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The social study of serial killers
Kevin Haggerty and Ariane Ellerbrok examine the cultural and
historical context of serial killing
The study of serial killers has been dominated by an
individualised focus on studying the biography of offenders and
the causes of their behaviour. Popular representations of Jeffrey
Dahmer, Harold Shipman, John Wayne Gacy and other
notorious figures emphasise the sociopathic tendencies of the
lone serial killer, presented in accounts that accentuate how
assorted personality traits and risk factors ostensibly contribute
to their otherwise unfathomable behaviour. While this emphasis
on personal biography lends itself to much needed
psychological analysis, the cumulative effect of such accounts
is that serial killing can appear a-historical and a-cultural, as
though such predispositions might manifest themselves in
identical ways irrespective of context. In fact, serial killing is
intimately tied to its broader social and historical setting,
something that is particularly apparent when such killing is
considered in relation to a series of broad historical changes
that have occurred over approximately the past 400–500 years,
commonly associated with the rise of modernity. So, while
throughout human history there have probably always been
individuals who engaged in serial predation, in previous eras it
was not possible for an individual to be a serial killer. Serial
killing is a distinctly modern phenomenon, a product of
relatively recent social and cultural conditions to which
criminologists can provide fresh insight by accentuating the
broad institutional frameworks, motivations, and opportunity
structures within which serial killing occurs (Haggerty, 2009).
The social study of serial killers Kevin Haggerty and Ariane
Ellerbrok examine the cultural and historical context of serial
killing Serial killing is the rarest form of homicide, occurring
when an individual has killed three or more people who were
previously unknown to him or her, with a ‘cooling off’ period
between each murder. This definition is accepted by both police
and academic experts and therefore provides a useful frame of
reference. Unfortunately, it also narrows the analysis of such
crimes, as it fails to incorporate many of the familiar (although
not inevitable) characteristics of serial killing. These include
such things as the diverse influences of the mass media on serial
killers as well as their tendency to select victims from particular
walks of life. Attending to these (and other) factors can provide
insight into the broader social and historical contexts that
constitute the structural preconditions for such acts. Here we
briefly identify three aspects of serial killing that are often
taken for granted, but that are intimately tied to the emergence
of serial murder in its contemporary guise. These include the
rise of a society of strangers, the development of a culture of
celebrity, and cultural frameworks of denigration and
marginalisation. Society of strangers Mass urbanisation is a
distinctive characteristic of the modern era, something that has
profoundly altered the nature of human relationships by virtue
of generating an unprecedented degree of anonymity. In pre-
modern societies individuals knew one another by name, often
having intimate knowledge of their neighbour’s family history,
daily routines and personal predilections. Strangers were rarely
encountered, and when encountered were the subject of rumour
and suspicion. The average medieval citizen might have only
met 100 strangers during the course of their entire life (Braudy,
1986), a number markedly low by contemporary standards,
where one could confront hundreds of strangers simply on the
daily commute to work. The rise of capitalism and related
processes of mass migration to urban centres resulted in
individuals being immersed in a sea of strangers (Nock, 1993).
This development also proved to be a key precondition for the
emergence of serial murder, given that a defining attribute of
serial killers is that they prey on strangers (something that
distinguishes them from the vast majority of homicides, which
typically involve some form of prior relationship between killer
and victim). Thus dense modern urban environments represent
ideal settings for the routinised impersonal encounters that
operate as a hallmark of serial killing. Mass media and the
culture of celebrity Although serial killing is statistically rare,
it is nonetheless a ubiquitous cultural phenomena, one that for
the vast majority of people is best understood as a media event
(Gibson, 2006). Serial killers have become an inescapable point
of reference in movies, television fiction, novels, true crime
books and video games. This global system of mass media –
again, a characteristic attribute of modernity – has made many
citizens intimately familiar with the dynamics of serial killing
and the lives of particularly notorious offenders. The
relationship between media and serial killing is, however, not
straightforward. By widely circulating the details of specific
serial killers, the mass media establishes the ‘serial killer’ as a
dominant cultural category. One upshot is that, whereas in
antiquity killing sequentially may have been something that
someone did, today a serial killer is something someone can be.
By placing the category of ‘serial killer’ into wide circulation,
the media makes the specifics of rCJM No 86.indd 6 01/12/2011
11:43:43 cjm no. 86 December 2011 7 T O P I C A L I S S U E
S A N D C O M M E N T S such behaviour open to potential
imitation, although this is not to suggest that serial killing
might be the product of some straightforward ‘media effect’.
