Direct democratic choices have been of great importance in Central and
Eastern European countries since they have marked the key steps on those states’
paths to democracy. Direct democracy – particularly referenda – is arousing increasing interest among politicians and the electorate, which is manifested in the ongoing
public debate on the role of civil participation in decision-making processes, as well
as in the increase in the number of national referenda held in Europe and worldwide.
Hence, studies on referenda in Central and Eastern Europe seem to be a very interesting and academically important task worthy of further exploration. The main research
aim of this paper is to answer the question of the role of nationwide referenda in the
political practice of Central and Eastern European states, as well as the question of
the future prospects for the use of referenda. More emphasis is placed on referenda
conducted after 1989. On the basis of these research results, referenda are divided
into three categories: independence referenda, so called “deepening” referenda and
accession referenda.
Celem artykułu jest ukazanie wyników badania zawartości polskich mediów z okresu
sprawowania przez Polskę przewodnictwa w Radzie Unii Europejskiej w 2011 roku. Analiza poświęcona była wpływowi orientacji politycznej organizacji medialnej (wybranych gazet
codziennych i tygodników opinii) na sposób relacjonowania polskiej prezydencji. Podstawę
teoretyczną badania stanowiły dwie koncepcje: europeizacji sfery publicznej oraz polityzacji
Europy. Wyniki badania nie tylko potwierdzają różnice w prezentowaniu tematyki europejskiej
i polskiej prezydencji w tytułach o wyraźnie określonej orientacji politycznej, ale ukazują specyfikę polskich mediów: źródłem cen i poglądów prezentowanych na łamach są nie tylko politycy, ale także dziennikarze. Na podstawie wyników wyprowadzić można wniosek nie tylko
o instrumentalnym wykorzystywaniu tematyki europejskiej podczas parlamentarnej kampanii
wyborczej w Polsce w 2011 roku, ale także o polityzacji Europy jako zjawiska związanego
ściśle z wertykalną europeizacją sfery publicznej i demokratyzacją.
Praktyka wykorzystania form demokracji bezpośredniej w państwach europejskich dowodzi, iż prócz licznych głosowań referendalnych w sprawach ogólnonarodowych, coraz bardziej popularnym przedmiotem debaty publicznej, a następnie głosowania stają się również
kwestie o tematyce „unijnej”. Wykorzystanie referendum ogólnonarodowego do decydowania
w sprawach procesu integracji europejskiej nie jest zjawiskiem nowym, bowiem pierwsze głosowanie o tej tematyce miało miejsce już w 1972 r. Od tego czasu integracja europejska stała
się przedmiotem 60 ogólnonarodowych referendów – zarówno w państwach członkowskich,
w państwach kandydujących, jak i w państwach „trzecich”, które związane są dziś z Unią Europejską różnego rodzaju umowami bilateralnymi. Większość doświadczeń związanych z wykorzystaniem referendów w sprawach „europejskich” jest – można rzec – pozytywnych, jednak
część z nich przysporzyło państwom członkowskim i samej Unii wielu problemów. Jednym
z ostatnich przykładów głosowań referendalnych, którego konsekwencje będą miały swój wyraz w przyszłym kształcie Unii Europejskiej, jest głosowanie z 23 czerwca 2016 r. sprawie
członkostwa Wielkiej Brytanii w UE.
Głównym celem niniejszego tekstu jest odpowiedź na pytanie o konsekwencje referendów
w sprawie integracji (ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem głosowania brytyjskiego) dla przyszłego kształtu Unii Europejskiej.
The paper attempts to analyze the results of the European Social Survey
Round 6 (2012, 2013), focusing on the section related to how democracy is understood in Poland and in the Czech Republic. The most interesting issue encompassed
the differences in how democracy is defined in the two countries and the outcomes
these differences produce in terms of the perceived legitimacy of the system, as well
as demographic factors that correlate with differences in the understanding of democracy in both surveyed groups. Statistical analyses carried out in the paper indicated
the presence of different definitions of democracy formulated in Poland and in the
Czech Republic (the Czechs gave stronger emphasis to the liberal aspect of democracy, whereas Poles stressed its social aspects more). Nevertheless, the relationship
between the definition of democracy and the perceived level of legitimacy of the democratic system (for dispersed and specific legitimacy alike) were found to be relatively
weak, as was the case of the relationship between the understanding of democracy,
system legitimacy and socio-demographic factors. The only factor found to be significant for the perceived level of legitimacy of the democratic system concerned the
level of satisfaction with one’s own material situation.
This document provides an overview of a MA thesis that analyzes EU issues coverage in Italian media from 2008-2014, covering national and European Parliament elections. The thesis contains two hypotheses: 1) Coverage of EU issues in Italian newspapers increasingly shaped the 2014 EP elections compared to 2009. 2) EU matters have become increasingly significant in both national and EP elections in Italy, partially contradicting the Second-Order Elections model. The thesis methodology examines coverage in 5 Italian newspapers, and contains two case studies analyzing coverage patterns and salient EU themes. The document outlines the Italian political context during the period and provides background on studies of EU issue salience in elections.
Polish Printed Media Coverage and Evaluation of the Polish Presidency in the ...Agnieszka Stępińska
The document discusses a study analyzing Polish print media coverage of Poland's first presidency of the European Union Council in 2011. It examines how four daily newspapers (Gazeta Wyborcza, Rzeczpospolita, Nasz Dziennik, and Fakt) and three weekly magazines (Polityka, Wprost, and Uważam Rze. Inaczej pisane) portrayed and evaluated the presidency. The study found that while the newspapers' political biases could have led to differing evaluations, most coverage was neutral. Gazeta Wyborcza and Fakt had the highest levels of neutral assessments at 67% and 57%, while Rzeczpospolita and Nasz D
This document provides the program details for an event titled "Rolling Back the Rollback" Forum organized by the School of Public Policy at Central European University. The event will examine possible responses to the rollback of democracy and open societies in Europe, with panels analyzing drivers of democratic rollback and the role of the EU. It will also provide interactive discussions on novel approaches to strengthen democracy. The goal is to formulate policy recommendations for governments, civil society, and EU institutions to reverse anti-democratic trends in Europe.
ROLLING BACK THE ROLLBACK
- Spaces & strategies for reviving democracy and open societies in Europe –
Date: Monday, April 7, 2014
Time: 8:45 AM – 6 PM
Venue: CEU, Budapest, Nador 9, Faculty Tower, Auditorium
Recent events and developments in a number of European countries give rise to serious concerns about the stability of democracy in parts of the continent. Constitutional and other legal changes, a cut-down on freedom of the press as well as the freedom of association, challenges to the independence of the judiciary, xenophobia, anti-EU attitudes, low voter turnout, erosion of trust in government, and corruption -- all pose growing challenges to the prospects of open societies in Europe. These trends are addressed in a series of events organized by the School of Public Policy at CEU in cooperation with the Hertie School of Governance.
Based on a prior analysis of anti-democratic trends in Europe, the “Rolling Back The Rollback” Forum will examine possible responses to the rollback of democracy and open societies. How can some of the anti-democratic processes be reversed and how can further erosion of the foundations of open societies be prevented?
The morning panels will analyze drivers and dimensions of democratic rollback and the role and credibility of the EU as a guardian of democracy. Featured speakers include Franziska Brantner, Heather Grabbe, Bela Greskovits, Andras Jakab, Kati Marton, Jan Werner Mueller, Kim Lane Scheppele and G. M. Tamás.
The afternoon program will break away from conventional conference format and provide interactive forum space for young actors to discuss and debate novel approaches, spaces and strategies for ‘rolling back the rollback’, with, among others, a special focus on opportunities and limitations of new digital forms of mobilization and participation.
The forum will lay the foundations for policy formulation and dissemination. Its interdisciplinary approach and policy focus will result in recommendations on potential strategies for governments, local and international civil society and EU institutions.
This paper examines the communicational strategies used by Romanian politicians on Facebook in order to mobilize voters during the 2012 parliamentary elections and the 2014 euro-parliamentary campaign.
Celem artykułu jest ukazanie wyników badania zawartości polskich mediów z okresu
sprawowania przez Polskę przewodnictwa w Radzie Unii Europejskiej w 2011 roku. Analiza poświęcona była wpływowi orientacji politycznej organizacji medialnej (wybranych gazet
codziennych i tygodników opinii) na sposób relacjonowania polskiej prezydencji. Podstawę
teoretyczną badania stanowiły dwie koncepcje: europeizacji sfery publicznej oraz polityzacji
Europy. Wyniki badania nie tylko potwierdzają różnice w prezentowaniu tematyki europejskiej
i polskiej prezydencji w tytułach o wyraźnie określonej orientacji politycznej, ale ukazują specyfikę polskich mediów: źródłem cen i poglądów prezentowanych na łamach są nie tylko politycy, ale także dziennikarze. Na podstawie wyników wyprowadzić można wniosek nie tylko
o instrumentalnym wykorzystywaniu tematyki europejskiej podczas parlamentarnej kampanii
wyborczej w Polsce w 2011 roku, ale także o polityzacji Europy jako zjawiska związanego
ściśle z wertykalną europeizacją sfery publicznej i demokratyzacją.
Praktyka wykorzystania form demokracji bezpośredniej w państwach europejskich dowodzi, iż prócz licznych głosowań referendalnych w sprawach ogólnonarodowych, coraz bardziej popularnym przedmiotem debaty publicznej, a następnie głosowania stają się również
kwestie o tematyce „unijnej”. Wykorzystanie referendum ogólnonarodowego do decydowania
w sprawach procesu integracji europejskiej nie jest zjawiskiem nowym, bowiem pierwsze głosowanie o tej tematyce miało miejsce już w 1972 r. Od tego czasu integracja europejska stała
się przedmiotem 60 ogólnonarodowych referendów – zarówno w państwach członkowskich,
w państwach kandydujących, jak i w państwach „trzecich”, które związane są dziś z Unią Europejską różnego rodzaju umowami bilateralnymi. Większość doświadczeń związanych z wykorzystaniem referendów w sprawach „europejskich” jest – można rzec – pozytywnych, jednak
część z nich przysporzyło państwom członkowskim i samej Unii wielu problemów. Jednym
z ostatnich przykładów głosowań referendalnych, którego konsekwencje będą miały swój wyraz w przyszłym kształcie Unii Europejskiej, jest głosowanie z 23 czerwca 2016 r. sprawie
członkostwa Wielkiej Brytanii w UE.
Głównym celem niniejszego tekstu jest odpowiedź na pytanie o konsekwencje referendów
w sprawie integracji (ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem głosowania brytyjskiego) dla przyszłego kształtu Unii Europejskiej.
The paper attempts to analyze the results of the European Social Survey
Round 6 (2012, 2013), focusing on the section related to how democracy is understood in Poland and in the Czech Republic. The most interesting issue encompassed
the differences in how democracy is defined in the two countries and the outcomes
these differences produce in terms of the perceived legitimacy of the system, as well
as demographic factors that correlate with differences in the understanding of democracy in both surveyed groups. Statistical analyses carried out in the paper indicated
the presence of different definitions of democracy formulated in Poland and in the
Czech Republic (the Czechs gave stronger emphasis to the liberal aspect of democracy, whereas Poles stressed its social aspects more). Nevertheless, the relationship
between the definition of democracy and the perceived level of legitimacy of the democratic system (for dispersed and specific legitimacy alike) were found to be relatively
weak, as was the case of the relationship between the understanding of democracy,
system legitimacy and socio-demographic factors. The only factor found to be significant for the perceived level of legitimacy of the democratic system concerned the
level of satisfaction with one’s own material situation.
This document provides an overview of a MA thesis that analyzes EU issues coverage in Italian media from 2008-2014, covering national and European Parliament elections. The thesis contains two hypotheses: 1) Coverage of EU issues in Italian newspapers increasingly shaped the 2014 EP elections compared to 2009. 2) EU matters have become increasingly significant in both national and EP elections in Italy, partially contradicting the Second-Order Elections model. The thesis methodology examines coverage in 5 Italian newspapers, and contains two case studies analyzing coverage patterns and salient EU themes. The document outlines the Italian political context during the period and provides background on studies of EU issue salience in elections.
