This document provides an overview of a MA thesis that analyzes EU issues coverage in Italian media from 2008-2014, covering national and European Parliament elections. The thesis contains two hypotheses: 1) Coverage of EU issues in Italian newspapers increasingly shaped the 2014 EP elections compared to 2009. 2) EU matters have become increasingly significant in both national and EP elections in Italy, partially contradicting the Second-Order Elections model. The thesis methodology examines coverage in 5 Italian newspapers, and contains two case studies analyzing coverage patterns and salient EU themes. The document outlines the Italian political context during the period and provides background on studies of EU issue salience in elections.
Praktyka wykorzystania form demokracji bezpośredniej w państwach europejskich dowodzi, iż prócz licznych głosowań referendalnych w sprawach ogólnonarodowych, coraz bardziej popularnym przedmiotem debaty publicznej, a następnie głosowania stają się również
kwestie o tematyce „unijnej”. Wykorzystanie referendum ogólnonarodowego do decydowania
w sprawach procesu integracji europejskiej nie jest zjawiskiem nowym, bowiem pierwsze głosowanie o tej tematyce miało miejsce już w 1972 r. Od tego czasu integracja europejska stała
się przedmiotem 60 ogólnonarodowych referendów – zarówno w państwach członkowskich,
w państwach kandydujących, jak i w państwach „trzecich”, które związane są dziś z Unią Europejską różnego rodzaju umowami bilateralnymi. Większość doświadczeń związanych z wykorzystaniem referendów w sprawach „europejskich” jest – można rzec – pozytywnych, jednak
część z nich przysporzyło państwom członkowskim i samej Unii wielu problemów. Jednym
z ostatnich przykładów głosowań referendalnych, którego konsekwencje będą miały swój wyraz w przyszłym kształcie Unii Europejskiej, jest głosowanie z 23 czerwca 2016 r. sprawie
członkostwa Wielkiej Brytanii w UE.
Głównym celem niniejszego tekstu jest odpowiedź na pytanie o konsekwencje referendów
w sprawie integracji (ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem głosowania brytyjskiego) dla przyszłego kształtu Unii Europejskiej.
Direct democratic choices have been of great importance in Central and
Eastern European countries since they have marked the key steps on those states’
paths to democracy. Direct democracy – particularly referenda – is arousing increasing interest among politicians and the electorate, which is manifested in the ongoing
public debate on the role of civil participation in decision-making processes, as well
as in the increase in the number of national referenda held in Europe and worldwide.
Hence, studies on referenda in Central and Eastern Europe seem to be a very interesting and academically important task worthy of further exploration. The main research
aim of this paper is to answer the question of the role of nationwide referenda in the
political practice of Central and Eastern European states, as well as the question of
the future prospects for the use of referenda. More emphasis is placed on referenda
conducted after 1989. On the basis of these research results, referenda are divided
into three categories: independence referenda, so called “deepening” referenda and
accession referenda.
In this paper, we study the relation between electoral competition and political selection, using a unique dataset containing detailed yearly information about members of the French National Assembly from 1959 to 2012. First, we innovate by using productivity as a measure of politicians’ quality. As we gathered information on the many aspects of deputies’ individual work, we use a nonparametric composite indicator of deputy activity that fully acknowledges the multidimensional nature of parliamentary work. Second, we do not impose any assumption about the relationship between electoral competition and political selection by using a fully nonparametric framework. Third, this method allows studying the evolution of the relationship between electoral competition and political selection over time. Overall, our results show that deputies elected in a priori contested districts have a higher overall productivity, with the intensity of this relationship reaching its peak in the 80’s but constantly decreasing since then.
To read more, please visit https://www.hhs.se/site
Polish Printed Media Coverage and Evaluation of the Polish Presidency in the ...Agnieszka Stępińska
The document discusses a study analyzing Polish print media coverage of Poland's first presidency of the European Union Council in 2011. It examines how four daily newspapers (Gazeta Wyborcza, Rzeczpospolita, Nasz Dziennik, and Fakt) and three weekly magazines (Polityka, Wprost, and Uważam Rze. Inaczej pisane) portrayed and evaluated the presidency. The study found that while the newspapers' political biases could have led to differing evaluations, most coverage was neutral. Gazeta Wyborcza and Fakt had the highest levels of neutral assessments at 67% and 57%, while Rzeczpospolita and Nasz D
The document summarizes the rise of populist and extremist parties in Hungary and Austria. It discusses how Hungary transitioned to democracy in the 1990s after the fall of the Soviet Union, with liberal parties like Fidesz emerging. Fidesz and its leader Viktor Orban initially supported European integration. However, after winning elections in 2010 with a supermajority, Fidesz enacted authoritarian reforms that concentrated power and conflicted with EU values. The document also examines the rise of the far-right populist party Jobbik in Hungary and compares it to the Freedom Party of Austria led by Jorg Haider, which rose by promoting anti-immigration and Euroskeptic messages.
The document provides analysis of the results of the 2009 European Parliament elections by country. It finds that the center-right EPP group won the most seats overall at 264. The center-left Socialists lost significantly, only winning 184 seats. Nationalist and populist groups made gains in some countries. Voter turnout declined slightly but remained high in some countries like Belgium where the European elections were held concurrently with regional elections.