The media has also fostered a culture of celebrity. In our
predominantly secular modernity the prospect of achieving
celebrity has become desirable to the extent that it promises to
liberate individuals from a powerless anonymity, making them
known beyond the limitations of ascribed statuses such as class
and family relations. For some this promise of celebrity is
merely appealing, while for others it is an all-consuming
passion, to the point that not securing some degree of fame can
be experienced as a profound failure. Serial killers are not
immune to the appeals of celebrity. As Egger (2002) has
demonstrated in his analysis of seven of the most notorious
American serial killers, the majority ‘seemed to enjoy their
celebrity status and thrive on the attention they received’.
Hence the complaint of a serial killer to local police is telling:
‘How many times do I have to kill before I get a name in the
paper or some national attention?’ (Braudy, 1986).
Marginalisation Perhaps the most terrifying aspect of serial
murder is that such killings appear random. This, however, is a
misleading characterisation, for while serial killers do target
strangers, their victims are not haphazard (Wilson, 2007).
Rather, the victims of serial killers tend to mimic the wider
cultural categories of denigration characteristic of contemporary
society. All societies have their own distinctive structures of
symbolic denigration, whereby certain classes of people are
positioned as outcasts or ‘lesser’ humans. Such individuals,
often singled out by modern institutions for reprobation,
censure and marginalisation, are also disproportionately the
targets of serial killers, who tend to prey upon vagrants, the
homeless, prostitutes, migrant workers, homosexuals, children,
the elderly and hospital patients (ibid.). Gerald Stano likened
the killing of his victims to ‘no different than stepping on a
cockroach’ (Holmes and DeBurger, 1998). Such a statement
keenly demonstrates the extent to which serial killers embrace
and reproduce the wider cultural codings that have devalued,
stigmatised and marginalised specific groups. Through a
distorted mirror, serial killers reflect back, and act upon,
modernity’s distinctive valuations. Recognising the dynamics of
victim marginalisation is particularly germane to the study of
serial killers, for the denigration of particular social groups is
connected to specific opportunity structures for murder.
Criminologists have emphasised the importance of ‘opportunity
structures’ as a means of ascertaining the increased likelihood
of criminal behaviour in certain contexts – noting that crime is
more likely to occur when there is a combination of a possible
victim accessible to predation, a motivated offender, and a lack
of competent guardians. That the victims of serial killers tend to
be drawn from modernity’s disposable classes can also mean
that these victims are outside of effective systems of
guardianship, and are targeted not only because they are more
accessible, but also because their deaths are less likely to
generate timely investigation or legal consequences. Modern
phenomena While serial killing is routinely presented as the
unfathomable behaviour of the lone, decontextualised and
sociopathic individual, here we have emphasised the
unnervingly familiar modern face of serial killing. Several
distinctively modern phenomena, including anonymity, a culture
of celebrity enabled through the rise of mass media, and
specific cultural frameworks of denigration, each provide key
institutional frameworks, motivations and opportunity structures
for analysing such acts. To exclusively focus on aetiology and
offender biography systematically ignores this larger social
context, and elides a more nuanced understanding of the hows
and whys of serial killing. n Kevin Haggerty is Professor of
Sociology and Criminology and Ariane Ellerbrok is a PhD
student at the University of Alberta, Canada References Braudy,
L. (1986), The Frenzy of Renown: Fame and its History, New
York: Oxford University Press. Egger, S. (2002), The Killers
Among Us: Examination of Serial Murder and Its
Investigations, Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Gibson, D.
(2006), Serial Murder and Media Circuses, Westport, CT:
Praeger. Haggerty, K. (2009), ‘Modern serial killers’, Crime,
Media and Culture, 5(2), pp.168–187. Holmes, R. and
DeBurger, J. (1998), ‘Profiles in terror: the serial murderer’, in
Holmes, R. and Holes, S. (eds.), Contemporary Perspectives on
Serial Murder, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Nock, S. (1993), The
Costs of Privacy: Surveillance and Reputation in America, New
York: Aldine de Gruyter. Wilson, D. (2007), Serial Killers:
Hunting Britons and Their Victims, 1960–2006, Winchester:
Waterside. rCJM No 86.indd 7 01/12/2011 11:43:43 Copyright
of Criminal Justice Matters is the property of Routledge and its
content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted
to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written
permission. However, users may print, download, or email
articles for individual use.
Crime profiling refers to attempts to construct typical
characteristics of certain offenders. Also called psychological
profiling or crime investigation analysis, it has been produced
on various levels in the social sciences for years. (Hagan, F. E.,
2016, p. 143). Read the following article, which overviews the
social study of serial killers: Haggerty, K., Ellerbrok, A. (2011
Read the article above, and then choose a serial killer (does not
have to be in article) and, using the three goals involved in
criminal profiling, apply criminal profiling to the offender.