Polish Printed Media Coverage and Evaluation of the Polish Presidency in the ...Agnieszka Stępińska
The document discusses a study analyzing Polish print media coverage of Poland's first presidency of the European Union Council in 2011. It examines how four daily newspapers (Gazeta Wyborcza, Rzeczpospolita, Nasz Dziennik, and Fakt) and three weekly magazines (Polityka, Wprost, and Uważam Rze. Inaczej pisane) portrayed and evaluated the presidency. The study found that while the newspapers' political biases could have led to differing evaluations, most coverage was neutral. Gazeta Wyborcza and Fakt had the highest levels of neutral assessments at 67% and 57%, while Rzeczpospolita and Nasz D
This document provides the program details for an event titled "Rolling Back the Rollback" Forum organized by the School of Public Policy at Central European University. The event will examine possible responses to the rollback of democracy and open societies in Europe, with panels analyzing drivers of democratic rollback and the role of the EU. It will also provide interactive discussions on novel approaches to strengthen democracy. The goal is to formulate policy recommendations for governments, civil society, and EU institutions to reverse anti-democratic trends in Europe.
ROLLING BACK THE ROLLBACK
- Spaces & strategies for reviving democracy and open societies in Europe –
Date: Monday, April 7, 2014
Time: 8:45 AM – 6 PM
Venue: CEU, Budapest, Nador 9, Faculty Tower, Auditorium
Recent events and developments in a number of European countries give rise to serious concerns about the stability of democracy in parts of the continent. Constitutional and other legal changes, a cut-down on freedom of the press as well as the freedom of association, challenges to the independence of the judiciary, xenophobia, anti-EU attitudes, low voter turnout, erosion of trust in government, and corruption -- all pose growing challenges to the prospects of open societies in Europe. These trends are addressed in a series of events organized by the School of Public Policy at CEU in cooperation with the Hertie School of Governance.
Based on a prior analysis of anti-democratic trends in Europe, the “Rolling Back The Rollback” Forum will examine possible responses to the rollback of democracy and open societies. How can some of the anti-democratic processes be reversed and how can further erosion of the foundations of open societies be prevented?
The morning panels will analyze drivers and dimensions of democratic rollback and the role and credibility of the EU as a guardian of democracy. Featured speakers include Franziska Brantner, Heather Grabbe, Bela Greskovits, Andras Jakab, Kati Marton, Jan Werner Mueller, Kim Lane Scheppele and G. M. Tamás.
The afternoon program will break away from conventional conference format and provide interactive forum space for young actors to discuss and debate novel approaches, spaces and strategies for ‘rolling back the rollback’, with, among others, a special focus on opportunities and limitations of new digital forms of mobilization and participation.
The forum will lay the foundations for policy formulation and dissemination. Its interdisciplinary approach and policy focus will result in recommendations on potential strategies for governments, local and international civil society and EU institutions.
This paper examines the communicational strategies used by Romanian politicians on Facebook in order to mobilize voters during the 2012 parliamentary elections and the 2014 euro-parliamentary campaign.
Thesis summary -- Political participation in Europe -- a comparative analysisYuri Nikishin
This doctoral thesis examines political participation in Europe through a comparative analysis. It uses data from the European Social Survey to analyze levels and factors of political participation in countries with different political legacies. The thesis contains 8 chapters that define political participation, review theories and studies, describe the methodology using logistic regression, present empirical analysis of the data focusing on differences between country groups, and integrate the findings with theory. The thesis aims to identify the most important determinants of participation and explain similarities and differences between countries with authoritarian communist and non-communist pasts.
This document summarizes the results of a survey on national information policy in Ukraine in the face of Russian aggression, with a focus on the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Some key findings include: less than 1% of Ukrainians consider Russian television an objective news source, while 31.1% consider Ukrainian television objective; over 40% of Ukrainians feel nostalgia for the Soviet era but over 60% do not want it to return; and the government's information policy in Donetsk and Luhansk needs to be more sensitive to regional differences and build trust through focusing on facts rather than political stances.
Different models of issue voting in britainAnurag Gangal
This document summarizes and compares different models of issue voting, and how they explain voting behavior in recent British elections. It discusses models like the Michigan Model, proximity models, valence voting models, and how they have evolved over time from the 1950s to today. While no single model can fully capture unpredictable voter behavior, these models provide useful frameworks for analyzing trends and major patterns of issue-based voting. The document also analyzes how factors like party identification, policy preferences, leadership images, and economic conditions influence how voters make choices between parties in British elections.
Comparative Analysis of Transnational Labor Migrants Everyday Life Practices ...comparsociology
This document summarizes Andrey V. Rezaev's comparative analysis of the everyday life practices of transnational labor migrants in Athens, Greece and St. Petersburg, Russia from 2009-2012. The study used methods like observation, group discussions, interviews and case studies to understand and compare the experiences of migrants in both cities. Preliminary conclusions found that migrants' everyday life practices can promote both social exclusion but also social inclusion if transformed. There is also a need for more inclusive policies and language regarding transnational migrants.
Local newspapers' online election coverage from October 25-29, 2004 was analyzed. 77% of stories changed over time, with most uploading by 9am. Coverage focused on local and regional stories (90%) rather than national. Endorsements did not affect tone of coverage. While some focused on "horse race" aspects, most stories were neutral (66%). Further analysis of bylines, story movement, lack of endorsements, and direction of online political news was recommended.
The aim of this Special Issue of Central European Political Studies is to
bring media scholars together and to reflect on the current trends in political journalism in our region. The focus of the articles is trained on the discovery of the shifts
and continuities in journalistic practises 25 years after the collapse of the communist regimes. Some of the findings and conclusions presented in the volume come
from studies conducted within the framework of international comparative research
projects such as Worlds of Journalism, Journalistic Role Performance Around the
Globe, or Media Accountability and Transparency in Europe (MediaAcT). The others
come from single, national empirical studies or analyses on the media systems conducted in the Central and Eastern countries.
This document provides a literature review and background on a study examining factors influencing the political participation of students at the University of Johannesburg. It discusses the following key points in 3 sentences:
The study aims to understand why political participation has declined among South African youth by examining how students' demographic characteristics and perceptions of the ruling ANC party influence their participation. The literature review covers political participation in general, and how race, class, and perceptions of the ANC have been found to shape political involvement. The document provides context on the study which used a survey to quantitatively measure how factors like race, class, and views of government affect the political participation of students at the University of Johannesburg.
Media access and exposure as determinants of the political Alexander Decker
This document summarizes a study that examined the relationship between media access and exposure on the political knowledge of undergraduates in Southwestern Nigeria. The study found that exposure to electronic media like television predicted higher political knowledge among respondents compared to print media. Most respondents preferred television as their main source of political information. The study recommended that governments and media organizations collaborate to increase youth access to print media and ensure broadcast media adhere to professional standards.
This document summarizes research directions for studying politicians' use of the internet. It identifies four opportunities for future research: 1) Moving beyond dichotomies and considering nuances, 2) Focusing on everyday online practices rather than just election periods, 3) Examining micro-level details rather than just country-level comparisons, and 4) Taking integrated methodological approaches that combine both quantitative and qualitative research. The document was written by Anders O. Larsson and Jakob Svensson to outline potential areas for further study on this topic.
Research Proposal : Political Representation of Different types of voters on ...Joshua Wong
This document proposes research on political representation of different voter types on Facebook. It will examine which voter types (defined by gender and ethnicity) are more politically engaged on Facebook by analyzing interactions with UK politicians' Facebook pages around the Brexit referendum. The literature review discusses research on factors influencing political engagement by gender and ethnicity both online and offline. The proposed data collection will categorize Facebook users and count their likes, comments and replies to politician posts to measure political representation. The research aims to provide insight into how well Facebook captures diverse political preferences.
Kim, M.J., & Park, H. W. (2012). Measuring Twitter-Based Political Participat...Han Woo PARK
Kim, M.J., & Park, H. W. (2012). Measuring Twitter-Based Political Participation and Deliberation in the South Korean Context by Using Social Network and Triple Helix Indicators. Scientometrics. 90 (1), 121-140.
http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007%2Fs11192-011-0508-5#page-1
This document summarizes a study on discussions of e-governance and e-participation services on Russian social media. The study analyzed over 19,000 social media posts related to topics like e-government, online services, and Russia's new e-petition portal. Key findings include that the e-petition portal was the most discussed topic, with over 6.7 million people engaged in discussions. Discussions peaked around certain events, like the portal's launch. The study also found that political topics attracted more male audiences aged 26-35. Social media provides insight into citizens' views that can help policymaking. The research showed room to improve analysis of text sentiment.
The document summarizes Keiko Ono's academic and professional background, focusing on her areas of study in political science and data science. It discusses her graduate studies in American politics, work with survey research, and recent collaborations applying data science approaches to political science questions. It also describes an experiment she participated in on developing software to facilitate constructive political discussions online.
Opposition to Russian Propaganda and Media Literacy: Results of All-Ukrainian...DonbassFullAccess
The document summarizes the results of an opinion poll conducted in Ukraine in February 2018 regarding media usage, opposition to Russian propaganda, and media literacy. Some key findings:
- The vast majority of Ukrainians get their information from Ukrainian TV channels, while a small percentage use Russian media. Most Ukrainians check information from different sources.
- Respondents feel they lack information about government strategies on Crimea and eastern Ukraine. Younger Ukrainians feel more informed on these issues.
- Interpretations of the conflict in eastern Ukraine differ significantly between western and eastern Ukraine. Support for restricting Russian media is higher in western Ukraine.
Phantom borders and electoral behaviour in Poland. Historical legacies, poli...Adam Mickiewicz University
The article deals with phantom borders in electoral behavior in Poland. Being aware of the already wide litera-ture in this field, the author tries to fill a gap existing in the research by investigating scale as a factor determining phantom borders' construction. Two historical-administrative regions, Wielkopolska and Pomorze (crossed by relict boundaries) were tested quantitatively and qualitatively. By employing double de-scaling (territorial and electoral) the author discovered that in both the macro and micro scales phantom borders are present, however, their construction and manifestation differs signifi-cantly. Consequently, this finding brings a new perspective to phantom border studies, widening the currently dominating historical perspective (with its structural and normative dimensions) by adding a new element: scale. It seems to bring a new perspective in understanding the investigated processes. Zusammenfassung: Der Beitrag setzt sich mit Phantomgrenzen im Bereich des Wahlverhaltens in Polen auseinander. Der bereits existierenden umfangreichen Literatur zu dieser Thematik durchaus bewusst, versucht der Autor eine Forschungs-lücke durch Untersuchung der Skala (Mikro-/Makroebene) als vorausbestimmenden Faktor der Konstruktion von Phan-tomgrenzen zu schließen. Die quantitative und qualitative Untersuchung wurde in zwei historisch-administrativen Regionen, Wielkopolska und Pomorze (durchschnitten von historischen Grenzen), durchgeführt. Durch den Einsatz einer De-scaling-Methode (territorial und elektoral) stellt der Autor fest, dass sowohl in der Makro-als in der Mikroebene Phantomgrenzen vorhanden sind, obgleich sie sich in ihrer Konstruktion und Artikulation bedeutend unterscheiden. Im Endeffekt eröffnet dieses Ergebnis eine neue Perspektive für Phantomgrenzen-Studien, indem die derzeit vorherrschende historische Perspek-tive (mit strukturellen und normativen Dimensionen) um das neue Element der Skalenebene erweitert wird.
Current trends in anthropological and sociological research on and in southea...Lorriene Bartolome
This document discusses current trends in anthropological and sociological research on Southeast Asia. It notes that researchers often focus on their specific country with little crossover or comparison between countries. It attributes this in part to colonial-era paradigms that fragmented the study of the region. Additionally, conducting research across multiple Southeast Asian countries requires fluency in many difficult languages. The document also examines differences in the status and working conditions of local Southeast Asian researchers versus European researchers, and how this can lead to different types of studies and issues addressed. It concludes by arguing for more cooperation between local and international researchers.
