Summary:
During the last decade, the Turkish constitution was the ultimate source of political crises on numerous occasions, but Turkey might be blessed with the greatest chance ever to create a new highest document. This policy brief outlines some of the ingredients that should be inccluded, and argues that the process, and the final producet, can be an inspiration for the Middle East and North Africa region as a whole.
About the Author
Eray Akdağ is the permanent Ankara representative of Turkish
Industry & Business Association (TUSIAD) and has been the
organization’s main liaison to the Turkish Parliament since 2003. As a government relations executive, his main responsibilities include improvement of TUSIAD’s influential participation to national and international policymaking processes. He also teaches at Ankara University and guest lectures at Middle East Technical University.
About GMF
The German Marshall Fund of the United States (GMF) strengthens transatlantic cooperation on regional, national, and global challenges and opportunities in the spirit of the Marshall Plan. GMF does this by supporting individuals and institutions working in the transatlantic sphere, by convening leaders and members of the policy and business communities, by contributing research and analysis on transatlantic
topics, and by providing exchange opportunities to foster renewed commitment to the transatlantic relationship. In addition, GMF supports a number of initiatives to strengthen democracies. Founded in 1972 as a non-partisan, non-profit organization through a gift from Germany as a permanent memorial to Marshall Plan assistance, GMF maintains a strong presence on both sides of the Atlantic. In addition to its headquarters in Washington, DC, GMF has offices in Berlin,
Paris, Brussels, Belgrade, Ankara, Bucharest, Warsaw, and Tunis. GMF also has smaller representations in Bratislava, Turin, and Stockholm.
About the On Turkey Series
GMF’s On Turkey is an ongoing series of analysis briefs about Turkey’s current political situation and its future. GMF provides regular analysis briefs by leading Turkish, European, and U.S. writers and intellectuals, with a focus on dispatches from on-the-ground Turkish observers. To access the latest briefs, please visit our web site at www. gmfus.org/turkey or subscribe to our mailing list at http://database. gmfus.org/reaction.
OVERSIGHT FUNCTIONS OF NIGERIA'S NATIONAL ASSEMBLY; 2011 - 2015 Yagana Bintube (MNIM)
A STUDY ON THE OVERSIGHT FUNCTIONS OF NIGERIA'S NATIONAL ASSEMBLY; 2011 - 2015 BEING A RESEARCH PROJECT IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF A MASTER IN SCIENCE DEGREE IN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND POLICY ANALYSIS, DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, FACULTY OF SOCIAL AND MANAGEMENT SCIENCES, UNIVERSITY OF ABUJA, NIGERIA.
THE WORK DISSECTS THE OVERSIGHT FUNCTIONS OF THE 7TH SESSION AND EVALUATES THE EFFECTIVENESS OF OVERSIGHT TOOL IN DELIVERY GOOD GOVERNANCE IN THE NIGERIA'S FOURTH REPUBLIC DEMOCRATIC DISPENSATION. IT LOOKS FURTHER TO HIGHLIGHT THE CHALLENGES, PROFFER DEEP ROOTED RECOMMENDATIONS AND PROJECT THE FUTURE PROSPECTS OF THE OVERSIGHT TOOL IN ACHIEVING DEMOCRATIC SUCCESS, RESPONSIBLE, RESPONSIVE, TRANSPARENT AND ACCOUNTABLE GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA.
The cost of federal legislation in nigeriastatisense
How PRODUCTIVE is the National Assembly?
This presentation explores budgetary allocations to the National Assembly since 1999 till date, and compares it with States Budgets, Federal Ministries & Agencies Budgets, as well as determine its ranking on a national budget scale
OVERSIGHT FUNCTIONS OF NIGERIA'S NATIONAL ASSEMBLY; 2011 - 2015 Yagana Bintube (MNIM)
A STUDY ON THE OVERSIGHT FUNCTIONS OF NIGERIA'S NATIONAL ASSEMBLY; 2011 - 2015 BEING A RESEARCH PROJECT IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF A MASTER IN SCIENCE DEGREE IN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND POLICY ANALYSIS, DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, FACULTY OF SOCIAL AND MANAGEMENT SCIENCES, UNIVERSITY OF ABUJA, NIGERIA.