Praktyka wykorzystania form demokracji bezpośredniej w państwach europejskich dowodzi, iż prócz licznych głosowań referendalnych w sprawach ogólnonarodowych, coraz bardziej popularnym przedmiotem debaty publicznej, a następnie głosowania stają się również
kwestie o tematyce „unijnej”. Wykorzystanie referendum ogólnonarodowego do decydowania
w sprawach procesu integracji europejskiej nie jest zjawiskiem nowym, bowiem pierwsze głosowanie o tej tematyce miało miejsce już w 1972 r. Od tego czasu integracja europejska stała
się przedmiotem 60 ogólnonarodowych referendów – zarówno w państwach członkowskich,
w państwach kandydujących, jak i w państwach „trzecich”, które związane są dziś z Unią Europejską różnego rodzaju umowami bilateralnymi. Większość doświadczeń związanych z wykorzystaniem referendów w sprawach „europejskich” jest – można rzec – pozytywnych, jednak
część z nich przysporzyło państwom członkowskim i samej Unii wielu problemów. Jednym
z ostatnich przykładów głosowań referendalnych, którego konsekwencje będą miały swój wyraz w przyszłym kształcie Unii Europejskiej, jest głosowanie z 23 czerwca 2016 r. sprawie
członkostwa Wielkiej Brytanii w UE.
Głównym celem niniejszego tekstu jest odpowiedź na pytanie o konsekwencje referendów
w sprawie integracji (ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem głosowania brytyjskiego) dla przyszłego kształtu Unii Europejskiej.
Direct democratic choices have been of great importance in Central and
Eastern European countries since they have marked the key steps on those states’
paths to democracy. Direct democracy – particularly referenda – is arousing increasing interest among politicians and the electorate, which is manifested in the ongoing
public debate on the role of civil participation in decision-making processes, as well
as in the increase in the number of national referenda held in Europe and worldwide.
Hence, studies on referenda in Central and Eastern Europe seem to be a very interesting and academically important task worthy of further exploration. The main research
aim of this paper is to answer the question of the role of nationwide referenda in the
political practice of Central and Eastern European states, as well as the question of
the future prospects for the use of referenda. More emphasis is placed on referenda
conducted after 1989. On the basis of these research results, referenda are divided
into three categories: independence referenda, so called “deepening” referenda and
accession referenda.
In this paper, we study the relation between electoral competition and political selection, using a unique dataset containing detailed yearly information about members of the French National Assembly from 1959 to 2012. First, we innovate by using productivity as a measure of politicians’ quality. As we gathered information on the many aspects of deputies’ individual work, we use a nonparametric composite indicator of deputy activity that fully acknowledges the multidimensional nature of parliamentary work. Second, we do not impose any assumption about the relationship between electoral competition and political selection by using a fully nonparametric framework. Third, this method allows studying the evolution of the relationship between electoral competition and political selection over time. Overall, our results show that deputies elected in a priori contested districts have a higher overall productivity, with the intensity of this relationship reaching its peak in the 80’s but constantly decreasing since then.
To read more, please visit https://www.hhs.se/site
Polish Printed Media Coverage and Evaluation of the Polish Presidency in the ...Agnieszka Stępińska
The document discusses a study analyzing Polish print media coverage of Poland's first presidency of the European Union Council in 2011. It examines how four daily newspapers (Gazeta Wyborcza, Rzeczpospolita, Nasz Dziennik, and Fakt) and three weekly magazines (Polityka, Wprost, and Uważam Rze. Inaczej pisane) portrayed and evaluated the presidency. The study found that while the newspapers' political biases could have led to differing evaluations, most coverage was neutral. Gazeta Wyborcza and Fakt had the highest levels of neutral assessments at 67% and 57%, while Rzeczpospolita and Nasz D
The document summarizes the rise of populist and extremist parties in Hungary and Austria. It discusses how Hungary transitioned to democracy in the 1990s after the fall of the Soviet Union, with liberal parties like Fidesz emerging. Fidesz and its leader Viktor Orban initially supported European integration. However, after winning elections in 2010 with a supermajority, Fidesz enacted authoritarian reforms that concentrated power and conflicted with EU values. The document also examines the rise of the far-right populist party Jobbik in Hungary and compares it to the Freedom Party of Austria led by Jorg Haider, which rose by promoting anti-immigration and Euroskeptic messages.
The document provides analysis of the results of the 2009 European Parliament elections by country. It finds that the center-right EPP group won the most seats overall at 264. The center-left Socialists lost significantly, only winning 184 seats. Nationalist and populist groups made gains in some countries. Voter turnout declined slightly but remained high in some countries like Belgium where the European elections were held concurrently with regional elections.
Celem artykułu jest ukazanie wyników badania zawartości polskich mediów z okresu
sprawowania przez Polskę przewodnictwa w Radzie Unii Europejskiej w 2011 roku. Analiza poświęcona była wpływowi orientacji politycznej organizacji medialnej (wybranych gazet
codziennych i tygodników opinii) na sposób relacjonowania polskiej prezydencji. Podstawę
teoretyczną badania stanowiły dwie koncepcje: europeizacji sfery publicznej oraz polityzacji
Europy. Wyniki badania nie tylko potwierdzają różnice w prezentowaniu tematyki europejskiej
i polskiej prezydencji w tytułach o wyraźnie określonej orientacji politycznej, ale ukazują specyfikę polskich mediów: źródłem cen i poglądów prezentowanych na łamach są nie tylko politycy, ale także dziennikarze. Na podstawie wyników wyprowadzić można wniosek nie tylko
o instrumentalnym wykorzystywaniu tematyki europejskiej podczas parlamentarnej kampanii
wyborczej w Polsce w 2011 roku, ale także o polityzacji Europy jako zjawiska związanego
ściśle z wertykalną europeizacją sfery publicznej i demokratyzacją.
