Student NameDateClass TitleAbstract (or Executive.docx

Student Name
Date
Class
Title:
Abstract (or Executive Summary):
Here include a 2-3 sentence summary of your problem and
solution
Context:
Here include a brief overview of the problem. Make sure to
provide researched, substantiated details that will provide
context for how and why this is a problem. This section may be
2-4 paragraphs long.
Recommendation:
Here include details of the proposed solution and any research
that provides evidence that the solution will solve the problem.
This section may be 2-4 paragraphs long.

List of Works Cited
Here list all of the sources you used in researching this paper.
Remember that lists of works cited are organized alphabetically
by last name of author.
example:
Adichie, C. (2009, July). The danger of a single story [Video
File]. Retrieved from
https://www.ted.com/talks/chimamanda_adichie_the_danger_of_
a_single_story
Simpson, L. (2015). Islands of Decolonial Love: Stories and
Songs. Winnipeg, Manitoba: ARP Books (Arbeiter Ring
Publishing).
Wagamese, R. (2015). One story, one song. Vancouver, Canada:
Douglas & McIntyre.
APA Bibliographic Citation (Be sure to include the hanging
indent)
1. Cacas, Samuel R. (1994). Asians under attack. Human
Rights, 21(4), 34–35.
https://libsecure.camosun.bc.ca:2443/login?url=https://search.eb
scohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a9h&AN=9411160782
&site=eds-live
2. Clarkin, Thomas. (2019). Why We Can’t Wait by Martin
Luther King, Jr. Salem Press Biographical Encyclopedia.
scohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ers&AN=89876602&sit
e=eds-live

3. Mohn, Elizabeth. (2019). Racism in the United States. Salem
Press Encyclopedia.
scohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ers&AN=139001307&s
ite=eds-live
4. TheCapitol. Net. (3 C.E., Winter 2012). The Hidden,
Shameful History of Legalized US Anti-Chinese
Racism. Business Wire (English).
scohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=bwh&AN=bizwire.c404
57159&site=eds-live
5. Wong, Eugene F. (2019). Racial/ethnic relations: theoretical
overview. Salem Press Encyclopedia.
scohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ers&AN=96397619&sit
e=eds-live
Example of a Parenthetical In-text Citation for this Source
Type of Source
(ex. journal article, book, website)
1. (Cacas, 1994)
2. (Clarkin, 2019)
3. (Mohn, 2019)
4. (TheCapitol.Net, 2012)
5. (Wong, 2019)
1. Periodical
2. Book
3. Journal article
4. Newspaper

5. Journal article
Summarize this source in one to two sentences
1. In Samuel R. Cacas’s article Asians under attack, the article
provides information on the nationwide audit released by the
National Asian Pacific American Legal Consortium in April
1994 regarding hate-motivated anti-Asian violence in the U.S.
2. In Thomas Clarkin’s article Why We Can’t Wait by Martin
Luther King, Jr., the author shows the book Why We Can’t Wait
by Martin Luther King, Jr.’s was written in 1963 and published
in early 1964. King presents historical examples and ethical
arguments to explain the Civil Rights movement and to exhort
supporters to continue in their efforts at a crucial juncture in
U.S. history.
3. In Elizabeth Mohn’s article Racism in the United States, she
introduced the history and development of racial discrimination
in the United States. He thought it remains a serious issue into
the twenty-first century where it continues to define and divide
many Americans.
4. The Hidden, Shameful History of Legalized US Anti-Chinese
Racism mentions Chinese was forbidden from ever becoming
citizens and even entering the country in the United States
of America from 1882 through 1943.
5. In Eugene F. Wong’s article Racial/ethnic relations:
theoretical overview, he raised theories of racial and ethnic
relations fall, generally, into three large groups: assimilation
theories, power-conflict theories, and pluralistic theories, and
assimilation theories tend to see homogeneity as one outcome of
the contradictions—particularly the social inequality—
associated with racially and ethnically heterogeneous societies.
Explain why this is an authoritative source in one to two

sentences
1. Samuel R. Cacas is a lawyer and writer in San Francisco, and
he provided data and results of a consortium's investigation of
many incidents.
2. Martin Luther King Jr. was an American Christian minister
and activist who became the most visible spokesperson and
leader in the Civil Rights Movement from 1955 until his
assassination in 1968.
3. Elizabeth Mohn is a well known journalist. She has a
profound study of the development of racism in the United
States.
4. TheCapitol.Net is a privately held, non-partisan publishing
and training company based in Alexandria, VA. For over 30
years, TheCapitol.Net and its predecessor, Congressional
Quarterly Executive Conferences, have been training
professionals from government, military, business, and NGOs
on the dynamics and operations of the legislative and executive
branches and how to work with them.
5. Eugene Wong is a Chinese-American computer scientist and
mathematician. Wong's career has spanned academia, university
administration, government and the private sector.
Explain how this source will likely feature in your paper in one
to two sentences
1. I can look for evidence at the legal level to prove my point.
2. Martin Luther King can be used as an introduction because he
is a well-known anti-racist.
3. This article describes the development of racial
discrimination in the United States. I expect to use it as
background information in my essay.