THE WORK DISSECTS THE OVERSIGHT FUNCTIONS OF THE 7TH SESSION AND EVALUATES THE EFFECTIVENESS OF OVERSIGHT TOOL IN DELIVERY GOOD GOVERNANCE IN THE NIGERIA'S FOURTH REPUBLIC DEMOCRATIC DISPENSATION. IT LOOKS FURTHER TO HIGHLIGHT THE CHALLENGES, PROFFER DEEP ROOTED RECOMMENDATIONS AND PROJECT THE FUTURE PROSPECTS OF THE OVERSIGHT TOOL IN ACHIEVING DEMOCRATIC SUCCESS, RESPONSIBLE, RESPONSIVE, TRANSPARENT AND ACCOUNTABLE GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA.
The cost of federal legislation in nigeriastatisense
How PRODUCTIVE is the National Assembly?
This presentation explores budgetary allocations to the National Assembly since 1999 till date, and compares it with States Budgets, Federal Ministries & Agencies Budgets, as well as determine its ranking on a national budget scale
Towards Intergovernmental Balance Of Power in Zimbabwe. Opportunities, Challe...iosrjce
The study of inter-government relations (IGR) presents a dynamic and complex discourse aimed at
understanding political and administrative power dimensions and distribution between different tiers, spheres
or levels of government. IGR reflects the horizontal and vertical power dynamics between central, state/
provincial/ regional and local government and the consequences of this relationship on the degree of autonomy
and discretion that sub national government tiers enjoy from central government control and direction.
Anderson (1960) argued that the term IGR designate a body of activities or interactions between governmental
units of all types and levels or the totality of all permutations and combinations of relations among units of
government in a government system either unitary or federal. The context of IGR discourse is undergoing
radical change and transformation affecting perceptions about the role and functions of different tiers of
government. This discourse is occurring in the context of ongoing global change on the relative efficacy and the
relevance of the nation state vis a vis growing appreciation of local government capacity given increasing
challenges of globalization. National governments in the face of these dynamics and in search of policy and
administrative efficiency are exiting from their traditional roles with massive shifts from centralization,
overregulation and other protectionist tendencies
The establishment of a judiciary with the power of constitutional review — determining whether government actions comply with the constitution’s provisions — is now considered a standard component of a democracy. It is increasingly common to entrust the power of constitutional review to a specialised constitutional court that can issue authoritative decisions on the constitutionality of laws and government actions and can interpret the constitution’s provisions.
A constitutional court can play many important roles, including reviewing the constitutionality of legislation, protecting individual rights, providing a forum for the resolution of disputes in a federal system, enforcing the separation of powers, certifying election results, and assessing the legality of political parties.
Establishing a court with the power to review the constitutionality of laws and government actions provides political parties and groups with a form of “insurance” for future scenarios in which they may not be in government and want to make sure that a government formed by their opponents acts within the limits of the constitution. A constitutional court is a means of institutionalising the commitment made by all parties when drafting the constitution to abide by its provisions. Furthermore, foreign investors often regard an independent and well-functioning judiciary as a sign of a country’s stability and investment potential. There are many options in designing a constitutional court, yet some recommendations can be made on a number of key design questions:
Political Violence and the Sustenance of Democracy In Nigeriaiosrjce
IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science is a double blind peer reviewed International Journal edited by International Organization of Scientific Research (IOSR).The Journal provides a common forum where all aspects of humanities and social sciences are presented. IOSR-JHSS publishes original papers, review papers, conceptual framework, analytical and simulation models, case studies, empirical research, technical notes etc.
The Law making process of Bangladesh. Especially, Step by step process of rules and regulation making of Bangladesh is described in this slide. This slide is prepared as an assignment for an academic course.
Article 263 provides for the establishment of Inter-State Council to effect co-ordination between State.
The Inter-State Council is appointed by the President if it appears to him that the public interest would be served by its establishment.
,
organs of the government of bangladesh
,
government: concept
,
legislature of bangladesh
,
limitations of the executive organ in bd
,
judiciary organ of bangladesh
,
functions of judicial organ of bangladesh
,
functions of executive organ of bangladesh
,
how to make judiciary more effective in bangladesh
Towards Intergovernmental Balance Of Power in Zimbabwe. Opportunities, Challe...iosrjce
The study of inter-government relations (IGR) presents a dynamic and complex discourse aimed at
understanding political and administrative power dimensions and distribution between different tiers, spheres
or levels of government. IGR reflects the horizontal and vertical power dynamics between central, state/
provincial/ regional and local government and the consequences of this relationship on the degree of autonomy
and discretion that sub national government tiers enjoy from central government control and direction.
