changing Public Opinion Before beginning this MoseStaton39
Report #3: Changing Public Opinion
Before beginning this assignment, make certain that you have read Chapter 6 in your text (“Public Opinion
and Political Action”), the 2021 Pew Research Center Report titled “Americans See Broad Responsibilities for
Government; Little Change Since 2019” (March 17), and the 2020 article by Eli Finkel et al. from Science titled,
“Political Sectarianism in America” (October, Vol. 370, Issue 6516). Then write a brief report that contains
three separate sections that address all the points in each set of questions. Notice the expected word count
for each section (exceeding the word count will not negatively affect your grade, but please try to stay within
the range).
1. Relying on the Pew Research Center Report, briefly summarize what Americans think about the role
of the federal government in addressing various policy issues (indicate specific areas and indicate
where support is strongest and where it is weakest). Also, describe general levels of trust of and
contentment with the federal government and indicate what changes can be detected over time.
(approximately 150-200 words)
2. How do attitudes about federal government responsibilities differ by age, race, income, and
partisanship (Democrats and Republicans)? Be sure to indicate where the differences are the least and
where they are the greatest on each of these dimensions (age, race, income, and partisanship).
(approximately 150-200 words)
3. Based on your reading of “Political Sectarianism in America,” (a) summarize the article’s major
findings, (b) list and describe the three causes identified for the increase in political sectarianism, and
(c) identify and elaborate on a few of the consequences of this trend. (approximately 150-200 words)
Be careful not to plagiarize. If you want to quote directly, do so using quotation marks (giving the page number
if available). But try to do this sparingly and simply use your own words in addressing the questions.
In your writing, use an analytical tone that is free of your personal opinions. In other words, try to answer the
questions in a straightforward and objective manner.
When you are done, save the document as a Word file or as an Adobe PDF file (it cannot be Google docs, etc.)
and upload it through Moodle (these parts are very important!). Papers not uploaded by the deadline will receive
a grade penalty.
WARNING: This is an individual assignment and you are to do your own work. Use of another person’s
words without proper citation or copying from another student’s paper is considered plagiarism. All papers are
checked and retained in a plagiarism software program to identify cheating. Any suspicion of plagiarism or
other violations of the university’s academic conduct policies are turned over to the Dean of Students.
Links to the articles:
Pew Report: "Americans See Broad Responsibilities for Government"
Science: "Political Sectarianism in America"
...
Journal of Economic Perspectives—Volume 27, Number 3—Summer 20.docxpriestmanmable
Journal of Economic Perspectives—Volume 27, Number 3—Summer 2013—Pages 103–124
DD uring the past two generations, democratic forms have coexisted with uring the past two generations, democratic forms have coexisted with massive increases in economic inequality in the United States and many massive increases in economic inequality in the United States and many other advanced democracies. Moreover, these new inequalities have other advanced democracies. Moreover, these new inequalities have
primarily benefi ted the top 1 percent and even the top .01 percent. These groups primarily benefi ted the top 1 percent and even the top .01 percent. These groups
seem suffi ciently small that economic inequality could be held in check by political seem suffi ciently small that economic inequality could be held in check by political
equality in the form of “one person, one vote.”equality in the form of “one person, one vote.”
Indeed, the notion that inequality should be at least partially self-correcting Indeed, the notion that inequality should be at least partially self-correcting
in a democracy has a long pedigree in economic theory. In the canonical model of in a democracy has a long pedigree in economic theory. In the canonical model of
Meltzer and Richard (1981), increased inequality (in the form of median incomes Meltzer and Richard (1981), increased inequality (in the form of median incomes
falling relative to average incomes) leads the median voter to demand more redistri-falling relative to average incomes) leads the median voter to demand more redistri-
bution, so that politics should limit after-tax and -transfer inequality. Redistribution bution, so that politics should limit after-tax and -transfer inequality. Redistribution
is limited, however, by the consequences of how the higher rates of taxation reduce is limited, however, by the consequences of how the higher rates of taxation reduce
labor supply. A stripped-down version of this model, with similar implications, is labor supply. A stripped-down version of this model, with similar implications, is
the model developed by Bolton and Roland (1999), where redistribution is limited the model developed by Bolton and Roland (1999), where redistribution is limited
through deadweight loss in taxation. These early approaches (see also Romer 1975) through deadweight loss in taxation. These early approaches (see also Romer 1975)
assume that politics is majoritarian, equal (one person, one vote) and with full assume that politics is majoritarian, equal (one person, one vote) and with full
participation (all economic agents vote).participation (all economic agents vote).
