AIDN0020420160052
April 20, 2016
Author: Dr. Siegfried O. Wolf
Cite the Article:
Wolf, SO. "THE PAPER | China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and Civil-Military Relations in Pakistan" IndraStra Global, Vol.002, Issue No: 04, (2016), 0052, http://www.indrastra.com/2016/04/PAPER-CPEC-and-Civil-Military-Relations-in-Pakistan-002-04-2016-0052.html | ISSN 2381-3652
Actions in Aid of Civil Power: Analysis and Recommendations (February 2013)fatanews
Recommendations on Pakistan's Actions in Aid of Civil Power Regulation 2011 as made by Amnesty International and the International Crisis Group (ICG). Read the full text of the actual regulation at: http://www.slideshare.net/fatanews/fata-actions-in-aid-of-civil-power-2011-0627-june
The NFC Award determines the annual distribution of financial resources from the federal government to Pakistan's provinces. Taxes are pooled and then redistributed according to the NFC formula, which is debated. The 1997 award specified a 63% federal/37% provincial split but included custom duties previously claimed entirely by the federal government. A new award has not been reached due to disagreement over whether to base distribution solely on population or consider other factors like revenue generation and poverty levels.
This document discusses decentralization and corruption in Afghanistan. It begins by defining decentralization and corruption, and noting the mixed findings on whether decentralization reduces corruption. It then discusses decentralization in Afghanistan, noting both pros and cons. The pros include bringing government closer to people and increasing accountability, while the cons include lack of resources and increased corruption opportunities at the local level. Specific challenges to decentralization in Afghanistan include inefficiency, lack of responsiveness due to limited resources, and threats to accountability from warlords. The document concludes by discussing anti-corruption measures in the context of decentralization, such as strengthening legal frameworks and participation mechanisms.
Second Bi-Annual Progress Report - Ghana aAPRM NPoA (Jan - Jun 2007)Dr Lendy Spires
This report presents the findings and conclusions on a Monitoring and Evaluation survey of the status of implementation of Ghana’s National Program of Action. The overall purpose of the survey is to assess the extent to which various stakeholders have implemented the recommendations raised in the National Program of Action.
During the period under review, NAPRM-GC conducted a number of dissemination workshops aimed at promoting dialogue and obtaining feedback on the progress of implementation of the NPOA. The Council also used the opportunity to distribute copies of the 2006 Annual Progress Report to stakeholders.
The National Finance Commission award determines the annual distribution of financial resources from the federal government to Pakistan's provinces. It pools certain taxes collected in each province and redistributes them to the provinces according to a formula that considers factors like population, poverty levels, revenue generation, and population density. There has been ongoing debate around which taxes should be included in the pool and the specific distribution formula. The 18th amendment to Pakistan's constitution aimed to increase provincial autonomy and shift power away from the federal presidency by deleting the concurrent legislative list and securing greater provincial shares of federal resources and services.
The document summarizes the 7th National Finance Commission (NFC) Award in Pakistan. It discusses the constitutional basis for NFC Awards, the composition of the NFC commission, and the chronology of past NFC Awards. It outlines the salient features of the 7th NFC Award, including the criteria for distributing funds among provinces, and compares the allocations to provinces in the 6th and 7th Awards. It also discusses challenges in implementing NFC Awards and provides recommendations to address them.
Financial Federalism in Pakistan & National Finance CommissionShahbaz Cheema
Pakistan's federal constitutional system provides how its finances powers and resources would be distributed among various federating units. This slide show introduces the readers about that.
Fedearlism and provincial autonomy jami chandiorizsoomro
Part I provides historical context on the issues of federalism in Pakistan since its inception, noting that repeated centralization of power has deprived smaller provinces of the autonomy they demanded when joining Pakistan. Part II details current issues including the domination of Punjab, unequal distribution of resources and opportunities, and inter-provincial tensions. Part III recommends constitutional and political reforms to restore a balanced federation through greater provincial autonomy, fair resource sharing, and limits on the central government's authority.
Actions in Aid of Civil Power: Analysis and Recommendations (February 2013)fatanews
Recommendations on Pakistan's Actions in Aid of Civil Power Regulation 2011 as made by Amnesty International and the International Crisis Group (ICG). Read the full text of the actual regulation at: http://www.slideshare.net/fatanews/fata-actions-in-aid-of-civil-power-2011-0627-june
The NFC Award determines the annual distribution of financial resources from the federal government to Pakistan's provinces. Taxes are pooled and then redistributed according to the NFC formula, which is debated. The 1997 award specified a 63% federal/37% provincial split but included custom duties previously claimed entirely by the federal government. A new award has not been reached due to disagreement over whether to base distribution solely on population or consider other factors like revenue generation and poverty levels.
This document discusses decentralization and corruption in Afghanistan. It begins by defining decentralization and corruption, and noting the mixed findings on whether decentralization reduces corruption. It then discusses decentralization in Afghanistan, noting both pros and cons. The pros include bringing government closer to people and increasing accountability, while the cons include lack of resources and increased corruption opportunities at the local level. Specific challenges to decentralization in Afghanistan include inefficiency, lack of responsiveness due to limited resources, and threats to accountability from warlords. The document concludes by discussing anti-corruption measures in the context of decentralization, such as strengthening legal frameworks and participation mechanisms.