Anderson (1960) argued that the term IGR designate a body of activities or interactions between governmental
units of all types and levels or the totality of all permutations and combinations of relations among units of
government in a government system either unitary or federal. The context of IGR discourse is undergoing
radical change and transformation affecting perceptions about the role and functions of different tiers of
government. This discourse is occurring in the context of ongoing global change on the relative efficacy and the
relevance of the nation state vis a vis growing appreciation of local government capacity given increasing
challenges of globalization. National governments in the face of these dynamics and in search of policy and
administrative efficiency are exiting from their traditional roles with massive shifts from centralization,
overregulation and other protectionist tendencies
The establishment of a judiciary with the power of constitutional review — determining whether government actions comply with the constitution’s provisions — is now considered a standard component of a democracy. It is increasingly common to entrust the power of constitutional review to a specialised constitutional court that can issue authoritative decisions on the constitutionality of laws and government actions and can interpret the constitution’s provisions.
A constitutional court can play many important roles, including reviewing the constitutionality of legislation, protecting individual rights, providing a forum for the resolution of disputes in a federal system, enforcing the separation of powers, certifying election results, and assessing the legality of political parties.
Establishing a court with the power to review the constitutionality of laws and government actions provides political parties and groups with a form of “insurance” for future scenarios in which they may not be in government and want to make sure that a government formed by their opponents acts within the limits of the constitution. A constitutional court is a means of institutionalising the commitment made by all parties when drafting the constitution to abide by its provisions. Furthermore, foreign investors often regard an independent and well-functioning judiciary as a sign of a country’s stability and investment potential. There are many options in designing a constitutional court, yet some recommendations can be made on a number of key design questions:
Political Violence and the Sustenance of Democracy In Nigeriaiosrjce
IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science is a double blind peer reviewed International Journal edited by International Organization of Scientific Research (IOSR).The Journal provides a common forum where all aspects of humanities and social sciences are presented. IOSR-JHSS publishes original papers, review papers, conceptual framework, analytical and simulation models, case studies, empirical research, technical notes etc.
The Law making process of Bangladesh. Especially, Step by step process of rules and regulation making of Bangladesh is described in this slide. This slide is prepared as an assignment for an academic course.
Article 263 provides for the establishment of Inter-State Council to effect co-ordination between State.
The Inter-State Council is appointed by the President if it appears to him that the public interest would be served by its establishment.
,
organs of the government of bangladesh
,
government: concept
,
legislature of bangladesh
,
limitations of the executive organ in bd
,
judiciary organ of bangladesh
,
functions of judicial organ of bangladesh
,
functions of executive organ of bangladesh
,
how to make judiciary more effective in bangladesh
[Report] Delegation visit of uk and irish members of parliamentJasmine Foundation
Contents
- Delegation Members:
- Introduction
- Resume of Meetings.
- Meeting with Samir Dilou, Minister for Human Rights and Transitional Justice.
- Meeting with Houcine Abbasi, General Secretary, UGTT (Tunisian General Union of Workers).
- Meeting with Imed Daimi, Secretary General, Congress for the Republic (CPR).
- Meeting with the Democratic Alliance – Moncef Cheikh Rouhou, Firas Jabloun, Mahmoud Baroudi.
- Meeting with Ali Laarayedh, Prime Minister (Ennahdha Party).
- Meeting with Beji Caid Essebsi, President, Nidaa Tounes Party and Mohsen Marzouq, Head of International Relations.
- Meeting with Rached Ghannouchi, President, Ennahdha Party.
- Meeting with Larbi Abid, Deputy Speaker of the National Constituent Assembly, Ettakattol Party.
- Meeting with Abderraouf Ayedi, President, Wafaa Party, Dr. Fathi Jeribi, Deputy President, Fedia Najjar, Head of Nabeul Branch.
Citizens’ Power of Calling to Account in Public Administration and Public Ser...ERAY AKDAG
SUMMARY: A healthy democracy requires citizens to participate in policy selection and decision making processes as an individual or community. This participation also constitutes an external audit for the government. Citizens' Power of Calling Government to Account is a critical area which have been improving and evaluating throughout the history of democracy. These whole sets of accountability mechanisms aim a better public administration and are enforced widely in international law and practice, especially in the EU, since these are some of the most critical components of a healthy democratic practice.