This document summarizes a dissertation that examines the European Parliament's use of its internet television channel, EuroparlTV, to address its communicative deficit with citizens. Through a case study of the EuroparlTV sub-channel "Discover Parliament", the dissertation finds that the Parliament is reluctant to discuss its own role in the democratic deficit or provide solutions to resolve it. The dissertation recommends that the Parliament more openly recognize the democratic deficit and empower citizens to help resolve it.
The Eurozone Crisis and the Democratic DeficitMiqui Mel
This document summarizes a conference on the democratic deficit and Eurozone crisis. It includes summaries of papers presented at the conference on topics related to the democratic legitimacy of EU institutions and policy responses to the crisis. One paper argues that greater political union is needed to legitimately and effectively address the crisis, while others fear this could compound economic and political problems given differences between member states. The introduction provides context on the conference and debates issues of democracy, solidarity and diversity in the EU framework.
This document provides information about a media study conducted as part of the PIREDEU project. The study involved content analysis of news coverage from television and newspapers from 27 EU member states during the three weeks leading up to the 2009 European Parliament elections. A total of 52,009 news stories were coded by 58 coders at two universities. The goals of the study were to analyze news coverage of the EU and elections, ensure the data could be linked to other PIREDEU studies, and establish an infrastructure for future election studies. The results will be made publicly available.
Assumptions Of The Theory Of Regional Disintegration Suggestions For Further...Leslie Schulte
The document discusses proposals for developing a theory of regional disintegration based on existing integration theories. It suggests examining disintegration through the lenses of neofunctionalism, constructivism, realism, and institutionalism. Regarding neofunctionalism, the author argues crises challenged its assumptions that regional cooperation is more functional and crises catalyze integration. For constructivism, the author argues crises undermine European values and ideas, weakening pro-European identities. From a realist perspective, the author examines the impact of shifting power dynamics between European countries. Finally, the author discusses how path dependency and social interests tied to EU institutions may counteract disintegration tendencies.
¿Elecciones o plebiscito? El relato de las elecciones autonómicas en Cataluña...alexarevalosalinas
The document discusses a study analyzing media coverage of Catalan elections in 2015 and 2017. It provides motivation for studying how media framed the elections and independence debate. A theoretical framework of media's role in political conflicts is presented. Methodology examines framing of the elections as plebiscitary or conventional, and interpretations of results as victory or defeat for pro-independence forces. Analysis found El Mundo framed the conflict as political, while Ara presented broader groups in conflict. El Mundo alone denied a pro-independence victory.
The document discusses the role of networks in the EU's foreign policy toward Colombia. It examines three stages of policymaking: 1) the external issue (Colombia), 2) the inter-institutional perceptions and debates between the EU Council, Commission, and Parliament, and 3) the creation of external networks with NGOs to execute cooperation policies. Regarding Colombia, the EU is concerned with security issues like drugs and terrorism more than economic factors. The EU provides aid but its role is overshadowed by the US. Internally, the Council is most important but the Commission and Parliament also influence policy. Networks with NGOs are crucial for implementing programs on the ground.
The rise of populist and extremist parties in Europe can be explained by their process of normalization and institutionalization over the past 20 years. Previously marginalized parties have modernized their leadership, rhetoric, and policies to become more acceptable. They have also gained popularity by presenting themselves as entrepreneurs bringing new issues neglected by mainstream parties. Meanwhile, traditional parties have lost momentum by failing to offer meaningful programs, policies, and ways to engage and mobilize citizens. The economic crisis further fueled populist criticism of elites and the EU. However, populism is a complex phenomenon not limited to extremist fringes, but also reflecting broader anxieties in society about globalization, national identity, and the changing role of the nation-state
This document discusses research on the development of a European public sphere online. It examines how websites, especially political party websites, contribute to transnational communication and common understandings of Europe. Studies analyzed found that websites primarily provided information during election campaigns and encouraged little participation. While the internet facilitates the European public sphere, especially during European Parliament elections, further research could include less institutional actors and focus less on election periods.
More than four in ten Europeans think that equal opportunities and access to the labour market, fair working conditions, access to quality health care and the standard of living of people in the EU are the most important elements for the EU’s economic and social development. Specifically, over four in ten respondents mention equal opportunities and access to the labour market as one of the most important elements, just ahead of fair working conditions. A similar proportion mention access to quality health care and the standard of living of people in the EU. Close to a third of respondents also mention social protection and inclusion as important.
The document discusses the democratic deficit of the European Union and ways to address it. It argues that EU citizens feel detached from EU institutions and lack incentive to vote in European Parliament elections. This represents a legitimacy problem for the EU. However, the European Parliament has grown in power with each new EU treaty and the upcoming elections provide an opportunity for citizens to influence EU policymaking and help reduce the democratic deficit. Voting in the elections is important for a healthy democratic process in the EU.
The document calls for a change in the European political culture from a consensus-oriented model to one that embraces political conflicts like at the national level. The current consensus model is depoliticized and expert-dominated, making voters' voices irrelevant and decreasing trust and interest. It lacks transparency and clarity on political responsibility. In contrast, political conflicts at the national level better define positions, increase responsiveness and voter control over leaders through punishment or reward of their actions. A shift towards a more conflict-based political culture at the European level could help revitalize democracy.