Second Bi-Annual Progress Report - Ghana aAPRM NPoA (Jan - Jun 2007)Dr Lendy Spires
This report presents the findings and conclusions on a Monitoring and Evaluation survey of the status of implementation of Ghana’s National Program of Action. The overall purpose of the survey is to assess the extent to which various stakeholders have implemented the recommendations raised in the National Program of Action.
During the period under review, NAPRM-GC conducted a number of dissemination workshops aimed at promoting dialogue and obtaining feedback on the progress of implementation of the NPOA. The Council also used the opportunity to distribute copies of the 2006 Annual Progress Report to stakeholders.
The National Finance Commission award determines the annual distribution of financial resources from the federal government to Pakistan's provinces. It pools certain taxes collected in each province and redistributes them to the provinces according to a formula that considers factors like population, poverty levels, revenue generation, and population density. There has been ongoing debate around which taxes should be included in the pool and the specific distribution formula. The 18th amendment to Pakistan's constitution aimed to increase provincial autonomy and shift power away from the federal presidency by deleting the concurrent legislative list and securing greater provincial shares of federal resources and services.
The document summarizes the 7th National Finance Commission (NFC) Award in Pakistan. It discusses the constitutional basis for NFC Awards, the composition of the NFC commission, and the chronology of past NFC Awards. It outlines the salient features of the 7th NFC Award, including the criteria for distributing funds among provinces, and compares the allocations to provinces in the 6th and 7th Awards. It also discusses challenges in implementing NFC Awards and provides recommendations to address them.
Financial Federalism in Pakistan & National Finance CommissionShahbaz Cheema
Pakistan's federal constitutional system provides how its finances powers and resources would be distributed among various federating units. This slide show introduces the readers about that.
Fedearlism and provincial autonomy jami chandiorizsoomro
Part I provides historical context on the issues of federalism in Pakistan since its inception, noting that repeated centralization of power has deprived smaller provinces of the autonomy they demanded when joining Pakistan. Part II details current issues including the domination of Punjab, unequal distribution of resources and opportunities, and inter-provincial tensions. Part III recommends constitutional and political reforms to restore a balanced federation through greater provincial autonomy, fair resource sharing, and limits on the central government's authority.
Transition and Good Governance_FINAL_DRAFT3Yama Nader
The document discusses issues related to transition and governance in Afghanistan as the country prepares for the withdrawal of international forces by 2014. It notes that transition of security responsibilities to Afghan forces alone will not be successful without also addressing economic transition away from foreign aid dependence and establishing stable political institutions after the 2014 elections. However, the timeline for security transition is fast-tracking governance reforms in a country that has faced 30 years of conflict and instability and may not be ready. There are doubts about the capacity of key Afghan ministries to implement broad governance initiatives within the timeframe proposed by the international community. For a sustainable transition, priorities need to be identified that are realistic and achievable given Afghanistan's circumstances.
Public broadcasting: ukrainian history (1997-2012)Лєра Лауда
О потенциале общественного вещания как перспективного инструмента сбалансирования медиасобственности в Украине. Презентация в рамках конференции "Прозрачность медиасобсвенности в странах Восточного партнерства и Турции", Варшава (25.09.2013). Детальнее - mymedia.org.ua
Popp 2nd year final report in interim narrative rep 01 march 2010 28 february...Bangladeshdhaka
This interim narrative report summarizes the activities carried out by HelpAge International in Bangladesh from March 2010 to February 2011 under the European Union funded project "Promoting Older People's Participation in Development in Rural Bangladesh". Key activities included 59 orientation sessions reaching 1,401 people, 2,031 bi-monthly village meetings, 107 quarterly union meetings, 942 ward meetings reaching over 4,700 people, training over 2,100 older people, forming regional and national older people's committees, and advocacy events including workshops and cultural shows to promote the rights and inclusion of older people. The project worked with local government partners and older people's associations to improve access to services, social protections, and participation in decision making for older residents in
Executive legislative relation in ghanaernestboadi
This chapter provides background information and introduces the key topics that will be discussed in the research. It outlines the problem statement which is that the legislature in Ghana has failed to overcome executive dominance and perform its oversight functions effectively as required by the constitution. The objective is to critically assess parliament under the Fourth Republic and identify the major factors that have hindered its ability to oversee the executive. Key concepts that will guide the analysis are separation of powers and checks and balances.
Understanding Justice Systems of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, FATA & Balochistan: The ...fatanews
This report is an expression of Community
Appraisal and Motivation Programme’s (CAMP)
mission to understand the Pakistani Pakhtun
perspective on access to justice and their way
of resolving conflict.
This report is based on both qualitative
and quantitative data. For the qualitative
information, twenty-four focus-group
discussions (half male and half female) and sixty
key informant interviews were used to gather
insights and opinions. Minutes were recorded,
analysed and utilised to both write this report
and to inform the design of questionnaires.
Because the FGDs were used to inform the
design of the final survey questionnaire, not
all of the questions in the survey were asked
or discussed in the focus groups. Background
and historical material used in the report came
from a review of historical books, newspapers,
reports, articles, journals, and the experience of
CAMP programmes.
The quantitative part was planned to
incorporate the perceptions of 2,400 men
and women on different aspects of justice
and dispute resolution affecting the life of the
people of KP and the Pakhtuns of Balochistan.
The statistics were drawn from interviews and
included the perceptions of 50.27% men and
49.8% women. The objective was to sample
enough adult males and females, urban and
rural, to achieve, a 95% confidence level, a
2% confidence interval for their opinion on
key issues related to Jirgas and the system of
justice for the people of KP and Balochistan.