4. I can cite reports in the news to make my thesis more
accurate.
5. This article analyzes racial relations in great detail, which
can make my essay more professional.
1.
ASIANS UNDER ATTACK
Law enforcement reluctant to acknowledge hate crimes, these
lawyers say
In the early morning hours of July 6, 1993, a Japanese-
American woman called the Los Angeles Police Department to
report that her car had been spray-painted with graffiti that read
"Go Home Nip." Though no other car in the neighborhood was
vandalized, and she is the only Asian-American on the block,
police classified the case as simple vandalism that was not hate-
motivated.
Complaints registered by civil rights attorneys of the
National Asian Pacific American Legal Consortium fell on deaf
ears. "Most police departments don't consider such an incident
hate-motivated unless it rises to the level of criminal
harassment," says consortium attorney Katherine Imahara.
The consortium's efforts were not in vain, however. The
incident, including the inadequate police response, was among
335 incidents listed in the first nationwide audit of hate-
motivated anti-Asian violence released last April by the
consortium.
"Anti-Asian violence is an almost daily occurrence," notes
consortium board member and Asian law Caucus executive
director Paul Igasaki.
Based in Washington, D.C., the consortium is the first
national Asian-Pacific-American civil rights organization. It
was founded last year by the caucus along with
the Asian Pacific American Legal Center in Los Angeles, and

the Asian American Legal Defense and Education Fund in New
York.
The release of the audit is the consortium's greatest
accomplishment to date, according to the group s executive
director, Phil Nash.
"The lack of comprehensive data on anti-Asian violence led us
to conduct this audit," he explains. "Public institutions have
been slow to identify anti-Asian violence as a major problem.
Police and district attorneys need to impress on victims the need
to identify a crime as hate-motivated."
When the consortium was completing its collection of 1993
figures, only limited data was available from 14 states: Arizona,
Connecticut, Florida, Idaho, Maryland,
Montana, North Carolina, Oklahoma, Oregon, Virginia,
Wisconsin, and Wyoming. The majority of the audit's figures
came from New York, Los Angeles, and San Francisco. "Over
all, most states do not collect anti-Asian hate crime data with
enough specificity to allow thoughtful analysis of trends or
issues," according to consortium attorney Liz OuYang.
To remedy this dearth of data, the consortium recommends
better federal, state, and municipal funding and training for
data-gathering efforts. The group points to the specially trained
unit of San Francisco's police department that deals with hate-
motivated violence as a national model. Unlike the police
department in Los Angeles, San Francisco's reporting policy
requires that both criminal and noncriminal hate-motivated
incidents be reported.
The audit also notes the involvement on the part of the SFPD's
special unit in community-police partnership.efforts that include
community policing and participation in a hate crime
investigators' association comprised of community groups and
law enforcement officials.
What is the consequence of not requiring police to note an
incident as hate-motivated on a police report form? The result is
often a vicious circle in which the failure to report both
criminal and noncriminal hate-motivated activity reinforces

distrust between the community residents, victims, and the
police. "Although there may be a legal distinction between an
incident of hate violence and a hate crime," according to
consortium attorney Doreena Wong, "all hate violence incidents
must be reported and investigated, regardless of whether a
legally defined hate crime has been counted. The reason for this
is that many incidents begin as simple name calling and escalate
into further violence and more serious injury. Incidents of hate
violence should be stopped before they become hate crimes."
Even in areas such as San Francisco, which have special
programs to deal with anti-Asian bias, it is important that those
who fall victim to violence be extremely vigilant in reporting
attacks, particularly in the most common criminal and
noncriminal incidents where hate may be only one of the many
factors involved. Thus, the consortium suggests that both victim
and advocate insist on the proper classification of the incident
as a hate-motivated incident as well as appropriate civil rights
prosecution.
"Constant communication should take place with the district
attorney's office, the police, and the victim and advocate," adds
Wong.
The consortium practiced its own advice last year when it
insisted that the U.S. Justice Department investigate suspicious
murders of Asian-Americans in New Orleans, Louisiana, and in
Las Vegas, Nevada, after police in those areas refused to
consider any civil rights violations as a part of their
investigations.
Because funding for the community and government training
and data gathering may not be available in the near future, the
audit's recommendation for creating working partnerships
among government and community groups may be the most
immediately applicable solution.
One of the best partnership arrangements cited by the audit is
the Community Justice Council formed in North Richmond,
California, following reports of hate-motivated violence
committed several years ago by community youth. Composed of

ministers, residents, ex-gang members, youths, and seniors, the
group has been able to help decrease the number of nonviolent
interethnic problems, even though violence-related issues
continue to demand attention.
At a time when racial tension is particularly high between
groups such as Asian-American merchants and African-
American consumers, a joint effort such as this may be the
optimal approach. In specifically addressing this conflict, the
audit strongly emphasizes that the respective communities must
work in coalitions to address job opportunities, public safety,
and other common concerns, calling such efforts "the first step
toward resolving the problem-solving and resource-sharing
needed to make inner cities safe and livable for all Americans."