Three generations of polish Journalists. Professional roles and identitiesAgnieszka Stępińska
This paper provides an update of empirical data on the professional features, values and standards of Polish journalists. The study illustrates clear differences between three generations of journalists: those who have been working for media organizations for several decades now; those who entered the profession immediately following the political transformation of the late 1980s;
and those who recently graduated from university. Interestingly, both the youngest and the oldest journalists seem to share some professional approaches. Namely they believe that journalists should not be just news disseminators, but should also provide solutions to the problems of
ordinary people. On the other hand, journalists who entered the profession two decades ago seem to be more interested in a watchdog role for the media. Since their professional career started during the political transformation period or soon after, they still perceive themselves as
adversaries of public officials.
This document discusses research on the development of a European public sphere online. It examines how websites, especially political party websites, contribute to transnational communication and common understandings of Europe. Studies analyzed found that websites primarily provided information during election campaigns and encouraged little participation. While the internet facilitates the European public sphere, especially during European Parliament elections, further research could include less institutional actors and focus less on election periods.
Political communication in local elections: a comparative analysis of France ...Dariusz Tworzydło
This article is the result of a research study aimed at comparing the degree of maturity
of political communication in local government elections between France and Poland. The authors’ objective is to reveal the specificity of the subsystems of electoral communication between these countries mainly by presenting the diversity of
the communication tools used and the degree of professionalisation of communication management by local government politicians. The undertaking of a comparative
analysis of these two countries was dictated by the countries’ similarities in terms of
the three-tier division of local government. In addition, it compares the experience
of France’s mature democracy and Poland’s democracy, which is in its early stages.
A survey conducted on a representative sample could be extrapolated from the entire
population studied in France and Poland. The scope of the study concerned local
government elections from 2015 in France, and 2014 and 2018 in Poland. The article
presents conclusions of the research that focus on the manner and scope of application
of political communication in the selected countries.
Thesis summary -- Political participation in Europe -- a comparative analysisYuri Nikishin
This doctoral thesis examines political participation in Europe through a comparative analysis. It uses data from the European Social Survey to analyze levels and factors of political participation in countries with different political legacies. The thesis contains 8 chapters that define political participation, review theories and studies, describe the methodology using logistic regression, present empirical analysis of the data focusing on differences between country groups, and integrate the findings with theory. The thesis aims to identify the most important determinants of participation and explain similarities and differences between countries with authoritarian communist and non-communist pasts.
This document summarizes the results of a survey on national information policy in Ukraine in the face of Russian aggression, with a focus on the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Some key findings include: less than 1% of Ukrainians consider Russian television an objective news source, while 31.1% consider Ukrainian television objective; over 40% of Ukrainians feel nostalgia for the Soviet era but over 60% do not want it to return; and the government's information policy in Donetsk and Luhansk needs to be more sensitive to regional differences and build trust through focusing on facts rather than political stances.
Different models of issue voting in britainAnurag Gangal
This document summarizes and compares different models of issue voting, and how they explain voting behavior in recent British elections. It discusses models like the Michigan Model, proximity models, valence voting models, and how they have evolved over time from the 1950s to today. While no single model can fully capture unpredictable voter behavior, these models provide useful frameworks for analyzing trends and major patterns of issue-based voting. The document also analyzes how factors like party identification, policy preferences, leadership images, and economic conditions influence how voters make choices between parties in British elections.
Comparative Analysis of Transnational Labor Migrants Everyday Life Practices ...comparsociology
This document summarizes Andrey V. Rezaev's comparative analysis of the everyday life practices of transnational labor migrants in Athens, Greece and St. Petersburg, Russia from 2009-2012. The study used methods like observation, group discussions, interviews and case studies to understand and compare the experiences of migrants in both cities. Preliminary conclusions found that migrants' everyday life practices can promote both social exclusion but also social inclusion if transformed. There is also a need for more inclusive policies and language regarding transnational migrants.
Local newspapers' online election coverage from October 25-29, 2004 was analyzed. 77% of stories changed over time, with most uploading by 9am. Coverage focused on local and regional stories (90%) rather than national. Endorsements did not affect tone of coverage. While some focused on "horse race" aspects, most stories were neutral (66%). Further analysis of bylines, story movement, lack of endorsements, and direction of online political news was recommended.
The aim of this Special Issue of Central European Political Studies is to
bring media scholars together and to reflect on the current trends in political journalism in our region. The focus of the articles is trained on the discovery of the shifts
and continuities in journalistic practises 25 years after the collapse of the communist regimes. Some of the findings and conclusions presented in the volume come
from studies conducted within the framework of international comparative research
projects such as Worlds of Journalism, Journalistic Role Performance Around the
Globe, or Media Accountability and Transparency in Europe (MediaAcT). The others
come from single, national empirical studies or analyses on the media systems conducted in the Central and Eastern countries.
This document provides a literature review and background on a study examining factors influencing the political participation of students at the University of Johannesburg. It discusses the following key points in 3 sentences:
The study aims to understand why political participation has declined among South African youth by examining how students' demographic characteristics and perceptions of the ruling ANC party influence their participation. The literature review covers political participation in general, and how race, class, and perceptions of the ANC have been found to shape political involvement. The document provides context on the study which used a survey to quantitatively measure how factors like race, class, and views of government affect the political participation of students at the University of Johannesburg.
Media access and exposure as determinants of the political Alexander Decker
This document summarizes a study that examined the relationship between media access and exposure on the political knowledge of undergraduates in Southwestern Nigeria. The study found that exposure to electronic media like television predicted higher political knowledge among respondents compared to print media. Most respondents preferred television as their main source of political information. The study recommended that governments and media organizations collaborate to increase youth access to print media and ensure broadcast media adhere to professional standards.
This document summarizes research directions for studying politicians' use of the internet. It identifies four opportunities for future research: 1) Moving beyond dichotomies and considering nuances, 2) Focusing on everyday online practices rather than just election periods, 3) Examining micro-level details rather than just country-level comparisons, and 4) Taking integrated methodological approaches that combine both quantitative and qualitative research. The document was written by Anders O. Larsson and Jakob Svensson to outline potential areas for further study on this topic.
Research Proposal : Political Representation of Different types of voters on ...Joshua Wong
This document proposes research on political representation of different voter types on Facebook. It will examine which voter types (defined by gender and ethnicity) are more politically engaged on Facebook by analyzing interactions with UK politicians' Facebook pages around the Brexit referendum. The literature review discusses research on factors influencing political engagement by gender and ethnicity both online and offline. The proposed data collection will categorize Facebook users and count their likes, comments and replies to politician posts to measure political representation. The research aims to provide insight into how well Facebook captures diverse political preferences.
Kim, M.J., & Park, H. W. (2012). Measuring Twitter-Based Political Participat...Han Woo PARK
Kim, M.J., & Park, H. W. (2012). Measuring Twitter-Based Political Participation and Deliberation in the South Korean Context by Using Social Network and Triple Helix Indicators. Scientometrics. 90 (1), 121-140.
http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007%2Fs11192-011-0508-5#page-1
This document summarizes a study on discussions of e-governance and e-participation services on Russian social media. The study analyzed over 19,000 social media posts related to topics like e-government, online services, and Russia's new e-petition portal. Key findings include that the e-petition portal was the most discussed topic, with over 6.7 million people engaged in discussions. Discussions peaked around certain events, like the portal's launch. The study also found that political topics attracted more male audiences aged 26-35. Social media provides insight into citizens' views that can help policymaking. The research showed room to improve analysis of text sentiment.
The document summarizes Keiko Ono's academic and professional background, focusing on her areas of study in political science and data science. It discusses her graduate studies in American politics, work with survey research, and recent collaborations applying data science approaches to political science questions. It also describes an experiment she participated in on developing software to facilitate constructive political discussions online.
Opposition to Russian Propaganda and Media Literacy: Results of All-Ukrainian...DonbassFullAccess
The document summarizes the results of an opinion poll conducted in Ukraine in February 2018 regarding media usage, opposition to Russian propaganda, and media literacy. Some key findings:
- The vast majority of Ukrainians get their information from Ukrainian TV channels, while a small percentage use Russian media. Most Ukrainians check information from different sources.
- Respondents feel they lack information about government strategies on Crimea and eastern Ukraine. Younger Ukrainians feel more informed on these issues.
- Interpretations of the conflict in eastern Ukraine differ significantly between western and eastern Ukraine. Support for restricting Russian media is higher in western Ukraine.
Phantom borders and electoral behaviour in Poland. Historical legacies, poli...Adam Mickiewicz University
The article deals with phantom borders in electoral behavior in Poland. Being aware of the already wide litera-ture in this field, the author tries to fill a gap existing in the research by investigating scale as a factor determining phantom borders' construction. Two historical-administrative regions, Wielkopolska and Pomorze (crossed by relict boundaries) were tested quantitatively and qualitatively. By employing double de-scaling (territorial and electoral) the author discovered that in both the macro and micro scales phantom borders are present, however, their construction and manifestation differs signifi-cantly. Consequently, this finding brings a new perspective to phantom border studies, widening the currently dominating historical perspective (with its structural and normative dimensions) by adding a new element: scale. It seems to bring a new perspective in understanding the investigated processes. Zusammenfassung: Der Beitrag setzt sich mit Phantomgrenzen im Bereich des Wahlverhaltens in Polen auseinander. Der bereits existierenden umfangreichen Literatur zu dieser Thematik durchaus bewusst, versucht der Autor eine Forschungs-lücke durch Untersuchung der Skala (Mikro-/Makroebene) als vorausbestimmenden Faktor der Konstruktion von Phan-tomgrenzen zu schließen. Die quantitative und qualitative Untersuchung wurde in zwei historisch-administrativen Regionen, Wielkopolska und Pomorze (durchschnitten von historischen Grenzen), durchgeführt. Durch den Einsatz einer De-scaling-Methode (territorial und elektoral) stellt der Autor fest, dass sowohl in der Makro-als in der Mikroebene Phantomgrenzen vorhanden sind, obgleich sie sich in ihrer Konstruktion und Artikulation bedeutend unterscheiden. Im Endeffekt eröffnet dieses Ergebnis eine neue Perspektive für Phantomgrenzen-Studien, indem die derzeit vorherrschende historische Perspek-tive (mit strukturellen und normativen Dimensionen) um das neue Element der Skalenebene erweitert wird.
Current trends in anthropological and sociological research on and in southea...Lorriene Bartolome
This document discusses current trends in anthropological and sociological research on Southeast Asia. It notes that researchers often focus on their specific country with little crossover or comparison between countries. It attributes this in part to colonial-era paradigms that fragmented the study of the region. Additionally, conducting research across multiple Southeast Asian countries requires fluency in many difficult languages. The document also examines differences in the status and working conditions of local Southeast Asian researchers versus European researchers, and how this can lead to different types of studies and issues addressed. It concludes by arguing for more cooperation between local and international researchers.
Three generations of polish Journalists. Professional roles and identitiesAgnieszka Stępińska
This paper provides an update of empirical data on the professional features, values and standards of Polish journalists. The study illustrates clear differences between three generations of journalists: those who have been working for media organizations for several decades now; those who entered the profession immediately following the political transformation of the late 1980s;
and those who recently graduated from university. Interestingly, both the youngest and the oldest journalists seem to share some professional approaches. Namely they believe that journalists should not be just news disseminators, but should also provide solutions to the problems of
ordinary people. On the other hand, journalists who entered the profession two decades ago seem to be more interested in a watchdog role for the media. Since their professional career started during the political transformation period or soon after, they still perceive themselves as
adversaries of public officials.
This document discusses research on the development of a European public sphere online. It examines how websites, especially political party websites, contribute to transnational communication and common understandings of Europe. Studies analyzed found that websites primarily provided information during election campaigns and encouraged little participation. While the internet facilitates the European public sphere, especially during European Parliament elections, further research could include less institutional actors and focus less on election periods.
Political communication in local elections: a comparative analysis of France ...Dariusz Tworzydło
This article is the result of a research study aimed at comparing the degree of maturity
of political communication in local government elections between France and Poland. The authors’ objective is to reveal the specificity of the subsystems of electoral communication between these countries mainly by presenting the diversity of
the communication tools used and the degree of professionalisation of communication management by local government politicians. The undertaking of a comparative
analysis of these two countries was dictated by the countries’ similarities in terms of
the three-tier division of local government. In addition, it compares the experience
of France’s mature democracy and Poland’s democracy, which is in its early stages.