IDLG discussion paper on Policy Paradigms, SNG, and The State Soveriegnty Gap...Yama Nader
This document discusses subnational governance in Afghanistan and argues that strengthening subnational governance is key to restoring the sovereignty of the Afghan state. It outlines ten core functions of a sovereign state according to Ghani and Lockhart, including establishing the rule of law. The document analyzes competing paradigms for subnational governance policy in Afghanistan and contends that policy should depend on contextual factors. It also notes challenges in implementing good subnational governance in Afghanistan's conditions of conflict.
Raymond Atuguba on why we must eat the Ghana ConstitutionAmos Anyimadu
This document provides an introduction and overview for an upcoming lecture by Raymond Atuguba titled "Ebi Constitution we go Chop: An Examination of Article 1(1) of the 1992 Constitution of Ghana". The introduction discusses the speaker's past experiences receiving both praise and criticism for previous public comments and lectures. It then outlines the goals and scope of a long-term project to thoroughly analyze each provision of Ghana's 1992 constitution through various lenses. The upcoming lecture will focus on analyzing Article 1(1) as part of this larger constitutional analysis project.
This document summarizes the activities and goals of the Community Appraisal & Motivation Programme's (CAMP) Rule of Law Programming in Pakistan (RLPP) project for Phase IV. The project aims to reform the tribal Jirga system through advocacy, sensitization workshops, research studies, and other awareness raising activities. Key goals include extending training sessions to Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan, addressing honor crimes through advocacy and research, and continuing to publish the quarterly 'Jirga Monitor' newsletter. The phase will work to minimize honor crimes and sensitize local stakeholders on human rights issues regarding the Jirga system and informal justice mechanisms in Pakistan.
Creating A New Turkish Constitution: An Opportunity for Arab Spring?ERAY AKDAG
Summary:
During the last decade, the Turkish constitution was the ultimate source of political crises on numerous occasions, but Turkey might be blessed with the greatest chance ever to create a new highest document. This policy brief outlines some of the ingredients that should be inccluded, and argues that the process, and the final producet, can be an inspiration for the Middle East and North Africa region as a whole.
About the Author
Eray Akdağ is the permanent Ankara representative of Turkish
Industry & Business Association (TUSIAD) and has been the
organization’s main liaison to the Turkish Parliament since 2003. As a government relations executive, his main responsibilities include improvement of TUSIAD’s influential participation to national and international policymaking processes. He also teaches at Ankara University and guest lectures at Middle East Technical University.
About GMF
The German Marshall Fund of the United States (GMF) strengthens transatlantic cooperation on regional, national, and global challenges and opportunities in the spirit of the Marshall Plan. GMF does this by supporting individuals and institutions working in the transatlantic sphere, by convening leaders and members of the policy and business communities, by contributing research and analysis on transatlantic
topics, and by providing exchange opportunities to foster renewed commitment to the transatlantic relationship. In addition, GMF supports a number of initiatives to strengthen democracies. Founded in 1972 as a non-partisan, non-profit organization through a gift from Germany as a permanent memorial to Marshall Plan assistance, GMF maintains a strong presence on both sides of the Atlantic. In addition to its headquarters in Washington, DC, GMF has offices in Berlin,
Paris, Brussels, Belgrade, Ankara, Bucharest, Warsaw, and Tunis. GMF also has smaller representations in Bratislava, Turin, and Stockholm.
About the On Turkey Series
GMF’s On Turkey is an ongoing series of analysis briefs about Turkey’s current political situation and its future. GMF provides regular analysis briefs by leading Turkish, European, and U.S. writers and intellectuals, with a focus on dispatches from on-the-ground Turkish observers. To access the latest briefs, please visit our web site at www. gmfus.org/turkey or subscribe to our mailing list at http://database. gmfus.org/reaction.
Agenda of the alliance between pdp and bjpImran Khaki
The document outlines an agenda for an alliance between the J&K People's Democratic Party (PDP) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to form a coalition government in Jammu and Kashmir for the next six years. The purpose is to catalyze reconciliation and confidence building to ensure peace, which will enable economic development and prosperity. Key points of the agenda include governance reforms, political initiatives to strengthen dialogue, security reforms, social and humanitarian initiatives, and a developmental agenda focused on infrastructure, tourism, and regional balance.
The document outlines the structure of the government of Pakistan. It discusses that the government is composed of the executive, judiciary, and legislative branches. The executive branch contains the President, cabinet ministers, and executive council who run the country, make policies, and propose new laws. The judiciary consists of various courts like the Constitution Court, Supreme Court, High Courts, and others. The legislature contains the National Assembly and Senate who amend laws.
Caretaker government and election in pakistanSibtain Raza
Here you can get all the information related to the process of caretaker government. If you need any type of further knowledge you can directly contact me .Always welcome :)
The document outlines a roadmap for the People's Assembly in Kenya, which aims to defend democracy and constitutionalism in the country. It establishes county and national levels of the Assembly [1] and lists objectives like defending devolution, pursuing electoral justice and economic liberation [2]. The structure section details representation at both levels, including governors, MPs, civil society and more [3]. Key milestones are outlined, like consultations, motions in county assemblies, and national conventions, with the goal of elections in 2018 or pursuing self-determination [6].