Indeed, all quarters of the community speaking out against all
forms of criminal and noncriminal hate-motivated violence may
prove to be the best weapon in preventing and responding to
incidents such as the Los Angeles case.
While many of the audit's recommendations may appear most
appropriate for Asian-American communities and organizations,
the same programs may work for other groups that face hate-
motivated violence.
For more information about the audit, contact the Consortium at
1629 K Street, N.W., Washington, D.C., 20006; or call 202/296-
2300; fax 202/296-2318.
PHOTO (BLACK & WHITE): Asians Under Attack
~~~~~~~~
By Samuel R. Cacas
2.
Racism in the United States
Racism is the belief that some human beings are superior to
others based on the color of their skin, language, or place of
birth. The history of racism in the United States can be traced
back even before the nation was founded when the first
European settlers encountered the native people of
the Americas. As was the case in most developed nations of the

time, racist attitudes were based on a mistaken scientific belief
that darker-skinned races were biologically inferior. Though
this belief was eventually disproven, it contributed to centuries
of racism and oppression in the United States, most notably in
the practice of slavery and the legal segregation of African
Americans in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. While
great strides toward equality were made in the mid-twentieth
century, racism did not vanish. It remains a serious issue into
many Americans.
Background
The fear and mistrust of outsiders has long played a part in
human history, but the idea of racial superiority is a relatively
new concept. Ancient cultures such as the Greeks and Romans
believed that their climate or way of life made them superior to
other cultures, but not the color of their skin. In fact, the
Romans often welcomed people from other cultures into their
society as long as they adopted the customs and traditions of the
empire.
During the age of exploration in the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries, European sailors first navigated down the coast of
Africa and encountered a diverse group of dark-skinned people
who had a very different culture than their European
counterparts. This time period was also notable for a change in
societal thinking as the superstitions of the medieval period
gave way to a new emphasis on scientific thought. In observing
the natural world, scientists had begun to classify living
creatures into subgroups, such as genus and species. With the
limited knowledge of the era, these scientists used the false
assumption that the darker-skinned peoples of Africa and Asia
were somehow a different species of human. They reasoned that
since white Europeans had what seemed to them to be a more
highly developed culture and better technology, the darker-
skinned people must be on a lesser branch of the human family
tree. Religion also played a large part in the belief in European
superiority. Most Europeans were Christians and believed that

they were divinely favored by God, giving them a place in the
hierarchy above non-Christians.
In the early nineteenth century, American scientist Samuel
Morton performed a series of experiments during which he
examined the capacity of skulls from various races. From these
experiments, he concluded that humans could be divided into
five races, with white people as the most intelligent and black
people as the least. The conclusions made by Morton and other
scientists may seem absurd to modern sensibilities but were
accepted as scientific fact by many people and used to justify
the overwhelmingly racist beliefs of the time.
By the mid-twentieth century, advancements in the science of
genetics had definitely proven that the idea of one race being
inferior to another was completely false. All humans are part of
the same species and share more than 99 percent of their DNA,
the genetic building block of life. Small variations in DNA may
have led to cosmetic differences in people from different parts
of the world, but overall, all humans are part of the same
biological family.
Overview
When European explorers arrived on the shores of
the Americas in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, they
brought these false concepts of race with them. They viewed the
Native Americans they encountered as uncivilized “savages”
and began a centuries-long period of oppression that pushed
many native people from their lands and resulted in the deaths
of millions through war and disease. By the beginning of the
twentieth century, a Native American population that once
numbered in the millions was estimated to be fewer than
250,000.
While the practice of slavery was an ancient institution, the
enslavement of Africans that began in the sixteenth century was
particularly harsh. In many cultures where slavery was
practiced, slaves were typically captured during warfare and
could sometimes earn their freedom after a period of time. The
African slaves brought to the Caribbean islands and southern

United States were treated solely as property, a designation that
was passed down to their descendants. The racial hierarchy
created by slavery was absolute, with even free black people not
allowed the same rights as whites. Black people—slave or
free—were not counted as citizens of the United States.
However, as the US Constitution was being hammered out in
1787, southern lawmakers wanted blacks to be counted as
population to increase the political power of slave-holding
states. In the end, the Founding Fathers reached a
compromise—three-fifths of all blacks would be counted toward
the population.
In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, a growing
abolitionist movement began to take hold in the United States,
but the practice of slavery continued. Many of the country’s
early leaders and presidents, including George Washington and
Thomas Jefferson, owned slaves themselves. Even many
abolitionists who wanted to end slavery still held the belief that
black people were inferior to whites. The idea of a racial
hierarchy in the United States was so entrenched that people
believed even one drop of “black blood” in a family lineage
meant a person was black.
By the mid-nineteenth century, the fight over slavery led to the
bloody four years of the Civil War. In the wake of the North’s
victory in 1865, Congress passed the Thirteenth Amendment,
which abolished slavery. Three years later, the Fourteenth
Amendment granted citizenship to black Americans and the
Fifteenth Amendment gave them the right to vote in 1870.
However, these glimmers of hope were dashed when white
lawmakers across the South began instituting a series of
oppressive legal measures called Jim Crow laws. These laws
made segregation legal and created obstacles that often
prevented blacks from voting. The Jim Crow laws stayed in
effect in many places until the 1960s.