350-450 words excluding reference, APA format and a minimum
of 3 references

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The social study of serial killers kevin haggerty and ariane e

  • 1. The social study of serial killers Kevin Haggerty and Ariane Ellerbrok examine the cultural and historical context of serial killing The study of serial killers has been dominated by an individualised focus on studying the biography of offenders and the causes of their behaviour. Popular representations of Jeffrey Dahmer, Harold Shipman, John Wayne Gacy and other notorious figures emphasise the sociopathic tendencies of the lone serial killer, presented in accounts that accentuate how assorted personality traits and risk factors ostensibly contribute to their otherwise unfathomable behaviour. While this emphasis on personal biography lends itself to much needed psychological analysis, the cumulative effect of such accounts is that serial killing can appear a-historical and a-cultural, as though such predispositions might manifest themselves in identical ways irrespective of context. In fact, serial killing is intimately tied to its broader social and historical setting, something that is particularly apparent when such killing is considered in relation to a series of broad historical changes that have occurred over approximately the past 400–500 years, commonly associated with the rise of modernity. So, while throughout human history there have probably always been individuals who engaged in serial predation, in previous eras it was not possible for an individual to be a serial killer. Serial killing is a distinctly modern phenomenon, a product of relatively recent social and cultural conditions to which criminologists can provide fresh insight by accentuating the broad institutional frameworks, motivations, and opportunity structures within which serial killing occurs (Haggerty, 2009). The social study of serial killers Kevin Haggerty and Ariane Ellerbrok examine the cultural and historical context of serial
  • 2. killing Serial killing is the rarest form of homicide, occurring when an individual has killed three or more people who were previously unknown to him or her, with a ‘cooling off’ period between each murder. This definition is accepted by both police and academic experts and therefore provides a useful frame of reference. Unfortunately, it also narrows the analysis of such crimes, as it fails to incorporate many of the familiar (although not inevitable) characteristics of serial killing. These include such things as the diverse influences of the mass media on serial killers as well as their tendency to select victims from particular walks of life. Attending to these (and other) factors can provide insight into the broader social and historical contexts that constitute the structural preconditions for such acts. Here we briefly identify three aspects of serial killing that are often taken for granted, but that are intimately tied to the emergence of serial murder in its contemporary guise. These include the rise of a society of strangers, the development of a culture of celebrity, and cultural frameworks of denigration and marginalisation. Society of strangers Mass urbanisation is a distinctive characteristic of the modern era, something that has profoundly altered the nature of human relationships by virtue of generating an unprecedented degree of anonymity. In pre- modern societies individuals knew one another by name, often having intimate knowledge of their neighbour’s family history, daily routines and personal predilections. Strangers were rarely encountered, and when encountered were the subject of rumour and suspicion. The average medieval citizen might have only met 100 strangers during the course of their entire life (Braudy, 1986), a number markedly low by contemporary standards, where one could confront hundreds of strangers simply on the daily commute to work. The rise of capitalism and related processes of mass migration to urban centres resulted in individuals being immersed in a sea of strangers (Nock, 1993). This development also proved to be a key precondition for the emergence of serial murder, given that a defining attribute of serial killers is that they prey on strangers (something that
  • 3. distinguishes them from the vast majority of homicides, which typically involve some form of prior relationship between killer and victim). Thus dense modern urban environments represent ideal settings for the routinised impersonal encounters that operate as a hallmark of serial killing. Mass media and the culture of celebrity Although serial killing is statistically rare, it is nonetheless a ubiquitous cultural phenomena, one that for the vast majority of people is best understood as a media event (Gibson, 2006). Serial killers have become an inescapable point of reference in movies, television fiction, novels, true crime books and video games. This global system of mass media – again, a characteristic attribute of modernity – has made many citizens intimately familiar with the dynamics of serial killing and the lives of particularly notorious offenders. The relationship between media and serial killing is, however, not straightforward. By widely circulating the details of specific serial killers, the mass media establishes the ‘serial killer’ as a dominant cultural category. One upshot is that, whereas in antiquity killing sequentially may have been something that someone did, today a serial killer is something someone can be. By placing the category of ‘serial killer’ into wide circulation, the media makes the specifics of rCJM No 86.indd 6 01/12/2011 11:43:43 cjm no. 86 December 2011 7 T O P I C A L I S S U E S A N D C O M M E N T S such behaviour open to potential imitation, although this is not to suggest that serial killing might be the product of some straightforward ‘media effect’. The media has also fostered a culture of celebrity. In our predominantly secular modernity the prospect of achieving celebrity has become desirable to the extent that it promises to liberate individuals from a powerless anonymity, making them known beyond the limitations of ascribed statuses such as class and family relations. For some this promise of celebrity is merely appealing, while for others it is an all-consuming passion, to the point that not securing some degree of fame can be experienced as a profound failure. Serial killers are not immune to the appeals of celebrity. As Egger (2002) has