Turkey needs less money in politics and less politics in courtFTI Consulting FR
The AK party was unable to eradicate the cycle of corruption-induced crisis, writes Sinan Ulgen, chairman of the Istanbul-based EDAM think-tank and a visiting scholar at Carnegie Europe in Brussels. He is also Chairman of Istanbul Economics, an affiliate of FTI Consulting.
Mustafa Kemal was born into a lower middle class Turkish famil.docxroushhsiu
Mustafa Kemal was born into a lower middle class Turkish family in Salonica in the
Ottoman Empire in 1881. He gravitated toward a military career, in which he
distinguished himself. He excelled at mathematics in military secondary school and
received from his teacher the sobriquet Kemal, meaning perfection. The Young Turks,
who ruled the Ottoman Empire, brought it into W.W.I on the side of Germany and
Austria-Hungary. Kemal played a key role in the defense of the Gallipoli peninsula in 1915
against the mainly Franco-British effort to occupy it, force the Straits, and knock the
Ottoman Empire out of W.W.I. In spite of his heroics, the Entente Powers defeated the
Central Powers and proceeded to strip the Ottoman Empire of its provinces and to divide
Turkey itself into spheres of influence. Nationalistically-minded and emerging as Turkey's
best general, Kemal would not accept the dismemberment of Turkey, so he raised the
standard of revolt in 1919. He was able to frustrate the powers through a combination of
astute diplomacy and military action, the latter especially directed against the Greeks, who
had aspirations of a revived Byzantine Empire that included part of Turkey. Consequently,
he had emerged by 1921 as the undisputed leader of an independent Turkey.
As the longtime president of Turkey until his death in 1938, Mustafa Kemal then
embarked on a program of modernization, which he equated with Westernization. He was
influenced in this respect by the tradition of Westernizing reforms in the Ottoman Empire
such as those of Sultan Mahmud II and of the Tanzimat in the 19th century. The Young
Ottomanism of Namik Kemal also affected him with the stress on patriotism and liberty.
1
Mustafa Kemal abolished the sultanate and established the Turkish Republic. He
disestablished Islam as part of his secularizing policy. Women were encouraged to give up
the veil and gained the right to vote by 1934. Cultural reforms included the adoption of
the Latin alphabet for the Turkish language and of family names. Kemal was voted the
name Ataturk (Father Turk) by the Grand National Assembly.
Ataturk's legacy has continued to influence modern Turkey greatly. His Westernizing
reforms kept Turkey on a course of orienting towards Europe that continued after his
death such as in joining NATO and seeking membership in the European Union. On the
other hand, the rapid pace of his reforms meant that many in the rural areas particularly
were left behind.
2
This has been reflected in the electoral support for Islamist parties.
Although elected as president, Ataturk functioned as a benevolent dictator. This dictatorial
tendency has been continued in the form of military interventions when the army has felt
the Islamist political parties have threatened Kemalism. Ataturk followed a pacific foreign
policy that eschewed pan-Turanism (unity of Turks) and similar imperialistic ambitions.
Internally, however, ...
Mustafa Kemal was born into a lower middle class Turkish famil.docxgemaherd
Mustafa Kemal was born into a lower middle class Turkish family in Salonica in the
Ottoman Empire in 1881. He gravitated toward a military career, in which he
distinguished himself. He excelled at mathematics in military secondary school and
received from his teacher the sobriquet Kemal, meaning perfection. The Young Turks,
who ruled the Ottoman Empire, brought it into W.W.I on the side of Germany and
Austria-Hungary. Kemal played a key role in the defense of the Gallipoli peninsula in 1915
against the mainly Franco-British effort to occupy it, force the Straits, and knock the
Ottoman Empire out of W.W.I. In spite of his heroics, the Entente Powers defeated the
Central Powers and proceeded to strip the Ottoman Empire of its provinces and to divide
Turkey itself into spheres of influence. Nationalistically-minded and emerging as Turkey's
best general, Kemal would not accept the dismemberment of Turkey, so he raised the
standard of revolt in 1919. He was able to frustrate the powers through a combination of
astute diplomacy and military action, the latter especially directed against the Greeks, who
had aspirations of a revived Byzantine Empire that included part of Turkey. Consequently,
he had emerged by 1921 as the undisputed leader of an independent Turkey.
As the longtime president of Turkey until his death in 1938, Mustafa Kemal then
embarked on a program of modernization, which he equated with Westernization. He was
influenced in this respect by the tradition of Westernizing reforms in the Ottoman Empire
such as those of Sultan Mahmud II and of the Tanzimat in the 19th century. The Young
Ottomanism of Namik Kemal also affected him with the stress on patriotism and liberty.