Technically, black Americans had their freedom, citizenship,
and the right to vote, but the legal system across the South and
in some areas of the North had been stacked against them.

During their time as slaves, most blacks had been denied
education, giving them very few options to earn a living as free
individuals. Many became sharecroppers, which was basically a
legal form of slavery. Sharecroppers were poor people who
worked for wealthy landowners and paid the landowner a
portion of the crops they harvested as income for the right to
work the land. As a result, homeownership and generational
wealth became rare among African Americans. African
Americans still lag behind white Americans in both these
categories in the twenty-first century.
While black Americans were struggling with the realities of
freedom, they also increasingly became the targets of violence
by some whites. Black families were attacked and some were
forced from their land, black schools and churches were burned,
and many African Americans were the victims of beatings and
murders. Between 1882 and 1968, 3,446 African Americans
were lynched in the United States, with the majority of the
murders taking place in the South. The violence and terror was
meant to reinforce the racial caste system that had been in place
before the Civil War. Much of this violence was carried out by
the Ku Klux Klan (KKK), a secret organization formed in 1865
to terrorize black Americans. The group became entrenched in
the American South by 1870 and amassed a great deal of
political power. The group maintained a foothold in the United
States into the twentieth century and still exists in the twenty-
first century, though in a significantly weakened capacity.
The years after the Civil War also saw an increase in the
number of immigrants from China and other Asian countries.
This influx also brought a rise in racist attitudes against these
newcomers. Many Chinese immigrants who came to the United
States worked as laborers building railroad lines, which were
important for transportation and shipping across the country.
Some immigrants came to the United States just to work and
then return home. Others stayed in the country permanently. By
the 1870s, an economic downturn made jobs harder to come by
and led many white Americans to resent the Chinese

immigrants. They believed that the immigrants were taking jobs
that were meant for them. The anti-Chinese attitudes in the
United States increased so dramatically that Congress passed
the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882. This law banned Chinese
immigrants from entering the United States. Schools in
California, where many Chinese immigrants had settled, began
segregating white students from Chinese and Japanese students.
Chinese immigrants would not be allowed back into the United
States until 1943, and even then few Chinese immigrants were
permitted into the country. It would not be until the 1960s that
the United States ended immigration laws that were biased
toward a particular nation.
Native Americans, who had long been affected by the injustices
of white society, faced additional hardships during the
nineteenth century, as an expanding American population
pushed farther and farther west. As the US government took
more native land, the people were forced onto reservations. In
an effort to assimilate native people into Western society,
native children were taken from their parents and sent to
boarding schools away from their communities. The government
claimed this was done to “civilize” the children by teaching
them to read and write English and to adapt to the dominant
culture. However, these schools did more harm than good as the
children were separated from their families, communities, and
cultures.
By the 1950s and 1960s, African Americans had begun to make
significant strides in the fight for equality. The 1954 US
Supreme Court ruling Brown v. Board of Education made
segregation illegal across the country. A growing civil rights
movement also brought African Americans together to stand up
for themselves and their communities. They organized protests
against racism, violence, and inequality, calling on the nation’s
leaders to change the laws and dismantle the racist power
structure that held control over large sections of the United
States. The movement achieved enormous success with the
passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which outlawed

discrimination based or race, religion, sex, or national origin. A
year later, Congress passed the Voting Rights Act of 1965 that
banned racial discrimination in voting.
These and other laws were a great benefit not only to African
Americans, but also to members of other oppressed groups in
the United States. However, while they changed the legal
acceptance of racism, they had a limited effect on the
prejudicial attitudes that still pervaded many parts of the United
States. For example, despite the passage of anti-discrimination
laws and numerous Supreme Court decisions, the city of Boston,
Massachusetts, continued to fight for the desegregation of city
schools until the 1980s.
African Americans in some major cities also felt that the police
unfairly targeted them because of their race. This led to several
incidents of violence, such as the Los Angeles riots of 1992.
The riots broke out after four white officers with the Los
Angeles Police Department were found not guilty in the 1991
beating of a black motorist. African Americans in the poorest
sections of the city responded to the verdict with days of rioting
that left 63 people dead, more than 2,300 injured, and caused
more than $1 billion in damages. Similar incidents of violence
and protests also occurred in the mid-2010s after several young
black men were shot by police officers in separate incidents.
Though not all the incidents were connected to racist attitudes,
many African Americans felt that they represented a growing
disconnect between black communities and law enforcement in
the United States.
According to a 2019 survey by the Pew Research Center, about
71 percent of black Americans and 56 percent of white
Americans believe that the United States has not made enough
progress battling racial inequality in the nation. About 84
percent of blacks and 58 percent of whites believe that the
legacy of slavery still has a negative impact on the lives of
African Americans. More than half of black Americans said that
their race has hurt them in their ability to get ahead in American
society, and exactly 50 percent of African Americans believe

that they will never achieve equal rights with whites.
3.