A survey conducted on a representative sample could be extrapolated from the entire
population studied in France and Poland. The scope of the study concerned local
government elections from 2015 in France, and 2014 and 2018 in Poland. The article
presents conclusions of the research that focus on the manner and scope of application
of political communication in the selected countries.
The Regional Development of Democratization and Civil Society: Transition, Co...Przegląd Politologiczny
Different starting points, similar processes and different outcomes can be identified when comparing East Central Europe and East and South Asia. The two regions face similar global challenges, follow regional patterns of democratization and face crises. In communist times, East Central Europe was
economically marginalized in the world economy, while some parts of Asia integrated well in the global
economy under authoritarian rule. Europeanization and a favorable external environment encouraged the
former communist countries to opt for the Western-style rule of law and democracy. Different external
factors helped the Third Wave democracies in Asia, especially South Korea and Taiwan, which benefited
from the support of the United States and other global economic, military and cultural partnerships to
develop their human rights culture and democracy while facing their totalitarian counterparts, namely the
People’s Republic of China and North Korea. The very different positions Taiwan and Hungary have in
their respective regions follow from the different capacities of their transformation management since
1988–1989. Taiwan preserved its leading role and stable democracy despite the threat to its sovereignty
from the People’s Republic of China. Hungary never had such an influential and problematic neighbor
and was ensured security and welfare partnership by the European Union, which Taiwan lacked. While
Taiwan was less secure, economic and social conditions were more favorable for democratization than
those in Hungary. Hungary, in turn, held a leading position in democratization processes in the period of
post-communist transition which was lost during the crisis and conflicts of the last decade (after 2006 and
especially since 2010). Despite the fact that liberalization prepared the way for peaceful transition in both
countries and resulted in similar processes of democratic consolidation in the 1990s, Hungary joined the
‘loser’ group in its region, whereas Taiwan is among the top ‘winning’ countries in its region. Taiwan at the
moment is starting comprehensive reform processes toward enhanced democracy, civil rights and the rule
of law, and Hungarian development is criticized by many external and internal analysts as straying from the
path of European-style consolidated democracies towards illiberal trends and hybridization. Western global
concepts of democratization may help to identify similarities and differences, and compare stronger and
weaker factors in the democratic transitions in Asia and Europe within the Third Wave democracies.
The document summarizes the rise of populist and extremist parties in Hungary and Austria. It discusses how Hungary transitioned to democracy in the 1990s after the fall of the Soviet Union, with liberal parties like Fidesz emerging. Fidesz and its leader Viktor Orban initially supported European integration. However, after winning elections in 2010 with a supermajority, Fidesz enacted authoritarian reforms that concentrated power and conflicted with EU values. The document also examines the rise of the far-right populist party Jobbik in Hungary and compares it to the Freedom Party of Austria led by Jorg Haider, which rose by promoting anti-immigration and Euroskeptic messages.
This document summarizes research on party leadership in post-communist countries. It examines the formal determinants and profiles of party leaders in 57 parties across 10 post-communist states. Key findings include that most parties use the terms "chairman" or "president" to refer to their leader and have 4-year terms. Leaders are typically elected by party congresses composed of delegates from local structures, though some allow all members to vote. The research aims to contribute to the limited comparative studies of party leadership selection and profiles in this region.
The Routledge Handbook of Elections, Voting Behavior and Public Opinion.pdfMertYazgan4
This document provides an overview and introduction to The Routledge Handbook of Elections, Voting Behavior and Public Opinion. It describes the book as an authoritative reference text covering key developments and state-of-the-art research in the fields of electoral research, public opinion, and voting behavior. The handbook includes advanced overviews and debates across different approaches within these subfields. It also brings geographical scope and depth through comparative chapters drawing on global examples.
Different models of issue voting in britainAnurag Gangal
This document discusses various models of issue voting and how they explain voting behavior in recent British elections. It summarizes the key models including the Michigan Model, Clarke's proximity model, valence voting model, and position issue model. It analyzes how these models have helped understand factors like party alignments, issue salience, economic conditions, and leadership images that influence how British voters make choices. However, it also notes limitations of these models in fully capturing an increasingly disengaged electorate and failures to consider strategic versus sincere voting behavior with multiple candidates.
The rise of populist and extremist parties in Europe can be explained by their process of normalization and institutionalization over the past 20 years. Previously marginalized parties have modernized their leadership, rhetoric, and policies to become more acceptable. They have also gained popularity by presenting themselves as entrepreneurs bringing new issues neglected by mainstream parties. Meanwhile, traditional parties have lost momentum by failing to offer meaningful programs, policies, and ways to engage and mobilize citizens. The economic crisis further fueled populist criticism of elites and the EU. However, populism is a complex phenomenon not limited to extremist fringes, but also reflecting broader anxieties in society about globalization, national identity, and the changing role of the nation-state
This document summarizes the history and organization of Greek National Election Studies surveys conducted between 1985 and 2009. It provides an overview of the surveys, including timing, sample size, methodology, and key variables. It notes some gaps in variables compared to the TEV codebook categories and issues to address going forward to fully integrate the Greek data into the True European Voter database.
This document discusses political ethnography as a method of inquiry in the social sciences. Political ethnography involves close observation of political actors and processes in real time. It can provide insights into how politics work in everyday life in three ways: 1) Studying recognized political institutions and actors at a smaller scale. 2) Examining interactions between people and political institutions. 3) Analyzing aspects of everyday life that relate to politics, even if political actors are not present. Political ethnography offers advantages over traditional methods by showing how macro political actions play out locally, examining political practices, and providing thick descriptions of lived political experiences.
¿Elecciones o plebiscito? El relato de las elecciones autonómicas en Cataluña...alexarevalosalinas
The document discusses a study analyzing media coverage of Catalan elections in 2015 and 2017. It provides motivation for studying how media framed the elections and independence debate. A theoretical framework of media's role in political conflicts is presented. Methodology examines framing of the elections as plebiscitary or conventional, and interpretations of results as victory or defeat for pro-independence forces. Analysis found El Mundo framed the conflict as political, while Ara presented broader groups in conflict. El Mundo alone denied a pro-independence victory.
The Eurozone Crisis and the Democratic DeficitMiqui Mel
This document summarizes a conference on the democratic deficit and Eurozone crisis. It includes summaries of papers presented at the conference on topics related to the democratic legitimacy of EU institutions and policy responses to the crisis. One paper argues that greater political union is needed to legitimately and effectively address the crisis, while others fear this could compound economic and political problems given differences between member states. The introduction provides context on the conference and debates issues of democracy, solidarity and diversity in the EU framework.
This document summarizes and compares the 1990 and 1995 Polish presidential election campaigns. In 1990, the campaigns were disorganized and amateurish, with little use of professional tools like market research. By 1995, campaigns had become more sophisticated, with candidates conducting extensive market research and segmentation/targeting of voter groups. While still evolving, Polish campaigns were professionalizing along the lines of Western democracies as the country transitioned to democracy.
The assignment is covering week 12 and week 13 materials.Week 1.docxAASTHA76
The assignment is covering week 12 and week 13 materials.
Week 12: Static and flexible budgets.
Week 13: Standard costs and variance analysis
COST ACCOUNTING
ACCT 301
ASSIGNMENT 4
1. You are required to prepare a Direct Material Budget for the second quarter (April to June) by considering a manufacturing company operating in Saudi Arabia as a sample study.
2. You are required to prepare the Sales price variance and Revenue sales quantity variance by taking any of your choice Saudi based company and suggest the suitable reasons for the variances.
3. You are required to allot the support department cost to operations department by taking any Saudi based operating company.
4005737.txt
#4005737 Topic: evaluate how social science theories explain changes of voting behaviour over time.
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Chapter 7
Enacting elections
Richard Heffernan
1 Introduction 271
1.1 Structure of the chapter 274
1.2 Aims of the chapter 274
2 Collecting and generating evidence about elections 276
2.1 Social science and general elections in the UK 278
3 Explaining participation and non-participation in
elections 282
3.1 Explaining turnout in elections 284
4 Social science theories of voting decisions 289
4.1 The class-based theory: a sociological explanation
of voting 290
4.2 The party-identification theory: from a sociological to a
social-psychological explanation of voting 292
4.3 The valence-politics theory: an issue-based explanation
of voting 294
4.4 Description and understanding in the evaluation of
theories of voting 297
5 Enacting elections: informing and shaping public
debate 300
6 Conclusion: making sense of participation 303
6.1 Chapter summary 303
References 305
1 Introduction
1 Introduction
This chapter introduces the idea that social science not only describes
and understands social worlds, but it also helps to enact them – by
seeking to inform public debates and policy making, social science helps
to shape the ways in which processes and practices work. The chapter
explores this idea by using the example of how social science
investigates one particular type of participation; that is, participation as a
citizen in elections. Voting is often thought of as a basic form of
participation in the political life of the communities where people live.
Voting in an election is a means by .
15.5/20
Political life of the European Medieval Culture
The European high Middle Ages, lasted from about 1050 to 1300, suggest for most people a cultural interval between the standard period of the Greeks and Roman society and the Renaissance. The idea is on contrary to High Middle Ages which was a dynamic period that developed the identity of the European and development being stimulated by the interactions of the European with other cultures in the Mediterranean and the Eurasia. Most of the political and social forms and institutions afterward connected to the European history were founded in the times of this era. Comment by student: Essentially this is your thesis statement
This paper looks into the political life of the European Medieval Culture and its contribution to the recent politics in the European Society. It is believed that the political organization that exists in Europe now was something that began in the ancient times. These political practices were inherited, carried from one generation to another, being shaped and changed depending on the new experiences and innovations in life. The paper is therefore to give the correct an understanding of how the European political life developed up to where it stands now and what led to the changes that were made to make up the modern politics in the European society. The paper therefore comes out to argue that several upcoming factors in the medieval culture of Europe helped in the shaping of the current European political practices.
Bibliography
Alphabetical order
AlSayyad, Nezar, and Manuel Castells. Muslim Europe or Euro-Islam: politics, culture, and citizenship in the age of globalization. Lexington Books, 2002.
This article is important as it looks into the changing of realities and identity perception within the Europe. There is the need for full acknowledgement of the fact of ethnic diversity and religion. Muslim population got themselves part of a complex procedure of the European identity reconstruction and deconstruction from the above and below. The existence of the Islam within the European borders is pushing the reexamination of what it stands to be European, and giving profound and confusing questions about citizenship issues, civil society participation, and political recognition and being included or excluded. This article therefore gives why the composition of the Europe is full of the Christian population as compared to Muslim and what led to this and the distribution of the two religions. This also gives the making of the laws according to the religion that holds the power most, and thus in Europe the political life was some howsomehow most guided by the Christian religion. This therefore come up with religion as one of the factors that contributed to the political power in the European with Christians being many as compared to the Muslims thus controlling a large part of the Europe.
Anderson, James. "The shifting stage of politics: new medieval.
The document provides analysis of the results of the 2009 European Parliament elections by country. It finds that the center-right EPP group won the most seats overall at 264. The center-left Socialists lost significantly, only winning 184 seats. Nationalist and populist groups made gains in some countries. Voter turnout declined slightly but remained high in some countries like Belgium where the European elections were held concurrently with regional elections.
This document is a dissertation that examines the rise of single-issue parties in UK politics and whether they represent a new direction for representative democracy.
The introduction provides background on declining voter turnout and the emergence of new parties like UKIP, the Green Party, and NHAP. The literature review discusses the Power Inquiry report on declining political participation.
Chapter 2 discusses the UK's system of representative liberal democracy and how it has evolved from theories like Hobbes' social contract. It also examines the traditional two-party system and role of political parties in the Westminster model.
The document discusses three major theoretical models of voting behavior:
1) The sociological model emphasizes the influence of social factors and that voters align with candidates/parties that their social groups support.
2) The psychosocial model views party identification as the main determinant of voting decisions.
3) Rational choice theory focuses on variables like rational decision making, choice, and how information influences voting choices. The document reviews the key assumptions of each model and argues they are complementary in explaining electoral behavior.