1
Mustafa Kemal abolished the sultanate and established the Turkish Republic. He
disestablished Islam as part of his secularizing policy. Women were encouraged to give up
the veil and gained the right to vote by 1934. Cultural reforms included the adoption of
the Latin alphabet for the Turkish language and of family names. Kemal was voted the
name Ataturk (Father Turk) by the Grand National Assembly.
Ataturk's legacy has continued to influence modern Turkey greatly. His Westernizing
reforms kept Turkey on a course of orienting towards Europe that continued after his
death such as in joining NATO and seeking membership in the European Union. On the
other hand, the rapid pace of his reforms meant that many in the rural areas particularly
were left behind.
2
This has been reflected in the electoral support for Islamist parties.
Although elected as president, Ataturk functioned as a benevolent dictator. This dictatorial
tendency has been continued in the form of military interventions when the army has felt
the Islamist political parties have threatened Kemalism. Ataturk followed a pacific foreign
policy that eschewed pan-Turanism (unity of Turks) and similar imperialistic ambitions.
Internally, however,.
Devletle İlişkiler ve Etkili Bağlantı GeliştirmeERAY AKDAG
İletişim, Resmi İletişim, Devletle İlişkiler ve Etkili Profesyonel Bağlantı Geliştirme konularında "EY Ankara Advisory Team 3rd Off-site Event" için hazırlanan sunum slaytları.
"Stratejik Senaryo Kararları ve Davranışsal Yaklaşım" başlıklı dersin "Stratejik Düşünme" modülüne ilişkin sunum slaytlarıdır. Bu ders 2015 yılında TOBB Ekonomi ve Teknoloji Üniversitesi İşletme Yüksek Lisans (MBA) Programı kapsamında "İşletme Alanında Seçilmiş Konular" ismiyle görünmektedir.
1. Stratejik Senaryo Kararları ve Davranışsal Yaklaşım - TOBB ETÜ MBA Derse G...ERAY AKDAG
"Stratejik Senaryo Kararları ve Davranışsal Yaklaşım" dersi (İŞL 590, İşletme Alanında Seçilmiş Konular adıyla 3 Kredi olarak) 2015 yılında TOBB Ekonomi ve Teknoloji Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü İşletme Yüksek Lisans Programı'na girmiştir. Eray AKDAĞ ve Barış URHAN tarafından verilen bu dersin ilk haftası için hazırlanan derse giriş slaytlarıdır.
Gençlik Buluşmasında teknolojik ve sosyal inovasyon konularda küçük bir ufuk turu hazırlamak amacıyla;
Fütüristik İnovasyon Temasıyla gerçekleştirilen 38. TEMÖB'ün (Türkiye Endüstri Mühendisliği Öğrencileri Buluşması) ilk oturumundaki konuşmama eşlik eden bu sunum TOBB Ekonomi ve Teknoloji Üniversitesi Endüstri ve Verimlilik Topluluğu'nun misafiri olarak 25.09.2014 tarihinde gerçekleştirilmiştir.
Vatandaşın Devlet Yönetiminde Hesap Sorabilme GücüERAY AKDAG
ÖZET: Sağlıklı bir demokrasi, vatandaşın birey ya da topluluk olarak politika belirleme ve karar alma süreçlerine katılımını gerektirir. Bu katılım aynı zamanda devlet için bir dış denetim oluşturmaktadır. Vatandaşın Devletten Hesap Sorma Gücü demokrasi tarihiyle evrilen ve gelişen kritik bir alandır. Daha iyi kamu yönetimini hedefleyen bu mekanizmalar bütünü AB başta olmak üzere uluslararası hukukta ve uygulamalarda da kapsamlı yer bulmaktadır. Zira demokrasinin sağlıklı çalışabilmesinin en önemli unsurları arasında yer almaktadır.
31052024_First India Newspaper Jaipur.pdfFIRST INDIA
Find Latest India News and Breaking News these days from India on Politics, Business, Entertainment, Technology, Sports, Lifestyle and Coronavirus News in India and the world over that you can't miss. For real time update Visit our social media handle. Read First India NewsPaper in your morning replace. Visit First India.