  • 4. demonstrated in his analysis of seven of the most notorious American serial killers, the majority ‘seemed to enjoy their celebrity status and thrive on the attention they received’. Hence the complaint of a serial killer to local police is telling: ‘How many times do I have to kill before I get a name in the paper or some national attention?’ (Braudy, 1986). Marginalisation Perhaps the most terrifying aspect of serial murder is that such killings appear random. This, however, is a misleading characterisation, for while serial killers do target strangers, their victims are not haphazard (Wilson, 2007). Rather, the victims of serial killers tend to mimic the wider cultural categories of denigration characteristic of contemporary society. All societies have their own distinctive structures of symbolic denigration, whereby certain classes of people are positioned as outcasts or ‘lesser’ humans. Such individuals, often singled out by modern institutions for reprobation, censure and marginalisation, are also disproportionately the targets of serial killers, who tend to prey upon vagrants, the homeless, prostitutes, migrant workers, homosexuals, children, the elderly and hospital patients (ibid.). Gerald Stano likened the killing of his victims to ‘no different than stepping on a cockroach’ (Holmes and DeBurger, 1998). Such a statement keenly demonstrates the extent to which serial killers embrace and reproduce the wider cultural codings that have devalued, stigmatised and marginalised specific groups. Through a distorted mirror, serial killers reflect back, and act upon, modernity’s distinctive valuations. Recognising the dynamics of victim marginalisation is particularly germane to the study of serial killers, for the denigration of particular social groups is connected to specific opportunity structures for murder. Criminologists have emphasised the importance of ‘opportunity structures’ as a means of ascertaining the increased likelihood of criminal behaviour in certain contexts – noting that crime is more likely to occur when there is a combination of a possible victim accessible to predation, a motivated offender, and a lack of competent guardians. That the victims of serial killers tend to
  • 5. be drawn from modernity’s disposable classes can also mean that these victims are outside of effective systems of guardianship, and are targeted not only because they are more accessible, but also because their deaths are less likely to generate timely investigation or legal consequences. Modern phenomena While serial killing is routinely presented as the unfathomable behaviour of the lone, decontextualised and sociopathic individual, here we have emphasised the unnervingly familiar modern face of serial killing. Several distinctively modern phenomena, including anonymity, a culture of celebrity enabled through the rise of mass media, and specific cultural frameworks of denigration, each provide key institutional frameworks, motivations and opportunity structures for analysing such acts. To exclusively focus on aetiology and offender biography systematically ignores this larger social context, and elides a more nuanced understanding of the hows and whys of serial killing. n Kevin Haggerty is Professor of Sociology and Criminology and Ariane Ellerbrok is a PhD student at the University of Alberta, Canada References Braudy, L. (1986), The Frenzy of Renown: Fame and its History, New York: Oxford University Press. Egger, S. (2002), The Killers Among Us: Examination of Serial Murder and Its Investigations, Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Gibson, D. (2006), Serial Murder and Media Circuses, Westport, CT: Praeger. Haggerty, K. (2009), ‘Modern serial killers’, Crime, Media and Culture, 5(2), pp.168–187. Holmes, R. and DeBurger, J. (1998), ‘Profiles in terror: the serial murderer’, in Holmes, R. and Holes, S. (eds.), Contemporary Perspectives on Serial Murder, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Nock, S. (1993), The Costs of Privacy: Surveillance and Reputation in America, New York: Aldine de Gruyter. Wilson, D. (2007), Serial Killers: Hunting Britons and Their Victims, 1960–2006, Winchester: Waterside. rCJM No 86.indd 7 01/12/2011 11:43:43 Copyright of Criminal Justice Matters is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written
  • 6. permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. Crime profiling refers to attempts to construct typical characteristics of certain offenders. Also called psychological profiling or crime investigation analysis, it has been produced on various levels in the social sciences for years. (Hagan, F. E., 2016, p. 143). Read the following article, which overviews the social study of serial killers: Haggerty, K., Ellerbrok, A. (2011 Read the article above, and then choose a serial killer (does not have to be in article) and, using the three goals involved in criminal profiling, apply criminal profiling to the offender. 350-450 words excluding reference, APA format and a minimum of 3 references