Rolling Back the Rollback - Program and Participant BiographiesFabio Venturini
This document provides an agenda and descriptions for a forum program on the rollback of democracy that will take place on April 7, 2014 at CEU Octagon Hall. The program includes 4 panel discussions in the morning and afternoon on topics related to the rollback of democracy, followed by parallel working groups and a concluding plenary session. Brief biographies are provided for many of the panelists and moderators, who represent a variety of academic, political, and civil society backgrounds from different countries in Europe.
Similar to The Role of National Referendum in Central and Eastern European Countries. Selected Experiences (20)
This paper aims to examine the activity of the Mamy Głos Foundation [We
have a voice], an organization founded in 2015 by junior high school students from
a handful of towns in Poland. For this purpose, a review of available materials about
this organization will be carried out and information will be collected using in-depth
interviews with the founders of the organization. The main research question concerns
the motivation behind young people’s activity in the foundation, the methods used to
achieve the goals of the organization and its founders’ profiles. Their activity will be
presented in the context of political activism among young people, including gender
differentiation.
The United Kingdom joined the EEC/EU in 1973. Its membership has been
one of the thorniest issues in British politics over the last forty-five years. The United
Kingdom was one of the most Euroskeptic member states in the EU. The ‘added
value’ brought by London to the EU was the English language, which successively
supplanted French from the function of working language of the EU. English is not
only the official language of the EU (it is one of 24 official languages), but primarily
has a dominant position in the EU. It is used for communication between the EU and
the world, between European institutions and during informal meetings. The purpose
of this article is to analyze the position of English in the EU, to show its strengths, and
finally to answer the question of whether the present status of English in the EU will
remain after the UK leaves.
This article aims to identify the major cores of the 15-M Movement mindset
and explain how particular historical factors shaped it. The research problems are to identify the types of relations the movement established between the people and the ruling
elites in its political manifestos, and the sources of these discursively created relations.
The research field encompasses the content of political manifestos published between
the Spanish general election on March 9, 2008 and immediately after the demonstrations
held on May 15, 2011. To solve these problems, the research applies source analysis of
the political manifestos. These are: (1) The Manifesto of ¡Democracia Real YA!; (2) The
Manifesto of the Puerta del Sol Camp, and (3) The Manifesto “May 68 in Spain.” The
research uses the technique of relational qualitative content analysis to determine the
relations between the semantic fields of the major categories of populism, ‘the people’
and ‘the elites,’ as well as to identify the meanings formed by their co-occurrence. The
tool used is a content analysis instruction whose major assumption is to identify all the
attempts to create images of ‘the people,’ ‘the elites,’ and relations between them.
The article analyzes the structure, content, properties and effects of the
Russian-Ukrainian ‘hybrid war’ in its non-military dimension. Particular emphasis is
placed on the aspect of the information and propaganda war, as well as activities in
cyberspace. The Russian-Ukrainian conflict is described in the context of the new war
strategy of General Valery Gerasimov. Contemporary practice of hybrid actions in the
conflict in Ukraine has revealed that, for the first time, a stronger opponent, Russia,
uses the full spectrum of hybrid interaction on an opponent who is weak and unable
to defend the integrity of its territory. The military conflict of 2014 showed not only
the weakness of the Ukrainian state, but also, more importantly, the inefficiency of the
organizations responsible for ensuring international security: NATO, OSCE and the
UN. In the longer term, it should be noted that the escalation of hybrid activities in
Ukraine clearly threatens the states on the Eastern flank of the North Atlantic Alliance.
The analysis conducted refers to the problem defined in the form of questions: what
is the essence of hybrid operations? What is the nature of non-military hybrid operations? What was the course of these activities in Ukraine? How was international law
interpreted in relation to this conflict?
The article has three dimensions: methodological, theoretical, and empirical. A point of departure for the methodological remarks is a characterization of the
three main approaches in the vibrant interdisciplinary research field dealing with the
phenomenon of conspiracy theories. In this context, the content analysis method is
discussed as a promising approach to gain new data on conspiracy narratives. On the
theoretical level, the concept of conspiracy narratives is discussed in reference to the
popular understanding of the conspiracy theory. The main aim of the empirical part is
determining to what extent the media are saturated with different kinds of conspiracy
narratives. The analysis covers over 200 articles from two popular Polish news magazines (Sieci and the Polish edition of Newsweek) which occupy positions on opposite sides of the political divide in a society polarized, inter alia, by a conspiratorial
suspicion that in 2010 an airplane carrying President Lech Kaczyński on board was
deliberately crashed in Russia.
: The main goal of the studies described in this article may be defined as an
analysis of the promotional processes of regional and traditional products executed with
the use of symbols regulated by European law: Traditional Speciality Guaranteed (TSG),
Protected Designation of Origin (PDO) and Protected Geographical Indication (PGI).
The analysis presented here and the trends in promotional activities deducted from
it, primarily result from the specifics of the goods. The shape of the information system is also influenced by social and cultural factors decisive for the recognizability
and renown of the products, which have been confirmed by the results of the questionnaire conducted for the study. What is worth noting is the correlation between quality
and tradition, reflected, among other things, in declarations regarding the reasons for
the choice of these products: the sense of pride and the willingness to continue the
traditions were chosen by 45% of the survey participants. The Traditional Speciality
Guaranteed (TSG) has proven to be the most recognizable European symbol (38%).
This paper looks at the proposals of the European Commission for the
Multiannual Financial Framework 2021–2027, and explores how to achieve a better
future for Europe by ensuring compliance with the legally binding values and objectives of the EU: democracy, equality, the rule of law, economic, social and territorial
cohesion and solidarity between the member states.
It is argued that introducing progressivity, a reform of the EU’s finances involving
a paradigm shift in the financing of policies with redistributive effects and a reform of
the system of the EU’s ‘own resources,’ would ensure that solidarity becomes a matter
of the rule of law and not of governance through conditionalities and fines.
It is pointed out that, unless the EU undertakes an effective reform of its redistributive policies to ensure that progressivity and solidarity in the EU become a matter
of the rule of law, the Union will bear less and less resemblance to a democracy and
will increasingly look like an empire with an economically stronger and more rapidly
developing ‘core,’ and an economically weaker ‘periphery’ in the East and the South
lagging behind the ‘core.’
What is needed is collective action by the member states most immediately interested in a reform to make the system of EU’s ‘own resources’ less regressive and to
introduce progressivity in the financing of the policies of the EU. It would take significant skill for those countries to organize themselves as a group and to act together
in the course of the adoption of the legislative proposals for the next MFF in order to
make the EU more equitable.
Contemporary diplomacy has evolved into a network involving various
new actors, including international sports organizations. The article is dedicated to the
issue of the sports diplomacy of international bodies which are in charge of international sporting competitions, particularly the International Federation of Association
Football (FIFA), an organization that manages football on a global level.
The research presented in this article is a case study dedicated to the issue of the
influence of international sports organizations on the governments of sovereign states,
specifically FIFA. The objective of the research is to investigate whether international
sports organizations are able to make governments change their political decisions.
The hypothesis that has been investigated states that international sports governing
bodies are diplomatic actors capable of influencing states.
One of the first laws adopted by the new political leadership in Ukraine
in the aftermath of the Revolution of Dignity in 2014 was the new concept of local
governance reform and the organization of territorial authority in Ukraine. The aforementioned law, as well as official declarations by top politicians on the necessity of
empowering Ukrainian citizens to take part in the decision-making process and shape
their local communities, led to positive expectations regarding the transformation of
local governance in Ukraine. Therefore, this article addresses the issue of the legal
basis framing the functioning of civil society in Ukraine, focusing on major attempts
to conduct reform and on the main outcomes of implemented actions. Additionally,
emphasis is placed on the current state of cooperation between social and political
actors, and the trends in civil participation in the decision-making process regarding
decentralization and local governance reform in Ukraine.
This document discusses how illiberal democracy in Hungary from 2010-2014 negatively influenced the effectiveness of lobbying control in the country. It defines key terms like lobbying, interest groups, and liberal vs illiberal democracy. Illiberal democracies differ from liberal democracies in that they do not strictly follow the rule of law, lack independent oversight of the government, have more corrupt political elites, less free media, and do not fully protect civil rights and minorities. The document analyzes how Hungary met the criteria of an illiberal democracy during this period and repealed its lobbying law, diminishing transparency and accountability in the lobbying process.
The article is based on an analysis of national and European legal acts,
documents and source literature and its aim is to describe education and information
in consumer policy in Poland. The protection of consumer rights within the scope
of information and education is presented as a prime objective of the consumer policy strategy of the European Union and government programs of consumer policy
in Poland. Certain aspects of information and education policy of the government
are investigated, which are included in the Consumer Policy Strategy 2014–2018.
The competencies of consumer authorities in the institutional context are thoroughly
discussed in terms of education and information in Poland. Moreover, the consumer
identity of information and education policy between Poland and the European Union
is indicated.
Agrarianism was founded in Germany in the second half of the nineteenth
century, but it exercised the greatest influence in the predominantly agricultural countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Central European agrarianism was the ideology
of peasants and it proclaimed that land was the greatest wealth of the nation, agriculture was the most important branch of economy, and peasants were the morally
healthiest and thus the most valuable part of the society. Agrarianism was a personalist
ideology, which proclaimed a conception of man as a subject of social and economic
life. It criticized both extreme liberalism and totalitarian political ideology and advocated the concept of a ‘third way of development’ – between capitalism and communism. The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the formation and development
of Polish agrarianism, and the related process of transfer and reception of knowledge.
The analysis focuses on the concept of land, man and labor, formulated by the representatives of the mainstream of agrarianism. In the 1930s, the Polish agrarians voiced
demands for land reform and the development of smallholder agriculture which, in
their opinion, made an optimal use of the land, capital and labor, that is, the most
important resources available to interwar Poland.
Using a proprietary computer program, simulations of voting in the Council
after Great Britain’s withdrawal from the EU were carried out. In the case of some of
them, a methodological innovation consisting in departing from the assumption that
the emergence of each possible coalition is equally probable was used. The analysis
conducted indicates that after Brexit the ability of the Council members to form small
minimally blocking coalitions will change significantly. At the same time, the assessment of the ability of states to block decisions in the Council and made on the basis
of the Preventive Power Index, differs fundamentally from the results of the analysis
focusing on building small minimally blocking coalitions.
This research is funded by the National Science Centre, Poland, under project no.
UMO-2016/23/D/HS5/00408 (SONATA 12 grant) entitled “The Impact of Brexit and
Unconditional Introduction of the ‘Double Majority’ Voting System on DecisionMaking in the Council of the European Union.”
Teoretycy i praktycy storytellingu koncentrują się zazwyczaj na formalnych właściwościach przekazu, upatrując klucza do jego perswazyjnej skuteczności w realizacji strukturalnych cech opowiadania. Niniejszy artykuł kładzie natomiast
nacisk na poznawczy aspekt relacji komunikat-odbiorca, upatrując w nim ważnego
czynnika determinującego siłę perswazyjnego oddziaływania storytellingu. W pierwszej części tekst analizuje psychologiczne przesłanki skuteczności perswazyjnej narracyjnego komunikatu. Część kolejna stanowi teoretyczną propozycję w jaki sposób
zwiększyć skuteczność jego oddziaływania, uwzględniając budowę, właściwości
i funkcje schematów poznawczych oraz w oparciu o model poznawczych reakcji na
perswazję.
The author examines the nexus between international law and the concept
of human security that emerged in the 1990s. The article proceeds in three parts. Part
one outlines the concept of human security, its genesis and contents. Part two examines the nexus between human security and international law and briefly considers the
most representative aspects of international law, including international jurisprudence,
that, in the author’s opinion, reflect human security imperatives. Finally, conclusions
provide answers to the questions posed and indicate the increased value of the human
security concept. The questions read as follows: How can human security strengthen
international actions (actions based on international law)? Where in international law
is human security reflected? In other words, what aspects of international law reflect
a human security-centered approach? What is the role of international law in human
security? Taking all this into account, what is the added value of adopting the concept
of human security? This article is inevitably interdisciplinary, as it combines the perspectives of international law and international relations.