Why Hasn’t Democracy Slowed Rising
Inequality?
■ ■ Adam Bonica is Assistant Professor of Political Science, Stanford University, Stanford, Adam Bonica is Assistant Professor of Political Science, Stanford University, Stanford,
California. Nolan McCarty is Susan Dod Brown Professor of Politics and Public Affairs, ...
The TRUTH About POLITICS
Executive Summary
by Truth Well Told Agency & McCANN
________________________________
"La verdad acerca de la política"
Resumen Ejecutivo
por Truth Well Told Agency y McCANN
Oligarchy rules democracy: Testing Theories of American Politics: Elites, Int...Sadanand Patwardhan
Each of four theoretical traditions in the study of American politics – which can be characterized as theories of Majoritarian Electoral Democracy, Economic Elite Domination, and two types of interest group pluralism, Majoritarian Pluralism and Biased Pluralism – offers different predictions about which sets of actors have how much influence over public policy: average citizens; economic elites; and organized interest groups, mass-based or business-oriented. A great deal of empirical research speaks to the policy influence of one or another set of actors, but until recently it has not been possible to test these contrasting theoretical predictions against each other within a single statistical model. This paper reports on an effort to do so, using a unique data set that includes measures of the key variables for 1,779 policy issues. Multivariate analysis indicates that economic elites and organized groups representing business interests have substantial independent impacts on U.S. government policy, while average citizens and mass-based interest groups have little or no independent influence. The results provide substantial support for theories of Economic Elite Domination and for theories of Biased Pluralism, but not for theories of Majoritarian Electoral Democracy or Majoritarian Pluralism. The study is by Martin Gilens, Princeton University and Benjamin I. Page, Northwestern University.
You must also respond to this students discussion post. Respo.docxdavezstarr61655
You must also respond to this student's discussion post.
Response posts have a 75 word minimum
Prompt3:
Can democracy be sustained when so few people are involved in the political system? Voter turnout in a local election can run less than 10 percent, yet local governments are the ones that affect people more closely on a daily basis. Why don’t more people vote in America? Explain.
Melissa Marrero
A democracy is a form of government in which the ultimate authority is bestowed upon the people and explicitly expressed within them under a free political society. This is reflected in that the government depends on factors such as the political system. With few people participating, an increase in involvement in old and new ways would come at the risk of a growing gap between the economically wealthy and the financially disadvantaged (Bpp, L., Bruno El-Khoury, I., & Bhusal, T., 2017). The political governance that impacts voters can be attributed to voter apathy on how the control system function in democracy, particularly at the state level. This could be a disparity between how the electorate feel and what they encounter, and this may lead to disaster at general elections and a poor turnout (Khalid, A., Gonyea, D., & Fadel, L., 2018). Despite their participation, others are ignorant of the shift in a country's rise in voter turnout. Often people don't like neither politicians, not polling is a sign of rejection. Many cases voters can't even distinguish between politicians, which drives them not to cast a ballot because they are not interested in obtaining information about candidates.
References
Bpp, L., Bruno El-Khoury, I., & Bhusal, T. (2017, August 24). Is citizen participation actually good for democracy? Retrieved August 02, 2020, from
https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/is-citizen-participation-actually-good-for-democracy/
Ginsberg, B., Lowi, T., Weir, M., Tolbert, C., Campbell, A., & Spitzer, R (2019).
We the people.
New York. W. W. Norton & Company.
Khalid, A., Gonyea, D., & Fadel, L. (2018, September 10). On The Sidelines Of Democracy: Exploring Why So Many Americans Don't Vote. Retrieved August 02, 2020, from https://www.npr.org/2018/09/10/645223716/on-the-sidelines-of-democracy-exploring-why-so-many-americans-dont-vote
.
1. University of California, Irvine
Political Ideological Divides and Actual Views
Michael Silverman
Sociology 180AW: Majors Seminar
Dr. Sam Gilmore
May 26, 2015
2. Silverman 1
Introduction:
In the modern political environment of the United States there is a clear, growing rift that
divides the country ideologically. In this day and age it appears as if the two-party political
system in America has become more like a sports team rivalry than an arena for addressing the
issues concerning the nation. It seems to be less about actual beliefs and identifying with a larger
group that represents these beliefs and more about the other side being the evil rivalry, the
enemy. But is this antithetical state really representative of Americans’ viewpoints?