Economic integration, within- and between-country inequality in EuropeEesti Pank
This document summarizes a paper analyzing trends in overall, within-country, and between-country inequality in Europe from 1960-2017. It finds that:
1) Overall, within-country, and between-country inequality in Europe have generally increased since the 1970s-1980s, though the timing and magnitude of changes have varied between countries.
2) Major economic and institutional events like the introduction of the Euro were accompanied by shifts between the within- and between-country components of inequality, but did not significantly alter overall inequality trends.
3) Inequality trends tend to be persistent over time, suggesting targeted policy measures are needed at national and EU levels to address the social impacts of rising inequality.
The document discusses Euroscepticism in several European countries from the perspective of young leaders. It begins with an introduction noting the rise of Euroscepticism across Europe and important elections and referendums coming in 2015. It then provides perspectives on Euroscepticism from young leaders in Britain, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, Spain, and the Netherlands. The leaders discuss the importance and context of the Euroscepticism debate in their countries and how it relates to their country's view of the EU as a global actor.
European Elections - MEPs and Constituent CommunicationFTI Consulting FR
The EU is going through an existential crisis. Support for the EU is at an all-time low across a swathe of Member States. The campaigns for the forthcoming European Parliament elections (22-25 May) have represented an important opportunity for current and candidate MEPs to explain to citizens what the EU is and does, and the benefits of membership. But has that opportunity been squandered? FTI Consulting examine the results of some proprietary research conducted at how successful MEPs have been in communicating about the EU in the run up to the elections.
This document provides a literature review and theoretical framework for a master's thesis comparing women's political representation in Italy and Spain. It discusses key factors that influence women's representation, including positive action policies like quotas, the role of advocacy groups, and differences in political culture and systems. It also reviews trends in the European Union generally, noting that while representation has increased over time, women remain underrepresented on average. The thesis will use a comparative case study approach to analyze why representation levels diverged between Italy and Spain, despite their similarities, hypothesizing that differences can be explained by examining their policy implementation processes and advocacy actors.
This document discusses the need for reforms to create a more social and democratic European Union. It argues that the current EU integration process overly favors market liberalization at the expense of social regulation and democracy. The institutional architecture of the EU multi-level system creates an imbalance that undermines fundamental social rights and weakens member states' social models. The document proposes using the concept of social democracy as a blueprint for reform. Specifically, it identifies three key policy areas for reform: establishing an "open" EU constitution, setting social minimum standards, and strengthening the fiscal capacities of member states.
European Integrative Processes of Albania and Mo.docxhumphrieskalyn
European Integrative Processes of Albania and Montenegro
FEEDBACK and things TO AMEND:
1) The Title has to be re-phrased
2) The Figure of the map is wrong
3) The English used needs to make sense
4) Some facts and statistics are wrong
5) Book to include: “The Europeanisation of the Western Balkans; a Failure of EU conditionality?” ISBN: 978-3-319-91412-1
6) Freedom House has a report on Albania and Montenegro and Check EU parliment resolutions.
7) Create your own opinion, argument and support it by facts.
ABSTRACT
This study is presenting the analysis and evaluation by the use of secondary data from the past researches. The data from the year 2013 to 2017 is utilized in this study to present discussions that are explaining the trends and narrative of the countries to join EU. The conducted study is supporting the discussion by exploring and explaining each aspect of the impact of joining of EU in Albania and Montenegro. This study is presenting the advantages that can be avail by Albania and Montenegro by availing the opportunities through the membership of NATO. The critical literature is presenting the changing trends along with the democratic rights avail by the member countries in Europe under the influence of EU regulations.
Table of Contents
ABSTRACT 2
Chapter 1: Introduction 8
1.1 Research Background 8
1.2 Problem Statement 10
1.3 Research Questions 10
1.4 Research Objectives 11
1.5 Significance of the Study 11
1.6 Project Outline 11
Chapter 2: Literature Review 13
2.1 Chapter Introduction 13
2.2 European Union, its Impacts and Process of Joining 13
2.3 Conceptual Framework 21
2.4 Research Gap 22
2.5 Chapter Summary 22
Chapter 3: Research Methodology 24
3.1 Chapter Introduction 24
3.2 Research Philosophy 24
3.3 Research Type 25
3.4 Research Design 27
3.5 Data Collection Technique 27
3.6 Sampling Technique and Sample Size 28
3.7 Data Analysis 28
3.8 Ethical Consideration 29
3.9 Chapter Summary 31
Chapter 4: Data Analysis and Discussions 32
4.1 Discussions 32
4.2 Chapter Summary 37
Chapter 5: Recommendations and Conclusion 39
5.1 Limitation of the Study 39
5.2 Future Scope 39
5.3 Recommendation 40
5.4 Conclusion 40
6.0 References 42
List of Acronyms
CSR: Corporate Social Responsibility
DPS: Democratic Party of Socialists
ECU: Eurasian Customs Union
EU: European Union
FDI: Foreign Direct Investment
IFDI: Inward Foreign Direct Investment
MNC: Multinational Corporations
NATO: North Atlantic Treaty Organization
SME: Small Medium Enterprise
WTO: World Trade Organization
List of Figures
Figure 1: Countries waiting to join EU13
Figure 2: NATO and EU Relations15
Figure 3: The Economic Impact of Brexit20
Chapter 1: Introduction1.1 Research Background
This thesis is going to prove a comparative analysis of the impact of the process of joining the European Union. As per the analysis of Featherstone and Kazamias (2014), it has been found that the European Union made a step by step improvements and changes in the relations o.