Racism in the United States
Racism is the belief that some human beings are superior to
others based on the color of their skin, language, or place of
birth. The history of racism in the United States can be traced
back even before the nation was founded when the first
European settlers encountered the native people of
the Americas. As was the case in most developed nations of the
time, racist attitudes were based on a mistaken scientific belief
that darker-skinned races were biologically inferior. Though
this belief was eventually disproven, it contributed to centuries
of racism and oppression in the United States, most notably in
the practice of slavery and the legal segregation of African
Americans in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. While
great strides toward equality were made in the mid-twentieth
century, racism did not vanish. It remains a serious issue into
many Americans.
Background
The fear and mistrust of outsiders has long played a part in
human history, but the idea of racial superiority is a relatively
new concept. Ancient cultures such as the Greeks and Romans
believed that their climate or way of life made them superior to
other cultures, but not the color of their skin. In fact, the
Romans often welcomed people from other cultures into their
society as long as they adopted the customs and traditions of the
empire.
During the age of exploration in the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries, European sailors first navigated down the coast of
Africa and encountered a diverse group of dark-skinned people
who had a very different culture than their European
counterparts. This time period was also notable for a change in
societal thinking as the superstitions of the medieval period
gave way to a new emphasis on scientific thought. In observing

the natural world, scientists had begun to classify living
creatures into subgroups, such as genus and species. With the
limited knowledge of the era, these scientists used the false
assumption that the darker-skinned peoples of Africa and Asia
were somehow a different species of human. They reasoned that
since white Europeans had what seemed to them to be a more
highly developed culture and better technology, the darker-
skinned people must be on a lesser branch of the human family
tree. Religion also played a large part in the belief in European
superiority. Most Europeans were Christians and believed that
they were divinely favored by God, giving them a place in the
hierarchy above non-Christians.
In the early nineteenth century, American scientist Samuel
Morton performed a series of experiments during which he
examined the capacity of skulls from various races. From these
experiments, he concluded that humans could be divided into
five races, with white people as the most intelligent and black
people as the least. The conclusions made by Morton and other
scientists may seem absurd to modern sensibilities but were
accepted as scientific fact by many people and used to justify
the overwhelmingly racist beliefs of the time.
By the mid-twentieth century, advancements in the science of
genetics had definitely proven that the idea of one race being
inferior to another was completely false. All humans are part of
the same species and share more than 99 percent of their DNA,
the genetic building block of life. Small variations in DNA may
have led to cosmetic differences in people from different parts
of the world, but overall, all humans are part of the same
biological family.
Overview
When European explorers arrived on the shores of
the Americas in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, they
brought these false concepts of race with them. They viewed the
Native Americans they encountered as uncivilized “savages”
and began a centuries-long period of oppression that pushed
many native people from their lands and resulted in the deaths

of millions through war and disease. By the beginning of the
twentieth century, a Native American population that once
numbered in the millions was estimated to be fewer than
250,000.
While the practice of slavery was an ancient institution, the
enslavement of Africans that began in the sixteenth century was
particularly harsh. In many cultures where slavery was
practiced, slaves were typically captured during warfare and
could sometimes earn their freedom after a period of time. The
African slaves brought to the Caribbean islands and southern
United States were treated solely as property, a designation that
was passed down to their descendants. The racial hierarchy
created by slavery was absolute, with even free black people not
allowed the same rights as whites. Black people—slave or
free—were not counted as citizens of the United States.
However, as the US Constitution was being hammered out in
1787, southern lawmakers wanted blacks to be counted as
population to increase the political power of slave-holding
states. In the end, the Founding Fathers reached a
compromise—three-fifths of all blacks would be counted toward
the population.
In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, a growing
abolitionist movement began to take hold in the United States,
but the practice of slavery continued. Many of the country’s
early leaders and presidents, including George Washington and
Thomas Jefferson, owned slaves themselves. Even many
abolitionists who wanted to end slavery still held the belief that
black people were inferior to whites. The idea of a racial
hierarchy in the United States was so entrenched that people
believed even one drop of “black blood” in a family lineage
meant a person was black.
By the mid-nineteenth century, the fight over slavery led to the
bloody four years of the Civil War. In the wake of the North’s
victory in 1865, Congress passed the Thirteenth Amendment,
which abolished slavery. Three years later, the Fourteenth
Amendment granted citizenship to black Americans and the

Fifteenth Amendment gave them the right to vote in 1870.
However, these glimmers of hope were dashed when white
lawmakers across the South began instituting a series of
oppressive legal measures called Jim Crow laws. These laws
made segregation legal and created obstacles that often
prevented blacks from voting. The Jim Crow laws stayed in
effect in many places until the 1960s.
Technically, black Americans had their freedom, citizenship,
and the right to vote, but the legal system across the South and
in some areas of the North had been stacked against them.
During their time as slaves, most blacks had been denied
education, giving them very few options to earn a living as free
individuals. Many became sharecroppers, which was basically a
legal form of slavery. Sharecroppers were poor people who
worked for wealthy landowners and paid the landowner a
portion of the crops they harvested as income for the right to
work the land. As a result, homeownership and generational
wealth became rare among African Americans. African
Americans still lag behind white Americans in both these
categories in the twenty-first century.