Researchers and the media have demonstrated that there are many points within the
political party divide where opinions can differ. From civil rights and Federal power to
immigration and health care, the facets of contention are seemingly infinite. In a Pew Research
Center article examining the growing polarization of the United States and just how divided
attitudes are across partisan lines, the data supports that there has been declining support for a
government social safety net since 2009. However, the report clarifies that support for the
government safety net is primarily declining among the Republican and Independent parties and
has remained relatively stable within the Democratic Party (Pew Research Center, 2012). Due to
America’s capitalist economy and two-party political system, wealth is something that most
everyone wants, and more-than-likely everyone wants more of. It has been said that wealth is the
root of all evil, but the counter-argument is that wealth also provides the opportunity for
benevolence and philanthropy. But as the topic of wealth in-itself has a vast number of facets, a
need arose to examine an even smaller focal point: income inequality and assistance to the poor.
To examine this, research is conducted to question whether there is actually as big of a
rift dividing Americans ideologically as the media and other research facilities suggest. To begin
3. Silverman 2
exploring this separation, this study investigates how political ideology affects views on
assistance to the poor. Through answering this question, a better understanding of modern
political polarization can be discovered. In a Pew Research Center investigation, an examination
of government aid to the poor and how views vary across the typologies that cover the political
spectrum giving poll numbers that indicate conservatives think government aid to the poor does
more harm than good and that the government cannot afford to do more to help the needy,
whereas liberals were the polar opposite (Pew Research Center, 2014).
Using income inequality and assistance to the poor as a focal point, this research begins
by looking at and assessing literature and research that other people and/or entities have explored
to get a baseline for how other researchers have identified the divide, and possibly even tried to
explain its existence. Next, an exploration of publicly accessible data in the General Social
Survey provided by The National Data Program for the Sciences, through the National Opinion
Research Center at the University of Chicago is conducted and analyzed, examining how annual
income and political ideology [independent variables] affect outlooks on assistance to the poor
[dependent variable]. Then, ethnographic interviews are conducted and analyzed to further
develop the research in a more personal and tangible way. In doing so, the research suggests that
the widely portrayed political divide may not be as glaring as it appears to be. Lastly,
conclusions, areas for possible further exploration, and limitations on the scope of the project
that were encountered are discussed.
Literature Review:
Larry Bartels (2004) investigates patterns of growth in pre-tax income comparing the
effects of Democratic and Republican presidents on this growth, post-World War II. Using
4. Silverman 3
available census bureau data, it is an examination of income growth across a quintile distribution
of income of the American population. It is also an examination of the growth of income
disparity in America and how Democrat and Republican presidents have been influential factors
in these areas of growth and distancing. Bartels finds that, despite the general long-term trend of
increasing income disparity post 1945, it is clear to see the growth of the income disparity
primarily occurred under Republican presidents: The income ratio between the 80th and 20th
percentiles increased during the presidencies of the five Republican presidents during that time
(Eisenhower, Nixon, Ford, Reagan, and George H.W. Bush), while the income ratio between the
80th and 20th percentiles actually decreases during four out of five Democratic presidents, the
exception being Jimmy Carter (Bartels 2004). This study establishes support for the claim that
there has been a growing income disparity in the United States for the past several decades. It
also suggests that there is a growing rift between Democrats and Republicans at least partly
based on the existence of expanding income disparity.
Krogstad and Parker (2014) discuss views on government assistance to those in poverty
examined and broken down by income levels. It determines that a majority of those polled (51%)
say that the government can’t afford to do much more to help the needy, whereas the minority
(43%) say that the government should do more regardless of whether that means sinking further
into debt or not. It also showed that overall there is a relatively even divide amongst those polled
about whether or not poor people have harder lives because they need assistance or have easier
lives because they have access to assistance. The investigation also demonstrates a dramatic
difference in both of the aforementioned topics based on income levels; that those who have a
lower annual income typically support the notion that the government should do more, and that
the poor live hard lives whereas those who have a higher annual income support the opposite
5. Silverman 4
(Krogstad and Parker 2014). This article provides statistical information that is thematically
congruent with my data and analysis, and provides a basis for comparison/contrast.