The cost of federal legislation in nigeriastatisense
How PRODUCTIVE is the National Assembly?
This presentation explores budgetary allocations to the National Assembly since 1999 till date, and compares it with States Budgets, Federal Ministries & Agencies Budgets, as well as determine its ranking on a national budget scale
The document summarizes the structure of government in Pakistan. It is composed of the executive, judiciary, and legislative branches. The executive section includes the President, Deputy President, Cabinet Ministers, and Executive Council who run the country, make policies, and propose new laws. The judiciary consists of the Constitution Court, Supreme Court, High Courts, Magistrate Courts, and other courts. The legislature includes the National Assembly and Parliament, which amend laws.
The document summarizes the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) of Pakistan. It outlines that FATA consists of 7 tribal agencies and 6 frontier regions administered under the British-era Frontier Crimes Regulation 1901. FATA has a unique administrative system governed by Political Agents where tribesmen are controlled through the jirga system of justice and collective responsibility. The document also notes criticism of the draconian FCR and lack of democratic institutions and development in FATA compared to other parts of Pakistan.
The document summarizes the political system and leadership of China. It describes China as a one-party socialist republic governed by the Communist Party of China (CPC). The CPC dominates government and selects candidates for all levels of government. While the President is nominal head of state, ultimate power lies with the CPC's General Secretary. The document profiles the current major leaders, including General Secretary Xi Jinping and Premier Li Keqiang. It also outlines the structure of government and describes the roles of key bodies like the National People's Congress.
IDLG and Sub National Governance in AfghanistanYama Nader
1. Presidential Decree #72 established the Independent Directorate of Local Governance (IDLG) to manage subnational governance, transferring responsibilities from the Ministry of Interior and other bodies.
2. IDLG was created to strengthen subnational governance and pursue a more decentralized approach, as the needs of provincial and district governments were previously neglected.
3. Over the past 5 years, IDLG has evolved from a small organization to one with 495 government positions, establishing itself as the lead agency for local governance policy in Afghanistan.
This document is a CV for Rami Musto, a Venezuelan national currently residing in Saudi Arabia. He has over 25 years of experience in finance and accounting roles in the oil and gas industry, including positions as Finance Manager at Air Liquide in Saudi Arabia and Syria. Prior to that, he spent 18 years at Deir-Ez-Zor Petroleum Company in Syria, rising to Head of Finance Department. He has a university degree in Accounting and has taken several professional courses relating to finance, accounting, and management skills.
1. Ankita Dutta has over 5 years of experience working with Microsoft Dynamics NAV as a functional consultant and support engineer. She has extensive experience implementing, customizing, and supporting NAV across various versions and localizations.
2. Currently, she works at Wipro Ltd providing support to customers in the APAC region on Dynamics NAV. Her responsibilities include resolving customer issues, identifying functional problems, and ensuring optimal customer satisfaction.
3. Prior to Wipro, she worked as a business analyst at Precision Techconet where she led implementations of NAV for various manufacturing and trading clients in India, including configuration, data migration, training and post-implementation support.
Transition and Good Governance_FINAL_DRAFT3Yama Nader
The document discusses issues related to transition and governance in Afghanistan as the country prepares for the withdrawal of international forces by 2014. It notes that transition of security responsibilities to Afghan forces alone will not be successful without also addressing economic transition away from foreign aid dependence and establishing stable political institutions after the 2014 elections. However, the timeline for security transition is fast-tracking governance reforms in a country that has faced 30 years of conflict and instability and may not be ready. There are doubts about the capacity of key Afghan ministries to implement broad governance initiatives within the timeframe proposed by the international community. For a sustainable transition, priorities need to be identified that are realistic and achievable given Afghanistan's circumstances.
Public broadcasting: ukrainian history (1997-2012)Лєра Лауда
О потенциале общественного вещания как перспективного инструмента сбалансирования медиасобственности в Украине. Презентация в рамках конференции "Прозрачность медиасобсвенности в странах Восточного партнерства и Турции", Варшава (25.09.2013). Детальнее - mymedia.org.ua
Popp 2nd year final report in interim narrative rep 01 march 2010 28 february...Bangladeshdhaka
This interim narrative report summarizes the activities carried out by HelpAge International in Bangladesh from March 2010 to February 2011 under the European Union funded project "Promoting Older People's Participation in Development in Rural Bangladesh". Key activities included 59 orientation sessions reaching 1,401 people, 2,031 bi-monthly village meetings, 107 quarterly union meetings, 942 ward meetings reaching over 4,700 people, training over 2,100 older people, forming regional and national older people's committees, and advocacy events including workshops and cultural shows to promote the rights and inclusion of older people. The project worked with local government partners and older people's associations to improve access to services, social protections, and participation in decision making for older residents in
Executive legislative relation in ghanaernestboadi
This chapter provides background information and introduces the key topics that will be discussed in the research. It outlines the problem statement which is that the legislature in Ghana has failed to overcome executive dominance and perform its oversight functions effectively as required by the constitution. The objective is to critically assess parliament under the Fourth Republic and identify the major factors that have hindered its ability to oversee the executive. Key concepts that will guide the analysis are separation of powers and checks and balances.
Understanding Justice Systems of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, FATA & Balochistan: The ...fatanews
This report is an expression of Community
Appraisal and Motivation Programme’s (CAMP)
mission to understand the Pakistani Pakhtun
perspective on access to justice and their way
of resolving conflict.