CLICK:- https://firstindia.co.in/
#First_India_NewsPaper
01062024_First India Newspaper Jaipur.pdfFIRST INDIA
Find Latest India News and Breaking News these days from India on Politics, Business, Entertainment, Technology, Sports, Lifestyle and Coronavirus News in India and the world over that you can't miss. For real time update Visit our social media handle. Read First India NewsPaper in your morning replace. Visit First India.
CLICK:- https://firstindia.co.in/
#First_India_NewsPaper
‘वोटर्स विल मस्ट प्रीवेल’ (मतदाताओं को जीतना होगा) अभियान द्वारा जारी हेल्पलाइन नंबर, 4 जून को सुबह 7 बजे से दोपहर 12 बजे तक मतगणना प्रक्रिया में कहीं भी किसी भी तरह के उल्लंघन की रिपोर्ट करने के लिए खुला रहेगा।
role of women and girls in various terror groupssadiakorobi2
Women have three distinct types of involvement: direct involvement in terrorist acts; enabling of others to commit such acts; and facilitating the disengagement of others from violent or extremist groups.
In a May 9, 2024 paper, Juri Opitz from the University of Zurich, along with Shira Wein and Nathan Schneider form Georgetown University, discussed the importance of linguistic expertise in natural language processing (NLP) in an era dominated by large language models (LLMs).
The authors explained that while machine translation (MT) previously relied heavily on linguists, the landscape has shifted. “Linguistics is no longer front and center in the way we build NLP systems,” they said. With the emergence of LLMs, which can generate fluent text without the need for specialized modules to handle grammar or semantic coherence, the need for linguistic expertise in NLP is being questioned.
हम आग्रह करते हैं कि जो भी सत्ता में आए, वह संविधान का पालन करे, उसकी रक्षा करे और उसे बनाए रखे।" प्रस्ताव में कुल तीन प्रमुख हस्तक्षेप और उनके तंत्र भी प्रस्तुत किए गए। पहला हस्तक्षेप स्वतंत्र मीडिया को प्रोत्साहित करके, वास्तविकता पर आधारित काउंटर नैरेटिव का निर्माण करके और सत्तारूढ़ सरकार द्वारा नियोजित मनोवैज्ञानिक हेरफेर की रणनीति का मुकाबला करके लोगों द्वारा निर्धारित कथा को बनाए रखना और उस पर कार्यकरना था।
03062024_First India Newspaper Jaipur.pdfFIRST INDIA
Find Latest India News and Breaking News these days from India on Politics, Business, Entertainment, Technology, Sports, Lifestyle and Coronavirus News in India and the world over that you can't miss. For real time update Visit our social media handle. Read First India NewsPaper in your morning replace. Visit First India.
CLICK:- https://firstindia.co.in/
#First_India_NewsPaper
Creating A New Turkish Constitution: An Opportunity for Arab Spring?
1. Analysis
August 9, 2011
Summary: During the last
decade, the Turkish constitution was the ultimate source
of political crises on numerous
occasions, but Turkey might be
blessed with the greatest chance
ever to create a new highest
document. This policy brief
outlines some of the ingredients
that should be included, and
argues that the process, and the
final product, can be an inspiration for the Middle East and
North Africa region as a whole.
Offices
Washington, DC • Berlin • Paris • Brussels
Belgrade • Ankara • Bucharest • Warsaw
Creating A New Turkish Constitution:
An Opportunity For Arab Spring?
by Eray Akdağ
Creation: To Be Started Now?
Turkey set sail toward a new era
following the June 2011 parliamentary elections. After years of throttling
discussions, Turkey now has a more
favorable environment to create a
new constitution. The newly elected
AK Party government, which came to
power for a third term with a vote of
almost 50 percent, states that a new
constitution is a priority for the new
legislative term. The prime minister,
when reading out the government
program at the parliament earlier in
July, said “The nation expected the
parliament to rewrite the constitution... The government and AK Party
is fully determined about a new
constitution, and as AK Party, we wish
preparation of a new constitution with
as broad participation as possible,
and we wish that the new constitution will be a social contract reflecting
demands of all social segments…
The structure of the new parliament
enables us to rewrite the constitution
with the broadest representation and
compromise….”1 The three opposition parties in parliament — with their
approximately 45 percent total votes—
are also signaling a green light for this
initiative. These political parties have
1
AA — Anadolu (News) Agency: http://www.aa.com.tr/en/
constitutional-amendment-most-urgent-issue.html
been voicing various demands, some
obviously not compatible with each
other, so democratic arm wrestling is
underway. Yet, as famously quoted,
“Even a garden of roses is full of
thorns,” and Turkey might be blessed
with the greatest chance ever to create
a constitution, with 95 percent representation in the parliament. This is as
good as it gets.