Tromborg (2014) discusses how cuts to welfare state spending can be an effective tool in
fiscal consolidation, and how much of the scholarly literature on welfare reform has an emphasis
on voter opposition particularly when taking the state of government debt into account. He finds
that a government that is in debt (like the United States’) has an overall negative effect on the
size of the welfare state when the median voter does not oppose cuts to assistance to the poor. He
also finds that the effects are harsher on programs designed to protect labor market risks (like
unemployment) than programs like social security (Tromborg, 2014). This research relates to the
present research by indicating where cuts to assistance to the poor are likely to be if a majority of
voters does not oppose these types of cuts. It provides a base for speculation into why significant
cuts haven’t been made in programs that assist the poor in America, as the results show later that
a majority of individuals support assistance to the poor. It also provides a basis for speculation
for why there isn’t more spending on assistance to the poor since America is a country that is
entrenched in debt.
Ludwig, et al. (2012) investigates how the neighborhood in which a person lives affects
long-term well-being. This provides sound support for why it should be important for assistance
to the poor to be sustained, if not supplemented further. In their research, it is discussed that
when a person is moved from one neighborhood to another where there is a one-standard deviate
reduction (13%) in poverty, there is a sizeable effect on the person’s well-being. They clarify
within the article though, that despite not making any direct impact or increase in income level, it
did significantly affect happiness levels (Ludwig, et al. 2012). From this, it is reasonable to
postulate that an improved mental state in a person could lead to positive vertical job growth or
6. Silverman 5
aspirations. In relation to the current research, it can be connected by the idea that any assistance
to the poor, not even necessarily monetarily speaking, can have a positive influence and thus
could indicate why a person would support more assistance to the poor when looking at income
level or political ideology.
Carroll Doherty (2014) examines what the polarization of the political parties in the
United States actually looks like in terms of numbers, and how seven of the key findings from a
political survey taken can be explained and understood. It begins with looking at the political
divide itself, determining that the percentage of Americans who show consistently conservative
or liberal opinions has doubled in the last twenty years, from 10% to 21%. He also provides
percentages for partisan antipathy; essentially a quantifiable way of measuring each party’s
hatred for the other under the statement that the other party is seen as a threat to the well-being of
the nation. Doherty explains several other aspects, like the shrinking of the number of centrists
and people who identify one way spend most of their time with like-minded individuals. This
article is relevant to the present research as it further supports the notion of a rift in American
Society politically (Doherty, 2014). As the idea of a growing rift between the left and the right,
or liberals and conservatives, or Democrats and Republicans, respectively, is established and
supported, focus shifts to seeking support and expansion on the topic of income
inequality/disparity and views on low income assistance in regards to political and income
divisions.
Data and Methods:
To answer the research question, this study utilizes a mixed-methods approach for
investigation. The first method of exploration is utilizing data provided to the public by the
7. Silverman 6
General Social Survey (GSS) which is conducted by the National Opinion Research Center
(NORC) at the University of Chicago. Data is collected from the 2008 GSS. The first
independent variable used is Total Family Income which is recoded into three categories with
percentages as follows: 0 - $24,999 (low) (28.6%); $25,000 - $74,999 (middle) (43.3%);
$75,000-$150,000 or higher (high) (28.1%). Recoding this variable provided the ability to
condense multiple categories into three distinct, smaller, and easy to understand income
categories, based on the notions of low, middle, and high income brackets.
The second independent variable is whether the respondent identifies as liberal,
moderate, or conservative (Political Ideology). This variable is divided and recoded into three
categories with percentages as follows: Extremely Liberal, Liberal, and Slightly Liberal into one
category (liberal) (27.4%); moderate is left as its own category (moderate) (43.3%); Extremely
Conservative, Conservative, and Slightly Conservative make up the last category (conservative)
(28.1%). Political Ideology is recoded in this way to condense multiple categories into fewer and
easier to understand, distinct categories.
The dependent variable is assistance to the poor. The question that is asked is, “are we
spending too much, too little, or about the right amount on assistance to the poor?” It did not
require recoding, and it is coded into 3 categories and had percentages of responses as follows:
Too little (69.6%), About Right (21.7%), Too Much (8.6%).