This report is based on both qualitative
and quantitative data. For the qualitative
information, twenty-four focus-group
discussions (half male and half female) and sixty
key informant interviews were used to gather
insights and opinions. Minutes were recorded,
analysed and utilised to both write this report
and to inform the design of questionnaires.
Because the FGDs were used to inform the
design of the final survey questionnaire, not
all of the questions in the survey were asked
or discussed in the focus groups. Background
and historical material used in the report came
from a review of historical books, newspapers,
reports, articles, journals, and the experience of
CAMP programmes.
The quantitative part was planned to
incorporate the perceptions of 2,400 men
and women on different aspects of justice
and dispute resolution affecting the life of the
people of KP and the Pakhtuns of Balochistan.
The statistics were drawn from interviews and
included the perceptions of 50.27% men and
49.8% women. The objective was to sample
enough adult males and females, urban and
rural, to achieve, a 95% confidence level, a
2% confidence interval for their opinion on
key issues related to Jirgas and the system of
justice for the people of KP and Balochistan.
IDLG discussion paper on Policy Paradigms, SNG, and The State Soveriegnty Gap...Yama Nader
This document discusses subnational governance in Afghanistan and argues that strengthening subnational governance is key to restoring the sovereignty of the Afghan state. It outlines ten core functions of a sovereign state according to Ghani and Lockhart, including establishing the rule of law. The document analyzes competing paradigms for subnational governance policy in Afghanistan and contends that policy should depend on contextual factors. It also notes challenges in implementing good subnational governance in Afghanistan's conditions of conflict.
Raymond Atuguba on why we must eat the Ghana ConstitutionAmos Anyimadu
This document provides an introduction and overview for an upcoming lecture by Raymond Atuguba titled "Ebi Constitution we go Chop: An Examination of Article 1(1) of the 1992 Constitution of Ghana". The introduction discusses the speaker's past experiences receiving both praise and criticism for previous public comments and lectures. It then outlines the goals and scope of a long-term project to thoroughly analyze each provision of Ghana's 1992 constitution through various lenses. The upcoming lecture will focus on analyzing Article 1(1) as part of this larger constitutional analysis project.
This document summarizes the activities and goals of the Community Appraisal & Motivation Programme's (CAMP) Rule of Law Programming in Pakistan (RLPP) project for Phase IV. The project aims to reform the tribal Jirga system through advocacy, sensitization workshops, research studies, and other awareness raising activities. Key goals include extending training sessions to Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan, addressing honor crimes through advocacy and research, and continuing to publish the quarterly 'Jirga Monitor' newsletter. The phase will work to minimize honor crimes and sensitize local stakeholders on human rights issues regarding the Jirga system and informal justice mechanisms in Pakistan.
Creating A New Turkish Constitution: An Opportunity for Arab Spring?ERAY AKDAG
Summary:
During the last decade, the Turkish constitution was the ultimate source of political crises on numerous occasions, but Turkey might be blessed with the greatest chance ever to create a new highest document. This policy brief outlines some of the ingredients that should be inccluded, and argues that the process, and the final producet, can be an inspiration for the Middle East and North Africa region as a whole.
About the Author
Eray Akdağ is the permanent Ankara representative of Turkish
Industry & Business Association (TUSIAD) and has been the
organization’s main liaison to the Turkish Parliament since 2003. As a government relations executive, his main responsibilities include improvement of TUSIAD’s influential participation to national and international policymaking processes. He also teaches at Ankara University and guest lectures at Middle East Technical University.
About GMF
The German Marshall Fund of the United States (GMF) strengthens transatlantic cooperation on regional, national, and global challenges and opportunities in the spirit of the Marshall Plan. GMF does this by supporting individuals and institutions working in the transatlantic sphere, by convening leaders and members of the policy and business communities, by contributing research and analysis on transatlantic
topics, and by providing exchange opportunities to foster renewed commitment to the transatlantic relationship. In addition, GMF supports a number of initiatives to strengthen democracies. Founded in 1972 as a non-partisan, non-profit organization through a gift from Germany as a permanent memorial to Marshall Plan assistance, GMF maintains a strong presence on both sides of the Atlantic. In addition to its headquarters in Washington, DC, GMF has offices in Berlin,
Paris, Brussels, Belgrade, Ankara, Bucharest, Warsaw, and Tunis. GMF also has smaller representations in Bratislava, Turin, and Stockholm.
About the On Turkey Series
GMF’s On Turkey is an ongoing series of analysis briefs about Turkey’s current political situation and its future. GMF provides regular analysis briefs by leading Turkish, European, and U.S. writers and intellectuals, with a focus on dispatches from on-the-ground Turkish observers. To access the latest briefs, please visit our web site at www. gmfus.org/turkey or subscribe to our mailing list at http://database. gmfus.org/reaction.
Agenda of the alliance between pdp and bjpImran Khaki
The document outlines an agenda for an alliance between the J&K People's Democratic Party (PDP) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to form a coalition government in Jammu and Kashmir for the next six years. The purpose is to catalyze reconciliation and confidence building to ensure peace, which will enable economic development and prosperity. Key points of the agenda include governance reforms, political initiatives to strengthen dialogue, security reforms, social and humanitarian initiatives, and a developmental agenda focused on infrastructure, tourism, and regional balance.