Short Background or
“The Need to Reform”
During the last decade, the constitution was the underlying source of
political crises on numerous occasions. Is a quorum needed to elect the
president, since it was not clear if “the
qualified majority” described in the
constitution defines “the needed attendance to the related session” or “the
needed votes to elect the president in
the first round”? Does the parliament
have the ability to amend the constitution in certain areas? Historic case
law was created when the amendment
to the constitution to free head scarf
usage in public areas was annulled by
the Constitutional Court on grounds
of a broad interpretation of the three
fundamental articles that open the
constitution. The much disputed and
long discussed verdicts rendered by
2. Analysis
the court remained far from creating any resolution to the
fons et origo of the political problems, which were in fact
initiated by the legalistic reading of the constitution itself.
Although one might easily argue that years and years of
amendments resulted in much needed transformation, the
indictment wouldn’t provide a strong (prima facie) case;
changing some, or even most, of the bricks doesn’t change
where the wall stands or where its withering shadow falls.
It is true that an important number of articles — approximately 80 of 180 — have been completely or partially
rewritten during the last quarter century. On the other
hand, quality is much more vital than quantity in most
cases, and there are still substantial changes that must be
made.
Ingredients of a Contemporary Constitution for Turkey
Before articulating the needs, we should acknowledge the
progress. Thanks to the various amendments to the constitution, a great leap forward has been achieved, especially
with the EU-inspired critical packages of 2001, 2004, and
2010, which included the abolishment of death penalty
among many other improvements. However there is still a
long way to go.
The process of drafting a
constitution is almost as important
as the text to be adopted.
To start with, it should be emphasized that the process
of drafting a constitution is almost as important as the
text to be adopted, since the process helps to harmonize
an orchestra of divergent elements. The drafting process
should be open, transparent, and participatory. Effective
participation of different cultural and religious segments of
the society, members of various socio-economical groups,
business, labor representatives, NGOs, and universities is
one of the key elements of creating a contemporary constitution. This will create a delicious salad, which protects the
attributes and vibrancy of different ingredients, rather than
2
a boring soup, which boils every ingredient into a thickened
and dull homogenous structure.
A second crucial need is related to the main principles,
rules, and foundations established by the constitution.
Apart from the above mentioned unresolved core matters,
the spirit and language of the constitution, which was
originally written “during” a military coup in 1982, should
change as well. The current text, spirit, and structure of the
constitution is still perceived to be uncivil and limiting at
the least.
In order to satisfy multiple demands, the ultimate goal
should be creating a genuine social contract that will reflect
all citizens’ will to live together freely. This perspective leads
us to a series of core values to create a new and progressive constitution that must establish a government based
on human rights, include all necessary mechanisms to
strengthen the rule of law, place the individual at the center,
establish a strong connectivity among citizens of diverse
backgrounds living together, and respond to identity inquiries through an approach that unites equal citizens over
common values. It must also resolve problems related to the
freedom of religion and conscience, and forge check-andbalance mechanisms to create an effectively functioning
pluralist and participatory parliamentary democracy.
Although these core values create a clear perspective and
vision, it is obvious that this road map needs to be further
clarified when it comes to preparing a legally binding
premier text. However, the constitution is not the appropriate medium for long outlines of various issues and technical details. Even so, a number of sine qua non conditions
can be listed, which are not limiting, but rather illuminating.
The ultimate goal should be
creating a genuine social contract
that will reflect all citizens’ will to
live together freely.
3. Analysis
The new constitution must
address the three main issues
that are dividing the society and
transform them into three issues
that consolidate the society.
First of all, the new constitution must address the three
main issues that are dividing the society and transform
them into three issues that consolidate the society. These
issues —freedom of religion and conscience, identities, and
the separation of powers (trias politica) — must be resolved
in parliament through a consensus-seeking process that will
foster wide participation.
Secondly, it is imperative that the bans on political parties
be legislated in accordance with the European Convention
on Human Rights. Penalties must be imposed primarily on
persons whose actions are against the law, not on political
parties.
Thirdly, the election system and the regulations governing
the political parties have to be reformed. Although the
10 percent election threshold to enter the parliament is
highly problematic, it would be just as problematic to
underestimate the issue by degrading it to a simple arithmetic subject. The mechanics of the election system and
related regulations must also be reformed to ensure fair
and proportionate representation at the parliament and
strengthen the relationship between constituencies and
parliamentarians, further encouraging citizen participation.