Najważniejszą barierą rozwoju małych i średnich przedsiębiorstw
(MŚP) jest ograniczony dostęp do źródeł finansowania. W fazie startu wykorzystują
one zwykle środki własne, rodziny i przyjaciół. Następnie zaś sięgają one po kredyt bankowy, którego otrzymanie jest trudne ze względu na brak historii finansowej,
gwarancji i ekonomiczną ich słabość. Nieliczne mogą korzystać z grantów rządowych i wsparcia międzynarodowych organizacji (np. Unii Europejskiej). Pomocnymi mogą być alternatywne źródła finansowania takie jak venture capital, mezzanine,
crowdfunding, emisja obligacji oraz publiczna emisja akcji (Initial Public Offering:
IPO). Ten ostatnio wymieniony sposób finansowania może przynieść znaczne korzyści dla MŚP; umocnić ich pozycję rynkową i umożliwić ekonomiczną ekspansję, ale
związany jest z wieloma barierami. Do najważniejszych należą trudność spełnienia
kryteriów notowania na giełdzie lub specjalnych platformach, nawet jeśli są one łagodniejsze niż dla dużych firm, wysokie koszty, brak wiedzy o rynku kapitałowym
i niska płynność akcji MŚP. Dlatego niezbędne jest podjęcie przez rządy, organizacje
międzynarodowe i krajowe oraz interesariuszy działań zmierzających do likwidacji
lub ograniczenia tych barier.
Dyskusje i badania polskiego członkostwa w strefie euro są w obecnych, dynamicznie zmieniających się warunkach obarczone dużą dozą niepewności,
stąd ograniczać się mogą jedynie do kreślenia scenariuszy. Niniejsze opracowanie
skupia się na aspektach gospodarczych decyzji o: 1) definitywnej rezygnacji z wprowadzenia wspólnej waluty w Polsce, 2) szybkiej akcesji do strefy euro oraz 3) odsunięciu w czasie udziału Polski w tej strefie. Każdy z wariantów rodzi inne skutki polityczno-ekonomiczne i tym samym wyznacza inne ścieżki długookresowego rozwoju
polskiej gospodarki.
Artykuł prezentuje wyniki badań nad traumą społeczno-kulturową
w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej. Do weryfikacji teorii traumy zostały wykorzystane reprezentatywne dane sondażowe z Białorusi, Bułgarii, Węgier, Rumunii, Polski,
Rosji i Ukrainy. Prowadzone analizy pokazały, że społeczeństwo postkomunistyczne
negatywnie oceniło zmiany systemu gospodarczego i politycznego. Źródłem traumy był spadek poziomu życia oraz wzrost przestępczości. Respondenci uważali, że
w wyniku transformacji stracili na zmianach i pod wpływem powstałej traumy pesymistycznie oceniali przyszłość. Rekcją na pojawiającą się traumę była nostalgia za
socjalizmem i bezpieczeństwem społecznym przezeń oferowanym. Czynnikami łagodzącymi szok w społeczeństwie postkomunistycznym było wykształcenie, młodszy
wiek i orientacja proeuropejska.
Zasadniczym celem artykułu jest przybliżenie prób reformy systemu
wyborczego do Rady Najwyższej Ukrainy podejmowanych w okresie przypadającym
po Euromajdanie. Analizie zostały poddane rozwiązania prawne zawarte w zarejestrowanych i poddanych pod głosowanie w parlamencie projektach ordynacji wyborczych. Przybliżono także stanowisko poszczególnych sił politycznych wobec potrzeby reformy systemu wyborczego, na co pozwoliła analiza programów wyborczych,
zapisów umowy koalicyjnej zawartej w RN VIII kadencji, jak również wyników
głosowania nad poszczególnymi projektami ustaw w parlamencie. Ponadto uwaga
została skupiona na wynikach badań opinii publicznej, pozwalających ukazać, który
z wariantów systemu wyborczego jest najbardziej pożądany przez ukraińskie społeczeństwo.
Mołdawia jest państwem, które z jednej strony podejmuje wysiłki
zmierzające ku demokratyzacji i europeizacji jej systemu politycznego i prawnego,
z drugiej – działania te są chaotyczne, brak im konsekwencji i są uwarunkowane
bieżącą sytuacją polityczną. Jednym z obszarów podlegających takim politycznym
przesileniom jest samorząd terytorialny. Cele artykułu są dwojakie: po pierwsze, periodyzacja i charakterystyka kolejnych etapów kształtowania się modelu samorządu
lokalnego w Mołdawii, po drugie – charakterystyka aktualnie obowiązujących rozwiązań i wskazanie podstawowych problemów istotnie wpływających na jego funkcjonowanie.
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The Role of National Referendum in Central and Eastern European Countries. Selected Experiences
1. DOI 10.14746/ssp.2016.3.2
Magdalena Musiał-Karg
Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań
The Role of National Referendum in Central and
Eastern European Countries. Selected Experiences1
Abstract: Direct democratic choices have been of great importance in Central and
Eastern European countries since they have marked the key steps on those states’
paths to democracy. Direct democracy – particularly referenda – is arousing increas-
ing interest among politicians and the electorate, which is manifested in the ongoing
public debate on the role of civil participation in decision-making processes, as well
as in the increase in the number of national referenda held in Europe and worldwide.
Hence, studies on referenda in Central and Eastern Europe seem to be a very interest-
ing and academically important task worthy of further exploration. The main research
aim of this paper is to answer the question of the role of nationwide referenda in the
political practice of Central and Eastern European states, as well as the question of
the future prospects for the use of referenda. More emphasis is placed on referenda
conducted after 1989. On the basis of these research results, referenda are divided
into three categories: independence referenda, so called “deepening” referenda and
accession referenda.
Key words: referendum, direct democracy, Central and Eastern Europe
Introduction
Democratic government and the choices made by citizens in elections
and referendums determine the paths democratic states take in shaping
their policies. Direct democracy as a form of democratic ruling concedes
to all citizens the right to decisive voting on political issues and therefore
comes as close as possible to the principle of political equality (Schiller,
2003). Without any doubt ‘direct’ choices have been of great importance
in Central and Eastern European countries since they have marked the key
1
This article has been written within the research project: Demokracja
bezpośrednia w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej po 1989 roku: wymiar formalno-
prawny i praktyczny. Analiza politologiczna (UMO-2014/15/B/HS5/01866) financed
by the National Science Center in Poland.
2. 42 Magdalena Musiał-Karg ŚSP 3 ’16
steps on those states’ paths to democracy. From this perspective, the con-
cept of civil participation in the process of making decisions (Kishna, 2001,
p. 3) related to the state has been a significant element of European history,
which became particularly important in the context of political transition in
Central and Eastern Europe at the turn of the 1980s.
Direct democracy instruments seem to play today an increasingly im-
portant role across the globe in involving citizens in the political pro-
cess. The phenomenon of referendum is an important part of the political
processes in many European countries. Many authors point out that in
democratic states the referendum and other direct instruments should not
be thrown away since they are crucial devices of citizens’ government.
The issue of direct democracy and its institutions has been drawing the
attention of researchers worldwide for a long time, whereas recent years
clearly evidence an increased interest in direct forms of democracy in
Europe. Whether in Western Europe, where democracy has long been
well established, or in the states of the former Soviet bloc, direct democ-
racy supplements representative governance (Linder, 1996, p. 26; Barber,
1984, pp. 179–180) as evidenced by numerous referenda held on varied
occasions in the west, center and east of Europe. Observers who repre-
sent such entities as the Initiative and Referendum Institute – Europe,
Democracy International, IDEA – International Institute for Democracy
and ElectoralAssistance, other NGOs and think tanks agree that out of the
many instruments of direct democracy the importance of referenda has
been on the rise, as evidenced by the large number of referenda conducted
over the last 20–25 years. This is likely to have resulted from the fact that
direct democracy was initially ‘triggered’ by the political transition in
the states of the former Soviet bloc and then reinforced by the process of
European integration, which facilitated more frequent appeals to public
opinion by means of national referenda than before. The referenda held
in Central and Eastern Europe at that time were of particular importance,
as in many cases they were of symbolic significance (independence and
accession to the European Union). This text discusses the experiences of
holding referenda in Central and Eastern Europe. The primary research
goal is to answer the question of the role of national referenda in Central
and Eastern Europe, thereby indicating the similarities and differences
in the political practice of different states in this part of the continent, on
the one hand, and answering the question of the future prospects of this
form of governance. The theoretical aspects of considerations herein are
primarily based on the findings of such foreign scholars as Ian Budge
3. ŚSP 3 ’16 The Role of National Referendum in Central and Eastern... 43
(1996), Thomas E. Cronin (1989), Lawrence LeDuc (2003), Matt Qvor-
trup (2002) and Markku Suksi (1993).
The empirical part refers mainly to statistics (on the number, time, topic
and results of referenda) which have turned out to be exceptionally helpful
when analyzing the use of state referenda in Central and Eastern Europe,
and allowed me to compare the results of studies. This paper concentrates
on examining the number of popular votes2
held in this part of Europe, de-
termining their character (whether they were voluntary or mandatory) as
well as the topic of each. Referenda held in 24 countries3
in Central and
Eastern Europe from January 1, 1900 to October 31, 2016 are analyzed.4
Approaching the topic in this manner made it possible to examine how the
instrument of the referendum was used in individual countries throughout an
entire century (thereby identifying the states with the greatest experience of
referenda) and determine the periods when referenda were most frequently
used in decision-making processes in different countries. The analysis of the
topics the referenda addressed made it possible to indicate the themes that
are typically subjected to a vote. This paper is not an exhaustive analysis of
how the instrument of the referendum has been used in the part of Europe
concerned, and it intends to make a contribution to further discussion on
how this instrument may be used in the future and how efficient it is.
Referenda in Central and Eastern Europe
The analysis of how referenda are used in practice in Europe in
order to solve different politically and socially significant issues makes
2
It should be noted that different authors quote different numbers of referenda
held in different countries. These differences are mainly caused by the fact that nu-
merous scholars treat each question asked in a referendum as a separate referendum.
This practice is most popular among Anglo-Saxon scholars. In Polish literature, by
turn, a referendum where voters answer several questions is treated as a single ref-
erendum. This approach is adopted in the present paper – which referenda addressed
several different issues and encompassed several questions is indicated. Nevertheless,
such votes are treated as a single referendum, since they were held simultaneously.
3
Albania,Belarus,Bulgaria,BosniaandHercegovina,Croatia,Cyprus,CzechRepub-
lic (Czechia), Estonia, Hungary, Kosovo, Latvia, Lithuania, Macedonia, Malta, Moldova,
Montenegro, Poland, Romania, Russia, Serbia, Slovakia, Slovenia, Turkey, Ukraine.
4
Former version of this paper was published in: Musiał-Karg, 2012. This paper is
a reference and continuation (and complement) of considerations on the role of refer-
endum institution in Central Eastern Europe. The research has been updated to 2016.
4. 44 Magdalena Musiał-Karg ŚSP 3 ’16
it possible to conclude that this instrument enjoys considerable inter-
est in the electorate.5
Its popularity may be evidenced by the number
of votes held as well as the high average voter turnout. Both in West-
ern Europe and Central and Eastern Europe an average of more than
60% of voters have taken part in all referenda held since the beginning
of 1900. It should be noted, however, that civil participation in the
election processes in Central and Eastern Europe raises considerable
concerns. The studies of referenda held in what are called ‘young de-
mocracies’ evidence that the highest turnout was recorded when the
matters of regaining independence and accessing the European Union
were being decided. The results of the independence referenda were
quite predictable and there were no concerns about the turnout. Yet the
turnout in later referenda was considerably lower. What’s more due
to the low participation rate some referenda has been invalidated. For
instance, in Hungary in October 2016,6
only 40.4% cast valid ballots
– short of the required 50% threshold, or in Poland in September 2015,7
only 7.8 percent of voters took part in three-question referendum, way
below the 50% threshold.