While black Americans were struggling with the realities of
freedom, they also increasingly became the targets of violence
by some whites. Black families were attacked and some were
forced from their land, black schools and churches were burned,
and many African Americans were the victims of beatings and
murders. Between 1882 and 1968, 3,446 African Americans
were lynched in the United States, with the majority of the
murders taking place in the South. The violence and terror was
meant to reinforce the racial caste system that had been in place
before the Civil War. Much of this violence was carried out by
the Ku Klux Klan (KKK), a secret organization formed in 1865
to terrorize black Americans. The group became entrenched in
the American South by 1870 and amassed a great deal of
political power. The group maintained a foothold in the United
States into the twentieth century and still exists in the twenty-
first century, though in a significantly weakened capacity.

The years after the Civil War also saw an increase in the
number of immigrants from China and other Asian countries.
This influx also brought a rise in racist attitudes against these
newcomers. Many Chinese immigrants who came to the United
States worked as laborers building railroad lines, which were
important for transportation and shipping across the country.
Some immigrants came to the United States just to work and
then return home. Others stayed in the country permanently. By
the 1870s, an economic downturn made jobs harder to come by
and led many white Americans to resent the Chinese
immigrants. They believed that the immigrants were taking jobs
that were meant for them. The anti-Chinese attitudes in the
United States increased so dramatically that Congress passed
the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882. This law banned Chinese
immigrants from entering the United States. Schools in
California, where many Chinese immigrants had settled, began
segregating white students from Chinese and Japanese students.
Chinese immigrants would not be allowed back into the United
States until 1943, and even then few Chinese immigrants were
permitted into the country. It would not be until the 1960s that
the United States ended immigration laws that were biased
toward a particular nation.
Native Americans, who had long been affected by the injustices
of white society, faced additional hardships during the
nineteenth century, as an expanding American population
pushed farther and farther west. As the US government took
more native land, the people were forced onto reservations. In
an effort to assimilate native people into Western society,
native children were taken from their parents and sent to
boarding schools away from their communities. The government
claimed this was done to “civilize” the children by teaching
them to read and write English and to adapt to the dominant
culture. However, these schools did more harm than good as the
children were separated from their families, communities, and
cultures.
By the 1950s and 1960s, African Americans had begun to make

significant strides in the fight for equality. The 1954 US
Supreme Court ruling Brown v. Board of Education made
segregation illegal across the country. A growing civil rights
movement also brought African Americans together to stand up
for themselves and their communities. They organized protests
against racism, violence, and inequality, calling on the nation’s
leaders to change the laws and dismantle the racist power
structure that held control over large sections of the United
States. The movement achieved enormous success with the
passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which outlawed
discrimination based or race, religion, sex, or national origin. A
year later, Congress passed the Voting Rights Act of 1965 that
banned racial discrimination in voting.
These and other laws were a great benefit not only to African
Americans, but also to members of other oppressed groups in
the United States. However, while they changed the legal
acceptance of racism, they had a limited effect on the
prejudicial attitudes that still pervaded many parts of the United
States. For example, despite the passage of anti-discrimination
laws and numerous Supreme Court decisions, the city of Boston,
Massachusetts, continued to fight for the desegregation of city
schools until the 1980s.
African Americans in some major cities also felt that the police
unfairly targeted them because of their race. This led to several
incidents of violence, such as the Los Angeles riots of 1992.
The riots broke out after four white officers with the Los
Angeles Police Department were found not guilty in the 1991
beating of a black motorist. African Americans in the poorest
sections of the city responded to the verdict with days of rioting
that left 63 people dead, more than 2,300 injured, and caused
more than $1 billion in damages. Similar incidents of violence
and protests also occurred in the mid-2010s after several young
black men were shot by police officers in separate incidents.
Though not all the incidents were connected to racist attitudes,
many African Americans felt that they represented a growing
disconnect between black communities and law enforcement in

the United States.
According to a 2019 survey by the Pew Research Center, about
71 percent of black Americans and 56 percent of white
Americans believe that the United States has not made enough
progress battling racial inequality in the nation. About 84
percent of blacks and 58 percent of whites believe that the
legacy of slavery still has a negative impact on the lives of
African Americans. More than half of black Americans said that
their race has hurt them in their ability to get ahead in American
society, and exactly 50 percent of African Americans believe
that they will never achieve equal rights with whites.
4.
The Hidden, Shameful History of Legalized US Anti-
Chinese RacismA whole class of people, forbidden from ever
becoming citizens … forbidden from even entering the
country—their rights torn up and trampled on—left with
nowhere to turn for political redress. This was the United States
of America from 1882 through 1943—if you had the misfortune
to be Chinese.
Now, for the first time, the complete legislative history of the 9
major pieces of Chinese exclusion legislation that dealt with
this oppression has been compiled into a single comprehensive
volume. Forbidden Citizens: Chinese Exclusion and the U.S.
Congress: A Legislative History tells the story of this shameful
history, using the very words spoken on the floor of the U.S.
House and Senate chambers during these debates.
Compiled by Martin Gold, the book, to be published July 4,
2012, documents the legislative debates and actual texts of the 9
exclusion measures—giving modern readers a chance to watch
this disturbing history come alive in the words of those who
created it—quoting both supporters and opponents of the bills in
full detail.