Apart from these conditions, a new structure must be envisaged to guarantee and further improve academic freedom
and sovereignty for universities.
Last but not least, it is essential to empower the participation of women in politics by providing special protections
in the constitution.
An Opportunity for Arab Spring?
It should be noted that this is a unique opportunity for
Turkey to put together a new constitution through a democratic and widely participatory process. Although this might
seem like yet another national issue for Turkey, it should be
also recognized that this might be a unique opportunity for
the whole Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region
as well, especially as we are witnessing the unexpected and
strong winds of the Arab Spring. The above mentioned set
of values and conditions are applicable to any country who
wants to reform or modernize its constitutional structure.
Through this bright example, Turkey would create a great
stimulus for neighboring administrations and encourage
their peoples to move forward.
Despite the obvious reasons why Turkey can’t directly be a
model for at least most of the MENA countries (or the Arab
world), it would be an equally obvious mistake to neglect
the importance of indirect spillover effects of the developments in Turkey and the country’s soft power within the
region.
Turkey would create a great
stimulus for neighboring
administrations and encourage
their peoples to move forward.
First of all, Turkey is an invaluable source of inspiration
for the whole area. Media that demonstrate the daily life
and sophistication in Turkey, especially social media,
are becoming more and more available to the peoples of
various MENA countries. Turkey will also be visited by
approximately 2 million tourists from the region this year,
providing an example for these neighboring countries.2
The growth in Turkey’s economy and resulting welfare
and prosperity is also attractive. Turkey’s macroeconomic
success and flourishing lifestyle has the potential to lure
increasing numbers of people from the MENA region.
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3
AA: http://www.aa.com.tr/en/number-of-arap-tourists-grows-75.html
4. Analysis
A third charm of Turkey would be the practice of the social
government principle, which is already stated in the constitution and has become an important aspect of society.
Years of political and social transformation paved the way
to the creation of well-proven ways for better and wider
social inclusion, which is obviously a critical problem in the
MENA region, when one remembers how things started in
Tunisia and quickly ignited a wildfire in the region.
To conclude, we should also remember that ever increasing
trade relations between Turkey and MENA countries are
smoothing the way for increased dialogue and cooperation
while leaving less room for entropy. Adopting a new and
modern constitution — especially through a wide consensus
— would provide a solid anchor to rely on and a benchmark
to compare with. Turkey now presents yet another opportunity to inspire Western-style reform and modernization to
her neighbors, which would ultimately establish a win-winwin story for all of us: MENA, EU, and United States.
About the Author
Eray Akdağ is the permanent Ankara representative of TUSIAD
(Turkish Industry & Business Association) and has been the TUSIAD
liaison to the Turkish parliament since 2003. Besides corporate representation vis à vis the government, parliament, political parties, private
and public sector entities, civil society organizations, international
missions and individuals, his main duties include improvement of the
effectiveness of TUSIAD’s timely and influential participation to the
economic, social, and political decision-making processes.
About GMF
The German Marshall Fund of the United States (GMF) is a nonpartisan American public policy and grantmaking institution dedicated to promoting better understanding and cooperation between
North America and Europe on transatlantic and global issues. GMF
does this by supporting individuals and institutions working in the
transatlantic sphere, by convening leaders and members of the policy
and business communities, by contributing research and analysis on
transatlantic topics, and by providing exchange opportunities to foster
renewed commitment to the transatlantic relationship. In addition,
GMF supports a number of initiatives to strengthen democracies.
Founded in 1972 through a gift from Germany as a permanent memorial to Marshall Plan assistance, GMF maintains a strong presence on
both sides of the Atlantic. In addition to its headquarters in Washington, DC, GMF has seven offices in Europe: Berlin, Paris, Brussels,
Belgrade, Ankara, Bucharest, and Warsaw. GMF also has smaller
representations in Bratislava, Turin, and Stockholm.
About the On Turkey Series
GMF’s On Turkey is an ongoing series of analysis briefs about Turkey’s
current political situation and its future. GMF provides regular analysis briefs by leading Turkish, European, and American writers and
intellectuals, with a focus on dispatches from on-the-ground Turkish
observers. To access the latest briefs, please visit our web site at www.
gmfus.org/turkey or subscribe to our mailing list at http://database.
gmfus.org/reaction.
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