Using these variables, crosstab analyses determine how respondent’s answers across the
independent variables affect their answer to the dependent variable as a percentage within each
independent variable category. A Chi-square Test for independence determines whether any
relationships that may exist across the variables are due to chance or if their potential
8. Silverman 7
relationship is significant. Following the Chi-square, a Lambda Strength of Association Test is
conducted to test for strength of association. Originally Total Family Income is used as a control
variable, but it did not yield any significant data, so it was kept it as its own independent variable
for more data for analysis and comparisons.
Ethnographic interviews were then conducted to gain data and insight into the research
question. Two interviews were conducted, both of which took place at the interviewees’ private
residences (a suggestion to meet in a neutral, public place, was offered but both said they were
comfortable having me at their home).
My first interviewee is a 28-year old female named Katherine who self-identifies as a
liberal Democrat, who currently identifies as a member of the lower income bracket. She grew
up in Little Rock, Arkansas where she learned to be independent and take care of herself. She
currently lives in Anaheim, California where she works at a large theme park. She has a
bachelor’s degree in Theater from California State University Northridge.
My second interviewee is a 65-year old male named Steve who self-identifies as a
conservative Republican who currently identifies as a member of the middle income bracket. He
grew up just outside of Denver, Colorado in a rural area. He also claimed to be very independent
as a young boy and into his teenage years. He currently lives in Anaheim, California where he
works for a Computer and Numerically Controlled (CNC) Machine shop. His highest level of
education attained is a high school diploma.
Both interviews took place over the course of 45-60 minutes. They were both recorded
audibly for the sake of being able to have a more conversational type interview. The interviews
were also transcribed in order to revisit each individually and both side by side to search for
9. Silverman 8
similarities, differences, and to help create typologies for each person. Before each interview
took place, the interviewee was informed as to why the interview was being conducted, and that
none of their personal or identifying information would be shared, and that they had the ability to
stop the interview at any time for any reason. The interviewees’ responses were used to better
understand, via outside personal insight and hypothesizing, the qualitative findings that will be
discussed in the following section.
Data and Results:
In the crosstab analysis of the first independent variable, Total Family Income, and the
dependent variable, Assistance to the Poor, it is discovered that the majority of people questioned
in the survey felt that society spends too little on assistance to the poor. The highest percentage
was with the lowest income level (78.4%), followed by the middle income level (71.2%), with
the highest income level the lowest (61.7%), for a total of 70.5% of those surveyed agreeing that
we spend too little on the poor.
When examining the Chi-square statistic for these two variables, it was found that there is
a significant association at the 99% level (χ2 = 19.641, p < .001). This with the crosstab shows
that a lower income level is related to the notion that we spend too little on assistance to the poor.
When looking at the Lambda Strength of Association Test the result was inconclusive,
determining that there is no reduction of error in determining how a person feels about spending
on the poor when their income level is known.
The crosstab analysis and the chi-square test results align with the findings of several of
my literature reviews in that the less income a person makes, the more likely it is that they
support the notion that there isn’t enough spending on assistance to the poor. The crosstab also
10. Silverman 9
provides interesting information regarding the point that the majority of those questioned who
are in the highest income bracket also support this notion, just not as strongly. From this it makes
sense that the Lambda strength of association test resulted in inconclusive data, because the
majority of responses were within the single category of spending too little on assistance to the
poor. This result lends itself to contradicting what has been established by outside literature,
particularly that of Krogstad and Parker (2014), that those who identify in the high income levels
are more unfavorable towards assistance to the poor.
In the crosstab analysis of the second independent variable, Political Ideology, and the
dependent variable Assistance to the Poor, there are once again findings that the majority of
people questioned in the survey felt that there is too little being spent on assistance to the poor.
The highest percentage was with those who identify as liberal (81.6%), followed by those who
identify as moderate (74.5%), with those who identify as conservative at the lowest (53.6%), for
a total of 69.0% of those surveyed agreeing that we spend too little on the poor.
When examining the Chi-square statistic for these two variables, it was found that there is
a significant association at the 99% level (χ2 = 64.413, p < .000). This with the crosstab analysis
demonstrates that there is a relationship between political ideology and the notion that we spend
too little on assistance to the poor. When looking at the Lambda Strength of Association Test the
result was inconclusive, determining that there is no reduction of error in determining how a
person feels about spending on the poor when their Political Ideology is known.