The document outlines the structure of the government of Pakistan. It discusses that the government is composed of the executive, judiciary, and legislative branches. The executive branch contains the President, cabinet ministers, and executive council who run the country, make policies, and propose new laws. The judiciary consists of various courts like the Constitution Court, Supreme Court, High Courts, and others. The legislature contains the National Assembly and Senate who amend laws.
Caretaker government and election in pakistanSibtain Raza
Here you can get all the information related to the process of caretaker government. If you need any type of further knowledge you can directly contact me .Always welcome :)
The document outlines a roadmap for the People's Assembly in Kenya, which aims to defend democracy and constitutionalism in the country. It establishes county and national levels of the Assembly [1] and lists objectives like defending devolution, pursuing electoral justice and economic liberation [2]. The structure section details representation at both levels, including governors, MPs, civil society and more [3]. Key milestones are outlined, like consultations, motions in county assemblies, and national conventions, with the goal of elections in 2018 or pursuing self-determination [6].
The cost of federal legislation in nigeriastatisense
How PRODUCTIVE is the National Assembly?
This presentation explores budgetary allocations to the National Assembly since 1999 till date, and compares it with States Budgets, Federal Ministries & Agencies Budgets, as well as determine its ranking on a national budget scale
The document summarizes the structure of government in Pakistan. It is composed of the executive, judiciary, and legislative branches. The executive section includes the President, Deputy President, Cabinet Ministers, and Executive Council who run the country, make policies, and propose new laws. The judiciary consists of the Constitution Court, Supreme Court, High Courts, Magistrate Courts, and other courts. The legislature includes the National Assembly and Parliament, which amend laws.
The document summarizes the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) of Pakistan. It outlines that FATA consists of 7 tribal agencies and 6 frontier regions administered under the British-era Frontier Crimes Regulation 1901. FATA has a unique administrative system governed by Political Agents where tribesmen are controlled through the jirga system of justice and collective responsibility. The document also notes criticism of the draconian FCR and lack of democratic institutions and development in FATA compared to other parts of Pakistan.
The document summarizes the political system and leadership of China. It describes China as a one-party socialist republic governed by the Communist Party of China (CPC). The CPC dominates government and selects candidates for all levels of government. While the President is nominal head of state, ultimate power lies with the CPC's General Secretary. The document profiles the current major leaders, including General Secretary Xi Jinping and Premier Li Keqiang. It also outlines the structure of government and describes the roles of key bodies like the National People's Congress.
IDLG and Sub National Governance in AfghanistanYama Nader
1. Presidential Decree #72 established the Independent Directorate of Local Governance (IDLG) to manage subnational governance, transferring responsibilities from the Ministry of Interior and other bodies.
2. IDLG was created to strengthen subnational governance and pursue a more decentralized approach, as the needs of provincial and district governments were previously neglected.
3. Over the past 5 years, IDLG has evolved from a small organization to one with 495 government positions, establishing itself as the lead agency for local governance policy in Afghanistan.
This document is a CV for Rami Musto, a Venezuelan national currently residing in Saudi Arabia. He has over 25 years of experience in finance and accounting roles in the oil and gas industry, including positions as Finance Manager at Air Liquide in Saudi Arabia and Syria. Prior to that, he spent 18 years at Deir-Ez-Zor Petroleum Company in Syria, rising to Head of Finance Department. He has a university degree in Accounting and has taken several professional courses relating to finance, accounting, and management skills.
1. Ankita Dutta has over 5 years of experience working with Microsoft Dynamics NAV as a functional consultant and support engineer. She has extensive experience implementing, customizing, and supporting NAV across various versions and localizations.
2. Currently, she works at Wipro Ltd providing support to customers in the APAC region on Dynamics NAV. Her responsibilities include resolving customer issues, identifying functional problems, and ensuring optimal customer satisfaction.
3. Prior to Wipro, she worked as a business analyst at Precision Techconet where she led implementations of NAV for various manufacturing and trading clients in India, including configuration, data migration, training and post-implementation support.
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The China Pakistan Economic Corridor and Civil-Military Relations in Pakistan
1. indrastra.com http://www.indrastra.com/2016/04/PAPER-CPEC-and-Civil-Military-Relations-in-Pakistan-002-04-2016-0052.html
THE PAPER | The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and Civil-Military
Relations in Pakistan
By Dr. Siegfried O. Wolf
Abstract
The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a multi-billion dollar infrastructure investment project, is heralded as a ‘ game
changer’ for Pakistan’s economy and regional cooperation. Being a crucial part of a major development initiative led by China,
known as ‘One Belt, One Road’ (OBOR), to connect Asia with Europe, the Middle East, and Africa, the CPEC is much linked to
hopes, interests, as well as regional and global geopolitics. However, such a mega project never comes without challenges and
critical questions. Besides the puzzle of the feasibility of its implementation, or potential impacts on the regional cooperation, it
seems that the CPEC development has severe negative impacts on the country’s traditional unhealthy civil-military
relations.