When analyzing referenda held in Europe, a considerable difference
can be noted as to the time when referenda started to be used in both parts
of the continent. In Western Europe referenda were conducted from the
very beginning of the 20th
century and their number grew considerably af-
5
For more on this topic see the works by M. Musiał-Karg, E. Zieliński, M. Gal-
lagher, M. Marczewska-Rytko, E. Kużelewska, B. Kaufmann and others.
6
In February 2016, the Hungarian government decided to hold a national ref-
erendum on the EU mandatory distribution system of refugees among the Mem-
ber States. The government proposed the following referendum question: “Do you
want the European Union to be able to require the resettlement of non-Hungarian
citizens in the country without the Hungarian parliament’s approval?” The question
was approved both by the National Election Committee and – after rejecting four
complaints from opposition parties – the Supreme Court of Hungary. According to
Hungarian regulations, the vote to be valid and binding required the turnout higher
than 50%.
7
The nationwide referendum consisted of three questions: 1. Are you in favor of
introducing single-member constituencies in elections to the Sejm of the Republic of
Poland? 2. Are you in favor of maintaining the current system of financing political
parties from the state budget? 3. Are you in favor of introducing a general principle
whereby any legal doubts in interpreting tax law would be resolved in favor of taxpay-
ers? All three questions raised problems in relation to an unconstitutional nature of
the first question, lack of precision of the second question, and irrelevance of the third
question. The referendum to be binding required min. 50% turnout.
5. ŚSP 3 ’16 The Role of National Referendum in Central and Eastern... 45
ter World War II.8
There was not a single referendum held in Central and
Eastern Europe before 1922, and it was rather rare there in later years
as well. Typically, one referendum would be held in only one of those
countries in any given year. It should be noted that voter turnout at that
time was very high, which was most likely the outcome of the political
situation in those countries (e.g. Poland –1946, Romania – 1938, 1941
and 1986, Bulgaria – 1922, 1946 and 1971) or its mandatory character
(e.g. Turkey in 1982, when failing to vote could be punished by the loss
of voting rights for 5 years). The period of political transition turned
out to mark a watershed in referendum practice in Central and Eastern
European states, where representative governance was complemented
with the elements of direct democracy. The most frequent topics put to
the vote at that time concerned regaining independence by the nations
earlier encompassed by the communist bloc. The analysis of the number
of referenda held shows that referenda enjoyed exceptional interest in
this part of Europe in 1992 and 2003, when 8 and 12 referenda were
held respectively.
Despite the experience gathered with respect to referenda during the
first decades of the 20th
century (although this experience was typically
not related to democratic governance), 1989 marked a turning point in the
use of this form of governance in Central and Eastern European states.
As mentioned before, this was the beginning of the political transition
aimed at the implementation of a democratic order in the states that had
been separated from the (democratic) West by the ‘iron curtain.’A total of
86 referenda were held in this part of Europe from January 1989 to Octo-
ber 2016. In terms of topics, over a dozen referenda were held on the issue
of regaining independence. In many countries, these popular votes turned
out to be the most important referenda ever held, since the decisions made
on their basis marked the onset of a democratic transformation. Politi-
cal, social and economic changes were preceded by the adoption of new
constitutions in the respective states, which in many cases were also sub-
jected to referenda. In the 1990s, numerous reforms, for instance priva-
tization-related reforms, were also implemented using this tool of direct
democracy. This clearly demonstrated the fact that nationwide referenda
were assigned an important role in shaping the political system of the new
states – former satellites of the Soviet Union. The increased importance
8
Centre for Research on Direct Democracy (c2d), http://www.c2d.ch/, October
15, 2016; Musiał-Karg, 2008, p. 186.
6. 46 Magdalena Musiał-Karg ŚSP 3 ’16
of voting was further confirmed in the referenda on accession to the Euro-
pean Union held in 2003 and later, for instance in Croatia – in 2012.
Referenda on regaining independence
There is no doubt that referenda on independence were a significant
form of democracy in the process of political changes in the countries of
the former Soviet bloc. In many of them, referenda on regaining indepen-
dence marked the beginning of political and social transition. It should be
noted here that a vote on independence is about obtaining the legitimate
confirmation of the nation’s desire to change its political status. Although
the results of such votes typically are not binding, after the nation ex-
presses its desire, the government tends to make decisions taking this
opinion into account.
The referenda held in Central and Eastern Europe in the early 1990s
usually concerned the change of the status of associated territories to that
of sovereign states, and adopting the status of a sovereign state by autono-
mous territories. Therefore, it seems justified to claim that the referendum
was a tool applied by societies in the Soviet bloc to express their desire to
change the political system and abandon the socialist tradition.
The first referendum on independence was held in Slovenia on Decem-
ber 23, 1990. This was the first referendum there ever9
(Lukšic, Kurnik,
2001, p. 192). The referendum in Slovenia started a wave of successive
independence votes in Central and Eastern Europe.
Table 1
Referenda on independence in Central and Eastern Europe
State Date Topic Turnout (%) Yes (%) No (%) Result
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Slovenia Dec. 23, 1990 – independence 93.31 95.71 4.29 accepted
Lithuania Feb. 9, 1991 – independence 84.74 93.24 6.76 accepted
Estonia Mar. 3, 1991 – independence 82.96 78.41 21.57 accepted
9
Igor Lukšic andAndrej Kurnik claim that the first Slovenian experience in terms
of referendum dates back to 1919. This traumatic experience, to quote the authors,
took place after World War I ended, and Slovenians joined the kingdom of Serbs,
Croats and Slovenians. A referendum was held then to determine the border between
Austria and the territories inhabited by both Austrian and Slovenian populations. It
was decided in the referendum that the territory would belong to Austria (Lukšic,
Kurnik, 2012, p. 192).
7. ŚSP 3 ’16 The Role of National Referendum in Central and Eastern... 47
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Latvia Mar. 3, 1991 – independence 87.56 74.90 25.10 accepted
Ukraine Mar. 17, 1991 – sovereignty of
Ukraine
83.50 83.50 16.50 accepted
Croatia May 19, 1991 – independence
– remaining in
Yugoslavia
84.94
84.94
93.24
5.50
6.76
94.50
accepted
rejected
Macedonia Sept. 8, 1991 – independence 71.85 95.09 4.91 accepted
Ukraine Dec. 1, 1991 – independence 84.18 92.26 7.74 accepted
Bosnia and
Herzegovina
Mar. 1, 1992 – independence 62.45 99.69 0.31 accepted
Moldova Mar. 6, 1994 – independence 75.10 95.40 2.00 accepted
Montenegro May 21, 2006 – independence 86.49 55.49 44.51 accepted
Source: Centre for Research on Direct Democracy (c2d), http://www.c2d.ch/, 15.10.2016.
Further referenda on independence were held in February and March
1991 in four Soviet republics. Despite protests by the USSR authori-
ties, independence referenda were held in Lithuania, Estonia and Latvia,
whereas Ukraine held a referendum on sovereignty. In all four instances,
over 80% of voters went to the polls and their definite majority approved
of the proposed changes. Another referendum followed in Ukraine in De-
cember 1991, this time the topic was regaining independence. The same
year, two more votes on the same topic were held in Croatia and Mace-
donia, followed by Bosnia and Herzegovina in March 1992 and Moldova
in March 1994. After this wave of independence referenda, a twelve-year
break followed. Another vote on independence, so far the last, was held
in Montenegro in May 2006, which resulted in Montenegro separating
from Serbia.
The high voter turnout in independence referenda evidenced the high
mobilization of societies in respective countries. Civil participation in all
these referenda ranged from ca. 62% to over 90%. This high turnout was
accompanied by an unambiguous attitude of voters. In ten out of eleven
referenda affirmative answers (“yes”) accounted for over 70% of votes
and over 90% in seven countries. The results of the last vote are an excep-
tion in this series of independence referenda, as 55% of voters voted for
independence.
Another characteristic of these independence referenda was a domino
effect. The referenda were held over a short period of time (one after
another) and therefore the result of a referendum in one country had an
impact on the results of successive votes held in other countries later on.
8. 48 Magdalena Musiał-Karg ŚSP 3 ’16
The experiences gathered in the field of independence referenda con-
stitute a significant contribution to the discussion on the importance of
direct democracy in Central and Eastern Europe. The analysis of inde-
pendence referenda leads to a conclusion that all these referenda were
unanimously answered by the electorate, thereby dramatically changing
the political map of the world, establishing over a dozen new states in
Europe.
Referenda deepening reforms (reforming referenda)
Another category of referenda conducted in Central and Eastern Eu-
ropean states after 1990 can be classified as “deepening” referenda. This
name stresses the fact that the referenda that followed the votes on inde-
pendence held in Central and Eastern Europe aimed to reinforce and de-
epen the changes initiated at the turn of the 1980s. This category encom-
passes referenda on new constitutions, first and foremost, referenda on
political systems, such as that of parliamentary or presidential elections,
and votes on reforms, for instance of privatization or insurance systems.
The majority of “deepening” referenda were held in the 1990s. Ho-
wever, the constitutional referendum held in Serbia in October 2006,
five months after the independence vote in Montenegro, also falls into
this category. Table 2 presents statistics concerning the “deepening” re-
ferenda.
Table 2
Selected “deepening” referenda in Central
and Eastern European states
State Date Topic
Turnout
(%)
Yes
(%)
Result
1 2 3 4 5 6
Hungary Oct. 26,
1989
presidential elections––
dissolution of workers’ militia––
account of the property of the socialist––
party
banning of the socialist party from––
workplaces
58.04 50.07
94.93
95.37
95.14
accepted
accepted
accepted
accepted
Romania Dec. 12,
1991
constitution–– 67.25 79.11 accepted
Lithuania June 14,
1992
unconditional withdrawal of the So-––
viet troops 76.05 92.27 accepted
9. ŚSP 3 ’16 The Role of National Referendum in Central and Eastern... 49
1 2 3 4 5 6
Estonia June 28,
1992
constitution–– 66.76 92.00 accepted
Lithuania Oct. 25,
1992
constitution–– 75.26 78.23 accepted
Lithuania Aug. 27,
1994
privatization (8 questions)–– 36.89 Ca.
89
invalid
Slovakia Oct. 22,
1994
disclosure of privatization transac-––
tions 19.98 93.64 invalid
Slovenia Dec. 8,
1996
system of parliamentary elections––
(3 proposals):
A. proportionate election
B. German model
C. French model
37.94
14.38
44.52
26.19
all pro-
posals
rejected
Poland Feb. 18,
1996
general property enfranchisement of––
citizens
liabilities to pensioners and public––
sector employees paid from the priva-
tization of public assets
contribution to the common pension––
fund to be made from a portion of pri-
vatized assets
increased National Investment Fund––
share certificates
privatization vouchers in the property––
enfranchisement program
32.40
32.44
32.44
32.44
32.44
94.54
92.89
93.70
21.86
88.30
invalid
Poland Apr. 27,
1997
constitution–– 42.86 52.70 accepted
Slovakia Sept. 26,
1998
refraining from privatizing enterprises––
of strategic importance 44.06 84.30
invalid
Serbia Oct. 29,
2006
constitution–– 55.00 53.00 accepted
Source: Centre for Research on Direct Democracy (c2d), http://www.c2d.ch/, 15.10.2016.
The analysis of this referendum category points to a conclusion that
“deepening” referenda concerned a relatively broad range of issues from
the constitution to political issues (Rytel-Warzocha, 2011, pp. 254–255),
to the withdrawal of Soviet troops, to privatization issues (Gebethner,
2001). The referenda conducted in this period did not produce the domino
effect observable in the case of independence votes.
The most prominent feature of “deepening” referenda was the consid-
erably lower turnout than in the case of independence referenda. Whereas
10. 50 Magdalena Musiał-Karg ŚSP 3 ’16
participation in the latter exceeded even 90%, the latter were character-
ized by lower turnouts, as little as 30–40%, resulting in some referenda
failing to meet the conditions for validity.
Another significant property of “deepening” referenda was that so-
cial support for the proposed changes was considerably lower. The at-
titudes of voters were not as unanimous as in the case of independence
referenda, where in the majority of cases over 90% of the electorate
gave an affirmative answer to the referendum question. In the “deep-
ening” referenda, the supporters of proposed changes ranged from ca.