Again, it is found that the crosstab analysis and the chi-square test results align with the
findings of several literature reviews in that the more liberal a person identifies, the more likely it
is that they support the notion that there is not enough spending on assistance to the poor. As
11. Silverman 10
with income level, the crosstab also provides interesting information regarding the point that the
majority of those questioned who identify as conservatives also support this notion, just not as
strongly. Because of this, the Lambda strength of association tests results being inconclusive is
not surprising, because a majority of the responses were within the single category of spending
too little on assistance to the poor. These results lends itself to contradicting what has been
established by outside literature, that the majority of those who identify as a conservative look
unfavorably at assistance to the poor.
When analyzing the ethnographic interview data, it was interesting to look at the
comparison and contrast of the two interviewees. When determining typologies for the two
different interviewees, I put heavy weight equally on their differences and their similarities. First,
to explore their similarities, I noticed they were both from relatively rural areas, both from
middle-class families, and they both felt their respective families always provided enough to
survive comfortably. They both said they had grown up rather independently as children into
their teen years, both having a bit of an adventurous/rebellious side, and both were relatively
self-sufficient. They both grew up in somewhat religious households, where politics were hardly
ever really discussed. Both said that their families emphasized a high level of ethics and morals
and that both of their families employed habits of presenting themselves and proper, respectable
people. They both take pride in helping people learn the tools of the specific trades they are
involved in, being a teacher per se. Yet, the most interesting similarity is that they both agreed
that we as a society are not doing or spending enough on assistance to the poor. However, they
both had differing ideas as to why and what the correct approach should be, and rooted in both
all of their similarities and these differing opinions two typologies were developed.
12. Silverman 11
The first typology is that of the older-generation conservative humanitarian, one who
identifies as a conservative who believes in the goodwill to men attitude, but believes that in this
goodwill the poor need to utilize tools provided to them to better take care of themselves. “I
don’t think we’re doing enough, but I don’t think we’re demanding enough out of those people
who would be the [recipients] of this,” (Steve).
The second typology is that of the younger-generation liberal humanitarian, one who
identifies as a liberal, who believes that we as a society are responsible for helping those who
need it, that the success of society as a whole is created by the successes of individuals helping
each other collectively. “We are born free and poor… it takes a village… if everyone did their
part in assisting the poor however they could, then the poor [would] have the tools to help
themselves,” Katherine.
As I explored further into the interviews, it started to become apparent to me that in
reality, outside of their demographic information discussed in the data/methods section, their
differences appear to be modestly skin-deep. Deciding on the typologies for the two interviewees
proved to be challenging considering their seemingly few differences, particularly in political
ideology despite self-identifying as being on opposite ends of the political spectrum. But
analyzing further, a few more of their differences became apparent. They both experienced quite
different educations, one a high school graduate one a college graduate, which could be
investigated further to determine whether education level affects political ideology. Also, they
each grew up in rather different time periods. Steve grew up during the 1950s and 1960s whereas
Katherine grew up in the 1980s and 1990s, which could also provide interesting research
regarding whether or not the era in which a person experiences childhood and adolescence
impacts political ideology. Furthermore, another difference worthy of investigation is their age
13. Silverman 12
difference; with an over 30 year age separation, it could also be postulated that age may have an
effect on political ideology as well. These differences in conjunction with their many
similarities, with special consideration added to the idea that both of their viewpoints resulted in
favoring more assistance to the poor, established the two respective typologies.
Conclusions:
There is myriad support of data that demonstrates a wide split between political
ideologies in which beliefs can be as different as night and day, but there may not be as big a
variation in the actual beliefs of individuals as some research facilities and political pundits say.
When examining the quantitative data, it is discovered that some of the results seem to be rather
typical of what can be read and heard daily in media and other research literature in the world. It
supports the aforementioned observations that there is a large rift in political ideologies and
affiliations in the United States. But a more thorough examination of the quantitative data in this
research sheds light on a side of the story many don’t get, or seem to pay attention to, on a daily
basis. That, surprisingly, the majority of those who identified as conservative in the GSS poll,
along with those who identify as liberals, agreed that there is too little assistance to the poor
being provided. This notion is also supported strongly when examining the qualitative date
through the ethnographic interviews. Through the interviews it is discovered that, at least on this
small scale, there is support for the indication that the quantitative data analysis suggests; that
deviation from the overly-dramatized media portrayal of the political divide exists when
examining said divide on a much finer scale, and under a more analytical lens.