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2. Introduction
Pakistan has been ruled by military forces for around half of its existence, subsequently, it is considered to be a classic example
of a praetorian state. The country’s military perceives itself as the sole guardian of national sovereignty and moral integrity, the
chief initiator of the national agenda and the major arbiter of conflict between social and political forces. Furthermore, civilian
rule was always characterised by unrestricted and persistent power struggles between government and opposition, between
different political institutions (branches of government) and center-region tensions in combination with autocratic styles of
governance, mismanagement, and corruption. This created a situation in which civilians’ lost public support and the army
was able to regain its reputation and ‘moral legitimacy’ to intervene directly in politics. Subsequently, the military (deliberately or
unconsciously) was able to nourish the perception that civilians were neither able to form a sustainable, functioning government
nor capable of running the affairs of the state. Having this in mind and observing the development of the CPEC and respective
projects, one can’t help feeling but it seems that history is repeating itself. More concrete, much of the critic on the CPEC is
focusing on the concrete route of the corridor, the distribution of Chinese investments and the chosen places for energy,
infrastructure, Special Economic Zones (SEZs, industrial and manufactural hubs) projects in favour of Punjab on the expense
in the provinces of Baluchistan and KPK. Taken the facts on the ground and the secrecy surrounding the project into account,
there are no doubts that these critics are justified. However, these debates are missing one significant point: the increasing
institutionalization of a formal role of the military in the country’s political system. By having said this, the article will bring
following arguments forward: Firstly, the way how the CPEC gets implement does not only limit the decision-making power of
civilians (understood as the elected representatives of the people) but also make civilian control over the armed forces even
more unlikely. Secondly, since civilian control of the armed forces is interpreted as a sine qua non for democratic consolidation,
the operationalization of the CPEC is undermining the latest attempt of democratic transition initiated by the 2013 general
elections resulting in the first transfer of power from one civilian government to another via elections. Thirdly, in order to ensure
the implementation of the CPEC, the military was able to build-up a parallel governance structure, exercising legally tremendous
executive and judicial powers.
The CPEC in the context of civil-military relations and civilian control
Praised as a new economic lifeline, the CPEC is supposed to provide the essential link between the ‘land based belt and the
sea road’. In order to do so, the CPEC will connect Kashgar in China’s Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region with Gwadar Port
on the Baluchistan coast in Pakistan’s south-west. According to the plan, the CPEC will be implemented through a ‘1+4’
cooperation structure: the Economic Corridor at the centre and the Gwadar Port, energy, infrastructure and industrial
collaboration as the four key areas. In order to operationalise this endeavour, the corridor is a combination of cross-sectional
components: Infrastructure, trade, connectivity, transport, energy, services among others. It is expected that the CPEC will
boost the country’s economy, attract much needed foreign investments, and uplift the social and economic conditions in the
poorer provinces. In brief, the CPEC is portrayed as unique to change the country’s unfortunate economic patterns and pushes
Pakistan political and geostrategic standing in the region. However, besides several political, administrative, and environmental
hurdles, the major challenge for Pakistan is to guarantee a secure and stable environment for the CPEC development. Being
disappointed about the performance of the federal government in Islamabad in countering terrorism and militancy, the military
got increasingly involved in respective decision making and implementation, weakening the power of civilians.
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3. At the moment, in the context of CPEC development, Pakistan is witnessing the total absence of civilian control. In order to
assess this statement, civilian control is “defined as civilians having exclusive authority to decide on national politics and their
implementation. Under civilian control, civilians can freely choose to delegate decision-making power and the implementation of
certain policies to the military while the military has no autonomous decision-making power outside those areas specifically
defined by civilians”. As such, fully-edged civilian control requires that civilian authorities enjoy uncontested decision-making
power in all significant policy areas, namely Elite Recruitment, Public Policy, Internal Security, External Defence, and Military
Organisation. If the military gain dominance in any of this area, civilian decision power, and control must be seen as serious
challenged.
Losing grip: The decline of civilian decision-making power in the CPEC project
Based on the above-outlined concept of civilian control, one can identify several indications for the further weakening of civilian
decision-making power and democratic governance on the central and provincial level.
First of all, the challenge of ensuring security for the CPEC development had the most significant impact on the civil-military
relations and civilian control in Pakistan. For example, the military organisation got totally out of the hand of civilians exemplified
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4. by the formation of new armed forces in Baluchistan and Sindh, dedicated solely, for the protection of CPEC and related
projects-, a decision solely made by the army’s top brass. Even more remarkable is the increasing autonomy of the army in the
area of internal security which finds its expression in the army’s unilateral decision to launch the Operation Zarb-e-Azb which
started in summer 2014. The decisions to an extent the duration as well as to an extent the operations in geographical terms
of this anti-terrorist campaign was also done by the armed forces themselves. Zarb-e-Azb focused initial on the border areas of
Afghanistan, but the army declared the whole territory of Pakistan as an area of operation. In this context, the major (official)
goal of the country’s security circles is to link the CPEC with the aim of achieving a ‘terror free Pakistan’. Regarding Chief of the
Army Staff (COAS) General Raheel Sharif: "We [Pakistan’s security forces] will not stop unless we achieve our end objective
of a terror-free Pakistan" irrespective of the costs. These costs appeared not only in the form of remarkable human and material
resources but also in the willingness of the soldiers to sideline with civilians and to scrutinize the latest achievements in
democratic transitions for the sake of CPEC implementation.
Another example for autonomous decision-making by the soldiers is the Karachi security operations. Here we have a similar
situation like with Zarb-e-Azb: the decision to carry out decisive measures against terrorists was done by the military and the
rangers (a paramilitary force headed by the army) themselves. The civilian and the civilian government was informed about it
after the decision were made.