This document provides an overview of Euroscepticism as a phenomenon challenging European elites. It discusses Euroscepticism in different parts of Europe, both among populist and extremist right-wing parties as well as more moderate voices. The author analyzes Euroscepticism in the European Parliament and evaluates the challenges posed by the rise of Eurosceptical views. The document aims to distinguish between Euroscepticism as a general sentiment versus as a part of specific political profiles and ideologies.
Celem artykułu jest ukazanie wyników badania zawartości polskich mediów z okresu
sprawowania przez Polskę przewodnictwa w Radzie Unii Europejskiej w 2011 roku. Analiza poświęcona była wpływowi orientacji politycznej organizacji medialnej (wybranych gazet
codziennych i tygodników opinii) na sposób relacjonowania polskiej prezydencji. Podstawę
teoretyczną badania stanowiły dwie koncepcje: europeizacji sfery publicznej oraz polityzacji
Europy. Wyniki badania nie tylko potwierdzają różnice w prezentowaniu tematyki europejskiej
i polskiej prezydencji w tytułach o wyraźnie określonej orientacji politycznej, ale ukazują specyfikę polskich mediów: źródłem cen i poglądów prezentowanych na łamach są nie tylko politycy, ale także dziennikarze. Na podstawie wyników wyprowadzić można wniosek nie tylko
o instrumentalnym wykorzystywaniu tematyki europejskiej podczas parlamentarnej kampanii
wyborczej w Polsce w 2011 roku, ale także o polityzacji Europy jako zjawiska związanego
ściśle z wertykalną europeizacją sfery publicznej i demokratyzacją.
This document summarizes a dissertation that examines the European Parliament's use of its internet television channel, EuroparlTV, to address its communicative deficit with citizens. Through a case study of the EuroparlTV sub-channel "Discover Parliament", the dissertation finds that the Parliament is reluctant to discuss its own role in the democratic deficit or provide solutions to resolve it. The dissertation recommends that the Parliament more openly recognize the democratic deficit and empower citizens to help resolve it.
The Eurozone Crisis and the Democratic DeficitMiqui Mel
This document summarizes a conference on the democratic deficit and Eurozone crisis. It includes summaries of papers presented at the conference on topics related to the democratic legitimacy of EU institutions and policy responses to the crisis. One paper argues that greater political union is needed to legitimately and effectively address the crisis, while others fear this could compound economic and political problems given differences between member states. The introduction provides context on the conference and debates issues of democracy, solidarity and diversity in the EU framework.
This document provides information about a media study conducted as part of the PIREDEU project. The study involved content analysis of news coverage from television and newspapers from 27 EU member states during the three weeks leading up to the 2009 European Parliament elections. A total of 52,009 news stories were coded by 58 coders at two universities. The goals of the study were to analyze news coverage of the EU and elections, ensure the data could be linked to other PIREDEU studies, and establish an infrastructure for future election studies. The results will be made publicly available.
Assumptions Of The Theory Of Regional Disintegration Suggestions For Further...Leslie Schulte
The document discusses proposals for developing a theory of regional disintegration based on existing integration theories. It suggests examining disintegration through the lenses of neofunctionalism, constructivism, realism, and institutionalism. Regarding neofunctionalism, the author argues crises challenged its assumptions that regional cooperation is more functional and crises catalyze integration. For constructivism, the author argues crises undermine European values and ideas, weakening pro-European identities. From a realist perspective, the author examines the impact of shifting power dynamics between European countries. Finally, the author discusses how path dependency and social interests tied to EU institutions may counteract disintegration tendencies.
¿Elecciones o plebiscito? El relato de las elecciones autonómicas en Cataluña...alexarevalosalinas
The document discusses a study analyzing media coverage of Catalan elections in 2015 and 2017. It provides motivation for studying how media framed the elections and independence debate. A theoretical framework of media's role in political conflicts is presented. Methodology examines framing of the elections as plebiscitary or conventional, and interpretations of results as victory or defeat for pro-independence forces. Analysis found El Mundo framed the conflict as political, while Ara presented broader groups in conflict. El Mundo alone denied a pro-independence victory.
The document discusses the role of networks in the EU's foreign policy toward Colombia. It examines three stages of policymaking: 1) the external issue (Colombia), 2) the inter-institutional perceptions and debates between the EU Council, Commission, and Parliament, and 3) the creation of external networks with NGOs to execute cooperation policies. Regarding Colombia, the EU is concerned with security issues like drugs and terrorism more than economic factors. The EU provides aid but its role is overshadowed by the US. Internally, the Council is most important but the Commission and Parliament also influence policy. Networks with NGOs are crucial for implementing programs on the ground.
The rise of populist and extremist parties in Europe can be explained by their process of normalization and institutionalization over the past 20 years. Previously marginalized parties have modernized their leadership, rhetoric, and policies to become more acceptable. They have also gained popularity by presenting themselves as entrepreneurs bringing new issues neglected by mainstream parties. Meanwhile, traditional parties have lost momentum by failing to offer meaningful programs, policies, and ways to engage and mobilize citizens. The economic crisis further fueled populist criticism of elites and the EU. However, populism is a complex phenomenon not limited to extremist fringes, but also reflecting broader anxieties in society about globalization, national identity, and the changing role of the nation-state
This document discusses research on the development of a European public sphere online. It examines how websites, especially political party websites, contribute to transnational communication and common understandings of Europe. Studies analyzed found that websites primarily provided information during election campaigns and encouraged little participation. While the internet facilitates the European public sphere, especially during European Parliament elections, further research could include less institutional actors and focus less on election periods.