14. Silverman 13
People are individuals despite identifying with an overarching ideology, and as with
everything, the world they live in in and the issues they care about may not be as black and white
as some outside literature and the media would have us believe.
Limitations:
As any researcher would notice there are limitations within my research. The GSS data
that I used is from 2008, and knowing now that there was a large economic recession that took
place beginning that year, it’s easy to speculate that the numbers in regards to assistance to the
poor could have drastically changed, particularly as more people in America may have been
required to utilize some of it.
Another limitation within my project is the wording and phrasing of questions regarding
assistance to the poor. In all of the outside literature I used for researching, the term “safety net”
was used, or the word “government” was in front of assistance to the poor, or the needy. It’s
been shown through other research that word usage and loaded terminology can drastically affect
the outcome of a poll, particularly ones that are so politically charged. It could prove to be
interesting research to explore how word usage affects people’s beliefs in this circumstance, but
that was beyond the scope of this project.
There are also some conceptual limitations: different people have may have differing
viewpoint as to what it means to be poor in the United States. Generally it’s seen as living below
the poverty line, but whether people know that, or are aware of what that actually means could
be in question. Also, people could just choose to interpret the term poor how they see fit. It’s
possible that people think of poor people differently than people who need assistance. Lastly, I
didn’t differentiate between being socially conservative/liberal, versus being fiscally
15. Silverman 14
conservative/liberal; some people may identify as a conservative because they are fiscally
conservative but may be socially liberal, or any other possible combination, so the clarification in
those terms is lacking.
Time is also a limitation on this project. This entire research project was started and
finished within 8 weeks. I feel that the data discovered and conclusions drawn aren’t themselves
ill-conceived or horribly inaccurate, but knowing there was an extreme time constraint limited
my ability to explore more deeply a topic that is extremely complicated. The timing limitation
also contributed to a diminished sample size. Two ethnographic interviews is not a very
conclusive way of trying to apply these concepts to the entire population; again, I don’t think this
limitation nullifies my observations, but definitely should make one want to investigate further.
17. Silverman 16
Chi-Square – IV 1
Chi-Square Tests
Value df
Asymp. Sig. (2-
sided)
Pearson Chi-Square 19.641a
4 .001
Likelihood Ratio 20.594 4 .000
Linear-by-Linear Association 17.014 1 .000
N of Valid Cases 871
a. 0 cells (0.0%) have expected count less than 5.The minimum
expected count is 19.37.
Chi-Square – IV 2
19. Silverman 18
Works Cited
Bartels, Larry. "Partisan Politics and the U.S. Income Distribution."
Http://www.princeton.edu/~bartels/income.pdf. Princeton University, 1 Feb. 2004. Web. 24 May
2015.
Doherty, Carroll. "7 Things to Know about Polarization in America." Polarization in
American Politics. Pew Research Center, 12 June 2014. Web. 24 May 2015.
Ludwig, Jens, Greg J. Duncan, Lisa A. Gennetian, Lawrence F. Katz, Ronald C. Kessler,
Jeffrey R. Kling, and Lisa Sanbonmatsu. 2012. “Neighborhood Effects on the Long-Term Well-
Being of Low-Income Adults.” Science 337: 1505-510.
Krogstad, Jens, and Kim Parker. "Public Is Sharply Divided in Views of Americans in
Poverty." Public Is Sharply Divided of Views of Americans in Poverty. Pew Research Center, 16
Sept. 2014. Web. 24 May 2015.
Pew Research Center. “Beyond Red vs. Blue: The Political Typology.”
“http://www.people-press.org/files/2014/06/6-26-14-Political-Typology-release1.pdf.” 26 June
2014. Web. 24 May 2015.
Pew Research Center. “Partisan Polarization Surges in Bush, Obama Years”
“http://www.people-press.org/files/legacy-pdf/06-04-12%20Values%20Release.pdf.” 4 June
2012. Web. 24 May 2015.
Tromborg, Mathias W. 2014. “Bringing the median voter back in: The relationship
between government debt, median voter preferences, and welfare state spending.” Journal of
European Social Policy 24(2): 107-121.