Forbidden Citizens should be of great interest to historians,
Chinese-Americans, and those who believe in the struggle to
achieve a just society.

“Will appeal not only to legal scholars and civil rights activists,
but to any American curious about this grim chapter of our
history.”—Christopher Corbett, author, The Poker Bride: The
First Chinese in the Wild West
"Thorough, thoughtful and highly relevant today. This work
presents the best scholarship in a most accessible manner.”—
Frank H. Wu, Chancellor & Dean, University of California
Hastings College of the Law
Martin B. Gold, partner at Covington & Burling and former
Floor Advisor and Counsel to Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist,
is a prominent Washington attorney who was active in the
successful effort to get an official expression of regret from the
U.S. Senate for the anti-Chinese legislation enacted by prior
Congresses. As a member of the U.S. Commission for the
Preservation of America's Heritage Abroad, Gold spearheaded
official recognition of Feng Shan Ho, a Chinese diplomat who
saved thousands of Austrian Jews from the Holocaust.
For more about Forbidden Citizens, see
http://ForbiddenCitizens.com
Journalists: to request interviews and/or review copies, contact
Stuart Johnson: (202) 618-1648, [email protected]
ABOUT THE COMPANY:
TheCapitol.Net is a privately held, non-partisan publishing and
training company based in Alexandria, VA. For over 30 years,
TheCapitol.Net and its predecessor, Congressional Quarterly
Executive Conferences, have been training professionals from
government, military, business, and NGOs on the dynamics and
operations of the legislative and executive branches and how to
work with them.
5.
Racial/ethnic relations: theoretical overviewTheories of racial
and ethnic relations fall, generally, into three large
groups: assimilation theories, power-conflict theories, and
pluralistic theories. In the first school, assimilation, the
supplanting of minority identity with that of the majority, is

seen as both a natural and desired occurrence. Therefore,
assimilation theories tend to see homogeneity as one outcome of
the contradictions—particularly the social inequality—
associated with racially and ethnically heterogeneous societies.
Power-conflict theories, on the other hand, emphasize the
conflicts among groups as they vie for power within the larger
society.
Assimilation/Order Theories
The modern study of racial and ethnic relations can be traced to
the early twentieth century with Robert Ezra Park’s theory of
the race relations cycle, one of the earliest of the
assimilationist/order theories of racial and ethnic relations. The
race relations cycle theory posits that, through a series of
stages, minority groups are assimilated into the majority
society.
Park’s cycle is straightforward in its delineation of the stages of
assimilation. The first stage represents contact between
minority and majority groups. The particular ways in which
groups make contact vary over time and place. Social push/pull
factors such as unemployment, religious and political
persecution, and war can necessitate large-scale migration of
groups. So too, annexation, colonialism, slavery, extermination,
and expulsion can initiate involuntary mass movements of
peoples. However contact is initially effected, contact itself is
followed by competition (up to and sometimes including
violence) for scarce resources such as land, jobs, housing,
services, and so on. Accommodation, a condition of relative
tolerance in which the knowing of one’s place marks the status
quo, is the next stage in the cycle/order. The intensity of group
competition is dissipated in the form of getting along and the
need to end group competition. At last, given the process of
gradual acculturation (cultural and behavioral incorporation of
the minorities), assimilation results in the merging of the
minority group into the larger, dominant, or host group. What
this process suggests is that the minority groups lose a
significant degree of their cultural identity.

In actual heterogeneous societies, any number of factors might
inhibit the linear progression of the cycle. Doubtless in some
societies, assimilation might not occur at all. Nevertheless, the
socially ordered character of the race relations cycle does imply
the longitudinal assimilation of minorities.
Park’s stages were augmented by Milton Gordon’s perspective,
presented in his influential work Assimilation in American
Life (1964). Gordon begins at the assimilative stage and adds
incremental definitions to the final process of assimilation
itself. According to Gordon, assimilation moves through the
following stages in the this order: first, cultural
assimilation (acculturation), whereby cultural/behavioral
differences become increasingly minimized; second, secondary
structural assimilation, in which small group and informal
organizations are integrated; third, primary structural
assimilation, in which larger and more formal social
organization are opened to the minority. Miscegenary barriers,
if they exist at all, are set aside in the fourth stage, marital
assimilation, within which racial and/or ethnic
intermarriage takes place routinely over time. Of such profound
influence are the previous assimilative increments on the psyche
of the minority group that, during the fifth stage, identification
assimilation, the minority group begins to perceive its
fundamental identification as that of the majority group.
Consequently, the reciprocal attitudes of minority and
majority are close enough that hostility and other forms of
socially negative residues are essentially destroyed during the
sixth stage, attitude-receptional assimilation; in the seventh
stage reciprocal behaviors are subsequently of a positive
character, in keeping with attitudes, and hence mutual civility is
established. Eighth and finally, the assimilative process is
culminated in a kind of civic assimilation, or confluence of
interest, membership, and harmony. Amalgamation is thus
presumed to end racial and ethnic conflict.