More than four in ten Europeans think that equal opportunities and access to the labour market, fair working conditions, access to quality health care and the standard of living of people in the EU are the most important elements for the EU’s economic and social development. Specifically, over four in ten respondents mention equal opportunities and access to the labour market as one of the most important elements, just ahead of fair working conditions. A similar proportion mention access to quality health care and the standard of living of people in the EU. Close to a third of respondents also mention social protection and inclusion as important.
The document discusses the democratic deficit of the European Union and ways to address it. It argues that EU citizens feel detached from EU institutions and lack incentive to vote in European Parliament elections. This represents a legitimacy problem for the EU. However, the European Parliament has grown in power with each new EU treaty and the upcoming elections provide an opportunity for citizens to influence EU policymaking and help reduce the democratic deficit. Voting in the elections is important for a healthy democratic process in the EU.
The document calls for a change in the European political culture from a consensus-oriented model to one that embraces political conflicts like at the national level. The current consensus model is depoliticized and expert-dominated, making voters' voices irrelevant and decreasing trust and interest. It lacks transparency and clarity on political responsibility. In contrast, political conflicts at the national level better define positions, increase responsiveness and voter control over leaders through punishment or reward of their actions. A shift towards a more conflict-based political culture at the European level could help revitalize democracy.
Economic integration, within- and between-country inequality in EuropeEesti Pank
This document summarizes a paper analyzing trends in overall, within-country, and between-country inequality in Europe from 1960-2017. It finds that:
1) Overall, within-country, and between-country inequality in Europe have generally increased since the 1970s-1980s, though the timing and magnitude of changes have varied between countries.
2) Major economic and institutional events like the introduction of the Euro were accompanied by shifts between the within- and between-country components of inequality, but did not significantly alter overall inequality trends.
3) Inequality trends tend to be persistent over time, suggesting targeted policy measures are needed at national and EU levels to address the social impacts of rising inequality.
The document discusses Euroscepticism in several European countries from the perspective of young leaders. It begins with an introduction noting the rise of Euroscepticism across Europe and important elections and referendums coming in 2015. It then provides perspectives on Euroscepticism from young leaders in Britain, Denmark, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, Spain, and the Netherlands. The leaders discuss the importance and context of the Euroscepticism debate in their countries and how it relates to their country's view of the EU as a global actor.
European Elections - MEPs and Constituent CommunicationFTI Consulting FR
The EU is going through an existential crisis. Support for the EU is at an all-time low across a swathe of Member States. The campaigns for the forthcoming European Parliament elections (22-25 May) have represented an important opportunity for current and candidate MEPs to explain to citizens what the EU is and does, and the benefits of membership. But has that opportunity been squandered? FTI Consulting examine the results of some proprietary research conducted at how successful MEPs have been in communicating about the EU in the run up to the elections.
This document provides a literature review and theoretical framework for a master's thesis comparing women's political representation in Italy and Spain. It discusses key factors that influence women's representation, including positive action policies like quotas, the role of advocacy groups, and differences in political culture and systems. It also reviews trends in the European Union generally, noting that while representation has increased over time, women remain underrepresented on average. The thesis will use a comparative case study approach to analyze why representation levels diverged between Italy and Spain, despite their similarities, hypothesizing that differences can be explained by examining their policy implementation processes and advocacy actors.
This document discusses the need for reforms to create a more social and democratic European Union. It argues that the current EU integration process overly favors market liberalization at the expense of social regulation and democracy. The institutional architecture of the EU multi-level system creates an imbalance that undermines fundamental social rights and weakens member states' social models. The document proposes using the concept of social democracy as a blueprint for reform. Specifically, it identifies three key policy areas for reform: establishing an "open" EU constitution, setting social minimum standards, and strengthening the fiscal capacities of member states.
European Integrative Processes of Albania and Mo.docxhumphrieskalyn
European Integrative Processes of Albania and Montenegro
FEEDBACK and things TO AMEND:
1) The Title has to be re-phrased
2) The Figure of the map is wrong
3) The English used needs to make sense
4) Some facts and statistics are wrong
5) Book to include: “The Europeanisation of the Western Balkans; a Failure of EU conditionality?” ISBN: 978-3-319-91412-1
6) Freedom House has a report on Albania and Montenegro and Check EU parliment resolutions.
7) Create your own opinion, argument and support it by facts.
ABSTRACT
This study is presenting the analysis and evaluation by the use of secondary data from the past researches. The data from the year 2013 to 2017 is utilized in this study to present discussions that are explaining the trends and narrative of the countries to join EU. The conducted study is supporting the discussion by exploring and explaining each aspect of the impact of joining of EU in Albania and Montenegro. This study is presenting the advantages that can be avail by Albania and Montenegro by availing the opportunities through the membership of NATO. The critical literature is presenting the changing trends along with the democratic rights avail by the member countries in Europe under the influence of EU regulations.