20% (as in the 1992 referendum in Poland) to over 90% (the 1989 refer-
endum in Hungary, the 1992 referendum in Lithuania and the 1994 one
in Slovakia, and so on).
“Deepening” referenda can be approached as evidence that after the
initial enthusiasm triggered by the onset of political transition, positive
emotions subside and the social commitment to matters of apparently less
symbolic character – goes down.
Referenda on accession to the European Union
The referenda on accession to the European Union held in 2003 (and
in Croatia in 2011), in relation to the greatest enlargement of the EU,
were instrumental in the process of democratic transition in Central and
Eastern Europe.
Joining the European Union was perceived as symbolically joining
the Western democracies, and was among the priorities of foreign poli-
cies of the former members of the Soviet bloc following their political
transformation (Kużelewska, 2006). Joining the EU was therefore tre-
ated as a matter of general significance, not identified with individual
interests but related to the future of all citizens and generations to come.
It should be noted that the accession referenda in respective countries
were distinguished by uniqueness, and their results – by historical irre-
versibility. Therefore, turnout was forecast to be high, and social sup-
port for individual countries joining the Community was expected to be
at a high level as well (Musiał-Karg, 2008, p. 287; Musiał-Karg, 2012,
p. 212).
As concerns the 2003 referenda in the countries expected to join EU
structures in 2004, Cyprus was the only country not planning to vote.
Nine referenda were held from March to September 2003.
11. ŚSP 3 ’16 The Role of National Referendum in Central and Eastern... 51
Table 3
Accession referenda in Central and Eastern Europe
State Date Topic
Turnout
(%)
Yes
(%)
No
(%)
Result
Malta Mar. 8, 2003 – joining the EU 90.85 53.65 43.65 accepted
Slovenia Mar. 23, 2003 – joining the EU 60.43 89.64 10.36 accepted
Hungary Apr. 12, 2003 – joining the EU 45.63 83.76 16.24 accepted
Lithuania May10–11, 2003 – joining the EU 63.30 89.93 10.07 accepted
Slovakia May 16–17, 2003 – joining the EU 52.15 92.46 6.20 accepted
Poland Jun. 07–08, 2003 – joining the EU 58.85 77.45 22.55 accepted
Czech Republic Jun. 13–14, 2003 – joining the EU 55.21 72.33 23.71 accepted
Estonia Sept. 14, 2003 – joining the EU 64.06 66.83 33.17 accepted
Latvia Sept. 20, 2003 – joining the EU 73.12 67.48 32.52 accepted
Croatia Jan. 22, 2012 – joining the EU 43.51 66.27 33.13 accepted
Source: Kaufmann, 2004, p. 9; Ten referenda on Europe in Europe, 2003; Centre for Re-
search on Direct Democracy (c2d); Musiał-Karg, 2008, pp. 284–294; Musiał-Karg, 2012,
p. 204; Podolak, 2014, p. 294.
The voters in all these referenda unambiguously supported member-
ship of the EU, as over 50% of voters supported accession in every coun-
try, and in countries with a minimum turnout requirement for a referen-
dum to be valid (Lithuania, Slovakia, Poland,10
Latvia11
and Hungary12
)
this condition was fulfilled.
The turnout in all the countries concerned exceeded 50%, but the au-
thorities in many countries were aware that it would be relatively difficult
to achieve the threshold required for a referendum to be valid. In order
to reduce the risk that the turnout might be too low, Lithuania, Poland,
Slovakia and the Czech Republic decided to extend voting time. The ref-
erenda organized in these countries were two days long, in the hope that
an additional election day would boost turnout.13
10
In Lithuania, Slovakia and Poland a referendum is valid provided that at least
half of eligible citizens cast their vote.
11
For the referendum to be valid at least ca. 497,000 voters (35.14% of eligible
citizens) had to cast their vote, that is at least half of those who voted in the last par-
liamentary elections (Dziewulski, Otachel, 2003, p. 59).
12
In conformity with Hungarian law, the result of a referendum is deemed valid
if the number of answers to one of the questions asked in this referendum (“Yes” or
“No”) gets more than 25% of eligible votes.
13
These concerns turned out to be justified, as evidenced by the referenda. Dur-
ing two day referenda the turnout was expected to exceed 60%, whereas in Slovakia
it was 52.2% and in Poland 58.85%.
12. 52 Magdalena Musiał-Karg ŚSP 3 ’16
All the accession referenda brought a positive result, and on May 1,
2004 eight post-communist countries became EU members. Joining the
states of the Old Union meant for them the total abandonment and sepa-
ration from the former political system, and the symbolic closure of the
period named ‘post-communism.’
After 2003, Croatia was the only new EU member (alongside Bulgaria
and Romania) that decided to carry out a general vote on the issue. The
vote in Croatia was held during a financial crisis, the atmosphere was
filled with fears, and the election turnout was the lowest of all accession
referenda in Central and Eastern Europe.
Concluding these considerations on referenda on accession to the EU,
it can be noted that in their case (as evidenced in 2003) the order of votes
held in candidate countries was essential. Varied degrees of support made
it possible to influence voter preferences by means of the above-men-
tioned domino effect.14
It should be stressed that although the referenda
were extended in several countries, the results after the first voting day
were far from being as enthusiastic as expected (for instance, after the
first day, the turnout in Lithuania was 23% and together with the votes
cast by mail it slightly exceeded 30%; in Poland it was ca. 17%).
Summing up, the accession votes held in 2003 and 2012 were cru-
cial for future member states from Central and Eastern Europe since they
marked a ‘symbolic closure of their relation with the former Soviet bloc’
and were the final step in doing so. Additionally, in the majority of coun-
tries, accession referenda were the first common votes on a strictly ‘Eu-
ropean issue.’
Conclusions
The analysis of the experiences of Eastern and Central European states
leads to a number of conclusions.
Firstly, the instrument of referendum has been relatively frequently
applied to resolve essential political issues – especially over the last two
14
Malta was somewhat exceptional among the states going to vote in 2003, be-
ing the first country to hold a referendum despite low civil support and the uncertain
results of the vote. Although the referendum was purely advisory in nature, from the
point of view of the remaining countries, its outcome was significant for the results
of the votes to come there. A Maltese “No” would blight the propaganda effect of the
plan of holding ‘cascade’ accession referenda.
13. ŚSP 3 ’16 The Role of National Referendum in Central and Eastern... 53
or three decades. Matters of independence and the process of European
integration (joining the EU) are such unique and historically irreversible
issues.
Secondly, referenda on such crucial matters (as independence and
joining the EU) typically featured high voter turnout and practically
unanimous attitudes of voters.
Thirdly, national referenda seem to be well established in the political-
legal systems of Central and Eastern Europe, which is evidenced by the
fact that a majority of constitutions directly provide for the procedure of
referendum.
Fourthly, Central and Eastern Europe is a region where referenda
were relatively frequently held over last twenty years. Although this
democratic form of governance was actually born in Western Europe,
it has been extensively applied also in Central and Eastern Europe, as
evidenced by the fact that all states in this region have held a referen-
dum at least once.
Fifthly, although ‘young democracies’ (which a definite majority of
CEE states are) use referenda to resolve essential matters, it is difficult
to talk about a well-established practice of resorting to this instrument,
partly owing to negative experiences dating back to before 1989.
Sixthly, many countries have established turnout thresholds required
for a referendum to be valid.15
Adopting such provisions means that states
face a considerable challenge of ensuring success in referenda, in particu-
lar when the issues put to vote are not of symbolic meaning (when turnout
tends to be low, making a referendum invalid).
The comparison of the different groups of referenda discussed here in
terms of selected features makes it possible to note differences between
various types of voting. The most prominent differentiating factor pertains
to the subject matter of referenda. Whereas voting on independence and
accession to the EU were devoted to a single and precisely formulated is-
sue, the “deepening” referenda addressed a significantly broader range of
issues – from the constitution, to the political system, to the withdrawal
of Soviet troops, to privatization.
15
Voter turnout at the minimum level of 50% of those eligible to vote is re-
quired in Slovakia, Lithuania, Bulgaria and Romania; when referenda concern the
change to the constitution – in Slovenia and Latvia; and in ordinary referenda in
Poland.
14. 54 Magdalena Musiał-Karg ŚSP 3 ’16
Table 4
Referenda in Central and Eastern Europe – comparison
of selected properties
Independence
referenda
“Deepening” referenda
Accession
referenda
Range of topics One topic:
independence
A broad range of topics One topic: acces-
sion to the EU
Domino effect Present Absent Present
Voter turnout Very high
(ca. 80% on average)
Low or relatively low (ca. 50%
on average) (numerous refe-
renda were invalid)
Relatively high
(ca. 60% on ave-
rage)
Proportion of
‘yes’ answers
Very high
(ca. 87% on average)
Relatively high (ranging from
ca. 38% to over 90%)
(ca. 75% on average)
Very high
(ca. 80% on ave-
rage)
Result All referenda ‘ac-
cepted’
Varied answers, numerous re-
ferenda were invalid
All referenda ‘ac-
cepted’
Source: Own elaboration.
It should be added that, due to the character and significance of the to-
pics of accession and independence referenda, in both types of referenda
the effect of their sequential order was taken advantage of. A high pro-
portion of voters supporting independence and accession to the European
Union was a result, among other things, of the ‘example’ set by earlier
referenda, as well as of the desire of CEE societies to join the democratic
states from Western Europe.
The process of European integration seems to have stimulated the
practice of using referenda in the countries of the former Soviet bloc.
A similar trend could also be observed in Western Europe. On account
of EU membership and progressing integration processes, both groups of
states have begun to resort to referenda to a greater extent than before.
This analysis of the practice of holding referenda in CEE states makes
it possible to identify three, time-related waves of referenda. The first one
took place in the early 1990s, the second fell in the later 1990s, although
this was not as clear-cut as the first one, and the third wave could be seen
starting in 2003.
On account of the topic of referenda, three types can be identified
which overlap with the above-mentioned waves, namely independence
referenda (political system transition, beginning of reforms), “deepening”
referenda – on the constitution, political system, privatization (deepening
and consolidation of changes, further reforms) and accession referenda.
15. ŚSP 3 ’16 The Role of National Referendum in Central and Eastern... 55
It has recently become clear that the issues related to the European Union
prevailed as the topics of referenda in many states, whether EU members,
or those that are not in the EU yet. This suggests that another reason to hold
national referenda in some CEE states will be related to the issue of joining
the euro zone and adoption of the single European currency.
Summing up, it can be said that the long tradition of holding referenda
in European states evidences the fact that it is a significant instrument
to empower societies and to create and form civil society (although the
experience of CEE states shows that this process may take a long time).
This last function of this instrument of direct democracy seems to be of
particular importance from the point of view of CEE states.
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grało w Europie Środowej i Wschodniej istotną rolę – szczególnie w latach 89/90,
bowiem wyznaczało kierunek dalszego rozwoju państw tamtej części kontynen-
tu. Demokracji bezpośredniej – szczególnie w formie referendum – wzbudza coraz
większe zainteresowanie przede wszystkim wśród polityków oraz uprawnionych do
głosowania, co uzewnętrznia się m.in. w toczącej się debacie publicznej nad rolą par-
tycypacji obywateli w procesach decyzyjnych, a także we wzroście liczby referendów
ogólnokrajowych nie tylko w Europie, ale i na świecie. Stąd podjęcie badań nad in-
stytucją referendum w państw wydaje się być przedsięwzięciem interesującym, waż-
nym, aktualnym, a przez to wartym naukowej eksploracji. Głównym zamierzeniem
badawczym niniejszego tekstu jest odpowiedź na pytanie o rolę instytucji referendum
ogólnokrajowego w praktyce politycznej państw Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej
17. ŚSP 3 ’16 The Role of National Referendum in Central and Eastern... 57
oraz o perspektywy wykorzystania tej formy sprawowania władzy w przyszłości.
Największa uwaga poświęcona została referendom, które przeprowadzono po 1989 r.
Na tej podstawie dokonano klasyfikacji na referenda: niepodległościowe, pogłębie-
niowe i akcesyjne.
Słowa kluczowe: referendum, demokracja bezpośrednia, Europa Środkowo-
Wschodnia