Also in the area of public policy, the establishment of the Apex Committees at federal and provincial levels results consequently
into the reducing of the decision-making power of the executive combined with a lack of parliamentarian oversight by the
national and provincial assemblies. In other words, most of the important decisions related to CPEC are done by a military-
bureaucratic hybrid. The establishment of Apex committees aimed at the enhancement of civil-military interaction in order to
improve the security situation in general and to counter terrorism in particular. In this context, the initial tasks of the Apex
Committees were to coordinate security and implement the National Action Plan (NAP) , which was drafted jointly by the
government, parliament, and army.
However, over the time, the Apex Committees have become more important decision-making bodies than the federal and
provincial cabinets. An indicator, therefore, is that the federal and provincial cabinets meet less frequently as compared to
federal and provincial Apex Committees. It is well-known that the Pakistani Army plays since the creation of the country the most
dominant role in politics, directly through a military coup and martial law or indirectly influencing informally the civilian decision-
makers to act in the interest of the military. However, the new administrative set-up of Apex Committees has brought the
military formally in the civilian sector of governance and political, administrative management and strengthens its positions
in all decision-making areas relevant to CPEC and beyond.
A latter phenomenon started already with the enactment of the 21th constitutional amendment which let to new institutional
arrangements like the granting of special powers for the armed forces and the establishment of military courts.
The CPEC – Another lost opportunity to improve civilian governance and control
Despite the traditional dominant role of the military in Pakistan politics, over time and due to extraordinary circumstances – for
example after Pakistan’s armed forces lost wars (and its reputation) against India in 1965 and 1971 or the unexpected death of
military dictator Zia-ul-Haq in 1988 – civilians had exceptional chances to regain control over ‘their’ soldiers and decision-
making and as such to strengthen the political institutions. Against this backdrop, a successful implementation of the CPEC
would create another exceptional moment for civilians to strengthen its position vis-à-vis the military. However, to do
mishandling of the project (lack of political will, capacities, transparency and communication), foremost the halve-hearted
approach of the Prime Minister Sharif’s administration to deal with the challenges of Jihadist terrorists and militancy and to
operationalize adequately the NAP, it created for the army another opportunity to call on the ‘doctrine of necessity’. In other
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5. words, the description of the civilian government as incompetent to ensure security and stability, crucial pre-requisites for the
corridor development, served the soldiers as justification to act autonomously and to take over directly the implementation of the
NAP and subsequently the CPEC development too. In result, civilian lost control over the CPEC decision-making process.
Civilians might continue to be the public façade, but it is obvious that the military top echelon is calling the real shots. As
such, the civilian failed once again to establish supremacy over the country’s armed forces in order to consolidate democratic
rule.
Final thoughts
In order to break out of the historical patterns featured by the army’s dominant role in Pakistan’s politics, an improvement and/or
establishment of civilian control and oversight mechanism are needed. Here, all military-dominated Apex Committees have to be
immediately dissolved and national and provincial assemblies, as well as the respective cabinets, must be in charge again. If
this is not possible because of the complexity of the issue as well as a lack of capacities and capabilities specialised
institutions/bodies must be established under direct (sole) control of the civilian (legislative and executive) institutions. It will be
essential for the country’s democracy that any military representative must be totally removed from any decision-making power
(or not allowed to exercise) and must be obliged to report transparently on the status of security and ongoing activities regarding
the given context and beyond. If measures in this direction will be not successfully carried out, the CPEC will further entrench
the military in the country’s politics and subsequently, harm any attempt to bring the country back into the process of democratic
transition. Today, the armed forces possess the strongest formally institutionalized role in the country’s political system ever. The
military was not only able to extend its institutionalized role in a decision-making process, on the expense of all three branches
of governance (executive, legislative and judiciary), but also to build up a ‘quasi-parallel structure of governance’. In result, the
military does not need anymore a direct take over (coup d’état) the, directly or indirectly, the governance in order to rule the
country.
About the Author:
Dr. Siegfried O. Wolf, is Senior Researcher (member) at the South Asia Institute (SAI), Heidelberg
University, and Director of Research at SADF (Coordinator : Democracy Research Program). He
was educated at the SAI and Institute of Political Science (IPW) in Heidelberg. Additionally, he is a
visiting fellow at the National University of Science and Technology (NUST, Islamabad), affiliated
researcher at the Pakistan Security Research Unit (PSRU, Durham University), and a former
research fellow at IPW and Centre de Sciences Humaines (New Delhi, India).
He is the co-author of 'A Political and Economic Dictionary of South Asia' (Routledge; London 2006),
co-editor of 'Politics in South Asia. Culture, Rationality and Conceptual Flow' (Springer: Heidelberg ,
2015). 'The Merits of Regionalisation. The Case of South Asia' (Springer: Heidelberg, 2014) and
'State and Foreign Policy in South Asia' (Sanskrit: 2010) and Deputy Editor of the 'Heidelberg Papers
in South Asian and Comparative Politics' (HPSACP). Furthermore, he has worked as a consultant for the Federal Ministry for
Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ), Germany and is a member of the external group of the Afghanistan-Pakistan
Task Force, Federal Foreign Office, Germany.
Cite the Article:
Wolf, SO. "THE PAPER | China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and Civil-Military Relations in Pakistan" IndraStra Global, Vol.002,
Issue No: 04, (2016), 0052, http://www.indrastra.com/2016/04/PAPER-CPEC-and-Civil-Military-Relations-in-Pakistan-002-
04-2016-0052.html | ISSN 2381-3652
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