Table of Contents
ABSTRACT 2
Chapter 1: Introduction 8
1.1 Research Background 8
1.2 Problem Statement 10
1.3 Research Questions 10
1.4 Research Objectives 11
1.5 Significance of the Study 11
1.6 Project Outline 11
Chapter 2: Literature Review 13
2.1 Chapter Introduction 13
2.2 European Union, its Impacts and Process of Joining 13
2.3 Conceptual Framework 21
2.4 Research Gap 22
2.5 Chapter Summary 22
Chapter 3: Research Methodology 24
3.1 Chapter Introduction 24
3.2 Research Philosophy 24
3.3 Research Type 25
3.4 Research Design 27
3.5 Data Collection Technique 27
3.6 Sampling Technique and Sample Size 28
3.7 Data Analysis 28
3.8 Ethical Consideration 29
3.9 Chapter Summary 31
Chapter 4: Data Analysis and Discussions 32
4.1 Discussions 32
4.2 Chapter Summary 37
Chapter 5: Recommendations and Conclusion 39
5.1 Limitation of the Study 39
5.2 Future Scope 39
5.3 Recommendation 40
5.4 Conclusion 40
6.0 References 42
List of Acronyms
CSR: Corporate Social Responsibility
DPS: Democratic Party of Socialists
ECU: Eurasian Customs Union
EU: European Union
FDI: Foreign Direct Investment
IFDI: Inward Foreign Direct Investment
MNC: Multinational Corporations
NATO: North Atlantic Treaty Organization
SME: Small Medium Enterprise
WTO: World Trade Organization
List of Figures
Figure 1: Countries waiting to join EU13
Figure 2: NATO and EU Relations15
Figure 3: The Economic Impact of Brexit20
Chapter 1: Introduction1.1 Research Background
This thesis is going to prove a comparative analysis of the impact of the process of joining the European Union. As per the analysis of Featherstone and Kazamias (2014), it has been found that the European Union made a step by step improvements and changes in the relations o.
This document provides an overview of Euroscepticism as a phenomenon challenging European elites. It discusses Euroscepticism in different parts of Europe, both among populist and extremist right-wing parties as well as more moderate voices. The author analyzes Euroscepticism in the European Parliament and evaluates the challenges posed by the rise of Eurosceptical views. The document aims to distinguish between Euroscepticism as a general sentiment versus as a part of specific political profiles and ideologies.
1. The EU Issues on Italian Media
EU Coverage from 2008 National Elections to 2014 European Parliament
Elections
Maastricht University
MA in European Studies
Supervisor:
Dr. Laczó Ferenc
Andrea Tadiotto
I6098852
MA thesis
31-8-2016
2. I declare that this piece of writing is my own work; all use of other work and thoughts have
been properly referenced
3. Table of Content
1 Introduction 1
2 Literature review 5
3 Theoretical Framework 11
4 The Italian Context 15
4.1 2008 – 2009 Political Context 16
4.2 2013 – 2014 Political Context 17
5 Methodology 19
5.1 European Parliament Elections 21
5.2 National and European Elections 23
6 Analysis 24
6.1 Case Study 1 - European Parliament Elections 24
6.2 Case study 2 - National and European elections 31
7 Discussion 37
8 Conclusion 41
9 Appendix 43
10 Bibliography 44
4. ABSTRACT
This thesis analyses the quality press coverage on EU themes in Italy. It covers electoral
campaigns both of European Parliament elections (2009 and 2014), and national elections
(2008 and 2013). The results show that the elections campaigns are increasingly shaped by
Europe matters and the 2014 European Parliament elections are the most embedded with EU
issues compared to former ones. Moreover, similar European themes characterises the 2013
national elections. This consents to conclude that the latter two elections are determined by
similar EU matters, contrarily to what expected by the Second-Order Elections (SOE) model.
One the contrary, the EU debate during the electoral campaign of the 2008 national elections
and the 2009 European elections appears dissimilar. This thesis argues that narrative changes
occur due to the economic and political crisis, which affected the Italian polity. This provoked a
gradual rise of EU-frames with a negative tone, and the possibility for parties, also those which
have been traditionally Europhile, to be vocal in condemning the European governance.
Overall, the new EU narrative and public awareness, which could have set a limit to the
European democratic deficit, actually shows that EU founding values are harmed by the rise of
Eurosceptic inclinations.
KEY WORDS
Media Coverage; European Parliament; Second-Order Elections; Democratic Deficit; Italy;
Honeymoon Effect; Euroscepticism.
5. 1 Introduction
European Union (EU) dynamics are embedded in a long-period process of continuous
evolution that only lately has begun to show substantial public participation (de Vreese et al.,
2016). European integration process responds to domestic, international and global changes
in several fields, such as politics, economics and international relations. Among all, European
electoral dynamics reflect changes of the political competition and public attitude. Thus, the
European contestation presents visible modifications since the first election has been held,
and even more since the process of EU integration has deepened with the Maastricht Treaty
and subsequent amendments (Marsh & Mikhailov, 2010). Although domestic issues still
shape most prominently the electoral competition, EU themes may gradually enter the public
debate. Recent literature, in fact, emphasises the growing influence exerted by EU issues on
voters' attitude (Hix & Marsh, 2007; Hobolt & Wittrock, 2011; Schuck et al., 2011; Carruba
& Timpone, 2005). However, its results are still uncertain since voters' behaviour is
composite and difficult to be defined with certainty (Schmitt & Teperoglou, 2015; de Vries,
2007; de Vries et al, 2011; Schlesinger, 1999).
This thesis questions whether EU information gains influence on Italian mass media
and in the public debate, in order to examine the evolution of the European dynamics from
2008 to 2014. The study focuses specifically on the electoral campaigns to assess whether the
EU narrative can contribute to shape political debate and, consequently, voters' preferences
beliefs.