Many sociologists of racial and ethnic relations have been
influenced by Gordon’s assimilationist theories. However, other

theorists recognized some of the innate problems with assuming
that full participation in society is the inevitable outgrowth of
assimilation. As early as 1915, philosopher and educator Horace
Kallen coined the term cultural pluralism to acknowledge the
rights of different ethnicities to maintain their cultural heritage;
in 1963, Nathan Glazer and Daniel Patrick Moynihan (the future
US senator), in Beyond the Melting Pot, noted that, despite
assimilation, European ethnic groups retained their
identification with the home culture beyond the third immigrant
generation. Most assimilationist theories had considered
different groups of European, or white, peoples immigrating
to North America. In 1964, however, Gunnar Myrdal, in An
American Dilemma, pondered why these assimilation theories
had not proved to hold for African Americans, concluding that
the “lag in public morals” might make assimilation and
enjoyment of full rights impracticable for that group. In his
1978 book Human Nature, Class, and Ethnicity, Gordon himself
acknowledged that his theory does not adequately address issues
of power and conflict.
Other theories have arisen to fill that gap, including the
competition theory (for example, Susan Olzak’s The Dynamics
of Ethnic Competition and Conflict, 1992) and the “human
ecology” school, which consider that part of the assimilation
process concerned with the movement of groups and their
competition for resources. Such theories paved the way for the
more modern emphasis on power-conflict theories.
Power-Conflict Theories
If assimilation/order theories are designed to endorse the
integrative and harmonious prognosis of intergroup relations,
power/conflict theories address the issues of group dominance
and inequality. Inherent in power-conflict models of race
relations is the concept of one group’s having power over other
groups’ identity and, in that sense, their racial or ethnic destiny
along all measures of social existence.
Karl Marx can be credited with the popularization of conflict
theory as part of the Marxist models of race relations. Despite

Marx’s emphasis on social class as the most important unit of
analysis in analyzing social inequality, with race and ethnicity
as epiphenominal variables, the adaptation of Marxian class
conflict theory to race and ethnic relations is commonplace. The
blend of race and ethnicity as ultimately reducible to class
oppression in the form of “neo-Marxist” analysis as emphasized
by W. E. B. Du Bois (“Is Man Free?,” Scientific Monthly, May
1948) and Oliver C. Cox (Caste, Class, and Race, 1948).
Closely aligned to the neo-Marxist perspective is the internal
colonial model (Robert Blauner, Racial Oppression in America,
1972), which determines that domestic minority groups and
communities are exploited, oppressed, and otherwise treated
differentially in ways very similar to the international, or
external, colonial model associated with the heyday of European
exploitation of large areas of the non-European world. Unlike
most Marxist theories, however, internal colonialism
sees racism and class (economic) oppression as two separate, if
interrelated, dynamics. Perhaps the most outstanding example of
internal colonialism is the system of slavery that arose in
colonial America, particularly as Southern farmers came to
exploit imported African Americans—a system that persisted
into US nationhood and, effectively through Jim Crow laws,
beyond emancipation following the Civil War.
Racial and Ethnic Pluralism
In opposition to both the cycle/order and the power-conflict
theories of racial and ethnic relations stand theories of racial
and ethnic pluralism, very often institutionally suggested by the
term diversity. Particularly in the United States during the
1960s, for example, the belief that relative social equality was
tantamount to the desire of minority groups to become
assimilated into the Anglo-American “core culture” was
questioned via the various movements to maintain unique racial
and ethnic identities while still demanding equal and global
opportunity. The American Indian Movement, Black Power,
Brown Power, gay rights, various white ethnic, Asian American,
and feminist dimensions all definitively stipulated that a

person’s cultural roots should remain intact and sacrosanct. It
can be suggested that the desire among racial and ethnic
minorities (as well as other types of minorities) to become
socially equal to members of the dominant group and to be
recipients of equal opportunity is not synonymous with
forfeiting an individual’s racial or ethnic identity and culture.
Pluralistic models include the idea of oppositional culture,
or cultures of resistance, as partial antidotes to majority
domination. Such cultures arise primarily among non-European
groups who have not experienced the same degree of full social
participation and civil rights afforded through assimilation to
white subgroups. Ethnic groups who follow the oppositional
culture model tend to be “bicultural,” asserting language and
cultural traditions that stand in contrast to white Anglo-
Protestant traditions: African American Kwanzaa, Latino
or Asian American bilingualism, French Canadian bilingualism,
and so on. Such cultural resistance or opposition has found
ultimate expression in anticolonialism, such as Molefi Kete
Asante’s Afrocentrism, black nationalist movements, pan-
Asian movements, and Jewish Zionism.
The resistance to assimilation is both a blessing and a curse in
heterogeneous societies. It is a blessing because it holds open
the possibility that minority groups do not have to give up a
sense of their respective cultural uniqueness and peoplehood in
order to fit in and succeed in the mainstream society. It may, on
the other hand, be a curse in that the very blessing itself
constitutes the seeds for potential intolerance of other groups
and hence a rebirth of social inequality and tragedy. The
primary difference is that in time only the identities of the
victims change, as do the identities of those who would make
them victims of racial and ethnic persecution, for they
themselves are likely to be descendants of minorities.

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