Supranational changes and domestic reshaping affect the political narrative, as well as
the evolution of the European debate. Thus, this study offers a wide analysis of the Italian
case about the EU coverage on Italian quality press in conjunction with national and
European Parliament (EP) elections contestations. The analysis covers the most salient part of
the electoral campaigns, i.e. the last five months running up to the elections, of five Italian
newspapers, namely Il Corriere della Sera, La Repubblica, La Stampa, Il Giornale and Il
Messaggero. This approach leads to two different hypotheses that are tested through two case
studies, which focus on coverage regularity and salient EU themes.
The first claim offered here is that public opinion in Italy is becoming more attentive
with respect to EU themes (de Vreese et al., 2016; Belluati & Serricchio, 2013). Therefore,
Case Study 1 compares 2009 and 2014 European Parliament elections, assuming that Italian
newspapers increasingly cover EU issues. This would demonstrate that Europe has amplified
its relevance in the political debate during EP contestations.
6. Second, this thesis expects that EU matters have gradually gained relevance in the
Italian public debate as far as to be significant also during national electoral competitions
(Belluati & Serricchio, 2013). Case Study 2 combines the results from the first part of the
analysis with the EU coverage on the 2008 and 2013 Italian national elections and assumes
that Europe1
increasingly plays a crucial role also in the domestic electoral contestation. All
in all, the second hypothesis implies that both competitions are gradually shaped by similar
EU themes, thus, the EP elections appear less secondary in comparison with the national
elections. Therefore, this partially controverts the Second-Order Elections (SOE) model,
which assesses little relevance to European themes and expects domestic issues to shape both
contestations.
The purpose of this thesis is to demonstrate that, nowadays, crucial changes on the
political information supply consent to analyse Europe as relevant in the electoral
contestation. However, it does not aim at defining their actual impact on public perception.
Thus, the analysis does not seek to controvert all around the SOE model, i.e. examining
voters' behaviour and party position on EU stance, which might be addressed by further
researches. It attempts to provide insights that EU issues are a "significant part of the
everyday news-consuming habits of the European audience" (as expected, but not yet proved,
by Schlesinger, 1999, p. 276) in order to contradict the model which describes the EU debate
and coverage as perpetually secondary.
Studies on the EP elections recently revised the original SOE model (Reif & Schmitt,
1980) and applied a 'Europe matters' approach aiming to demonstrate the relevance of EU
dimension in the electoral outcome (Hix and Marsh, 2007; Hobolt et al., 2009). Hence, this
thesis applies the 'Europe matters' approach to the field of information (de Vreese et al.,
2006; Belluati & Serricchio, 2013; de Vreese et al., 2016) and conducts an in-depth analysis
on quality press coverage in the case of Italy throughout four subsequent elections.
The 2014 EP elections appear to be the crossroad episode, in which Italian parties
took on the debate on themes that engage Europe and party leaders (Schmitt & Teperoglou,
2015; Segatti et al., 2015; van der Brug et al., 2016). The literature has, recently, emphasised
how Europe is seeking to enhance EP elections attractiveness and curb the democratic deficit.
For instance, the nomination of leading candidates to the post of President of the European
Commission has been adopted as a practice to encourage turnout (van der Brug et al., 2016).
Additionally, the general enlargement of EP's powers has progressively incentivised public
1
The term Europe is employed in lieu of EU. Hereafter EU, Europe and European will convey similar concepts
in reference to the EU Institutions, the EP elections or EU themes.
7. interest, hand in hand with the visibility acquired by the EU in the external action thanks to
the significant role played by the High Representative (HR) (Schmitt & Teperoglou, 2015).
Public awareness towards the role of the EU encourages citizens to build their own European
partisanship and enhance the democratic level of the EU polity (de Vries et al, 2011; Hobolt
& Wittrock, 2011). Nevertheless, this thesis acknowledges that the evolution of political
communication does not solve tout court the lack of accountability of the EU institutions
(Føllesdal & Hix, 2006).
This thesis offers an analysis only on mass media communication in Italy because it
may be able to convey clear evidence that EU communication is actually evolving. Hence, it
aims to enlarge the knowledge on the case of Italy in recent years, which has shown first
signs of change mainly with respect to the 2013 national elections (Bellucci & Segatti, 2013;
Belluati & Serricchio, 2013). Furthermore, the fact that the 2014 EP election in Italy has been
the most 'European' among southern Member States (Schmitt & Teperoglou, 2015) enhances
the relevance of this thesis. It, in fact, aims at filling the gap of knowledge about EU themes
coverage and Italian public narrative with a perspective view.
Additionally, the management of the economic crisis equates Southern Member States
(Andreadis et al., 2014). In Italy such instable context, in fact, conditions both national
elections in 2013 (Belluati & Serricchio, 2013) and EP elections in 2014 (Segatti et al.,
2015). Therefore, the Italian situation provides a clear example of Southern Member States
that suffers the effects of the economic recession and austerity measures. Nevertheless, this
thesis prevents any generalisation due to the specific focus on Italian media coverage, which
might differ from other countries' one. Further studies may pursue to enquire the evolution of
a common European public sphere.
The thesis will proceed by presenting the literature review and the theoretical
framework. Chapter four will provide an overview within the Italian context during the
observed time period. The methodology will be introduced in Chapter five. The analysis
presents two case studies, both concentrating on the EU themes on the Italian electoral
dynamics. The first investigates media coverage between 2009 and 2014 EP elections.
Whereas, the second compares national and electoral contestation and shows differences
between them and provides an overview on the whole period, from 2008 to 2014. The
discussion follows emphasising the study's results. Finally, the thesis’ findings are
summarized in the conclusion.