This document summarizes the key points made by Rommel Banlaoi in his testimony to the Philippine Senate on issues related to Scarborough Shoal/West Philippine Sea, maritime zones bills, and archipelagic sea lanes bills:
1) While the Philippines can pass domestic laws, they only apply domestically and their impact internationally depends on consistency with international law and recognition by other states.
2) The territorial disputes in the South China Sea involve competing domestic laws and claims between states, so they can only be resolved through negotiation, arbitration, or war.
3) China's growing demand for fish and energy resources is driving its increasingly assertive actions in the South China Sea to protect claimed maritime rights
Mga Batayan sa Pagpili ng Asignaturang Medyor ng mga Magaaral ng Batsilyer ng...AJHSSR Journal
ABSTRACT: College plays a significant role in the life and future of the students. It is associated with the
individual's course selection as well as with their life in the future. The main objective of this study is to
determine the factors that became the basis for selecting the area of specialization of the Bachelor of Secondary
Education students. Therefore, it focused on determining the factors that may have influenced students in
choosing the subject as a specialization. This study is a quantitative research that used descriptive research
design and cluster sampling method. The data was collected from seventy (70) participating BSED students
from different areas of specialization through a questionnaire survey. In the entirety of this study, it was found
that the most influential factor was the consideration of future job opportunities which was the basis for
students to choose the subject as a major. In addition to this, the factor of personal choice and parent’s decision
was also considered which motivated the students to choose the specialization. On the other hand, the factor of
peer and former teachers’ influence was found that it did not influence the students in their decision-making in
choosing a specialization. Based on the results, the researchers gave a conclusion and recommendations to
further develop the said study.
KEYWORDS: Career, Decision-making, Influence, Major, Subject
Mga Batayan sa Pagpili ng Asignaturang Medyor ng mga Magaaral ng Batsilyer ng...AJHSSR Journal
ABSTRACT: College plays a significant role in the life and future of the students. It is associated with the
individual's course selection as well as with their life in the future. The main objective of this study is to
determine the factors that became the basis for selecting the area of specialization of the Bachelor of Secondary
Education students. Therefore, it focused on determining the factors that may have influenced students in
choosing the subject as a specialization. This study is a quantitative research that used descriptive research
design and cluster sampling method. The data was collected from seventy (70) participating BSED students
from different areas of specialization through a questionnaire survey. In the entirety of this study, it was found
that the most influential factor was the consideration of future job opportunities which was the basis for
students to choose the subject as a major. In addition to this, the factor of personal choice and parent’s decision
was also considered which motivated the students to choose the specialization. On the other hand, the factor of
peer and former teachers’ influence was found that it did not influence the students in their decision-making in
choosing a specialization. Based on the results, the researchers gave a conclusion and recommendations to
further develop the said study.
KEYWORDS: Career, Decision-making, Influence, Major, Subject
Remarks on 2nd Anniversary of the Arbitral Ruling on South China Sea Dispute ...Sam Rodriguez Galope
The July 12, 2016 Award of the Arbitral Tribunal was a
landmark ruling for three reasons. First, the Arbitral
Tribunal ruled that China’s so-called historic nine-dashed
line cannot serve as legal basis to claim any part of the
waters or resources of the South China Sea. China, like all
other coastal states in the South China Sea, cannot claim
maritime zones beyond what UNCLOS allows, that is, not
exceeding 350 NM from the coastline. The result is that
about 25 percent of the South China Sea are high seas, and
all around the high seas are the exclusive economic zones
of the adjacent coastal states. Of course, in the high seas
and exclusive economic zones there is freedom of
navigation and freedom of overflight as recognized under
customary international law and UNCLOS.
Remarks before the 2017 U.P. Alumni Homecoming Never Give Up Honor, Soverei...Sam Rodriguez Galope
A pleasant afternoon to everyone.
On behalf of this year’s alumni awardees, I wish to thank the Board of Directors of the University of the Philippines Alumni Association headed by its President, Atty. Ramon Maronilla, for this signal award conferred on us. I am sure I speak for the all of the awardees here tonight that we are truly honored and humbled by this recognition. We will certainly treasure this award.
This year’s theme of the Alumni Homecoming is “Itanghal ang Dangal” - Show Honor. Honor is of course the first half of the U.P. Motto – “Honor and Excellence.”
The emphasis on showing honor correctly points out that honor comes before excellence, that there must be honor above all, even as there must be excellence in all that we do.
STATEMENT OF JUSTICE ANTONIO T. CARPIO ON CHINA’S THREAT TO GO TO WAR WITH TH...Sam Rodriguez Galope
The United Nations Charter outlaws the use or threat of force to settle disputes between states. In the West Philippine Sea dispute, an arbitral tribunal created under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), to which China is a party, has already ruled with finality that the Reed Bank is within the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) of the Philippines and only the Philippines can exploit the natural resources within Philippine EEZ.
The threat of China to go to war against the Philippines if the Philippines extracts oil and gas in the Reed Bank, or in any area within Philippine EEZ in the West Philippine Sea, is a gross violation of the United Nations Charter, UNCLOS, and the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia to which China and the Philippines are parties. As a nation that under its Constitution has renounced war as an instrument of national policy, the Philippines’ recourse is to bring China’s threat of war to another UNCLOS arbitral tribunal, to secure an order directing China to comply with the ruling of the UNCLOS arbitral tribunal that declared the Reed Bank part of Philippine EEZ. The Philippines can also ask for damages for every day of delay that the Philippines is prevented by China from exploiting Philippine EEZ.
The South China Sea Dispute: Philippine Sovereign Rights and Jurisdiction in ...Sam Rodriguez Galope
On 29 October 2011, Senior Associate Justice Antonio T. Carpio delivered a speech before the Ateneo de Davao University College of Law on its 50th Founding Anniversary. Entitled e Rule of Law as the Great Equalizer, the speech signaled the beginning of his advocacy to protect the maritime entitlements of the Philippines in the West Philippine Sea as conferred by international law. In that speech, Justice Carpio declared:
This battle to defend our EEZ from China, the superpower in our region, is the 21st century equivalent of the battles that our forebears waged against Western and Eastern colonizers from the 16th to the 20th century. e best and the brightest of our forebears fought the Western and Eastern colonizers, and even sacri ced their lives, to make the Philippines free. In this modern- day battle, the best and the brightest legal warriors in our country today must stand up and fight to free the EEZ of the Philippines from foreign encroachment. In this historic battle to secure our EEZ, we must rely on the most powerful weapon invented by man in the settlement of disputes among states – a weapon that can immobilize armies, neutralize aircraft carriers, render irrelevant nuclear bombs, and level the battle eld between small nations and superpowers.
That weapon – the great equalizer – is the Rule of Law. Under the Rule of Law, right prevails over might.
This eBook is a collation of Justice Carpio’s lectures and speeches on the South China Sea dispute and the historic arbitral award rendered in favor of the Philippines. Totaling more than 140 lectures and speeches and spanning a period of more than five years, or from October 2011 to March 2017, these presentations were made in various fora, both in the Philippines and abroad. An earlier collation of his lectures and speeches was published in Antonio T. Carpio, Historical Facts, Historical Lies, and Historical Rights in the West Philippine Sea, 88 Phil. L.J. 389 (2014).
is ebook is interactive — if you click on a map or photo, or on the underlined name of the source of a photo or illustration, it will bring you to its online source.
UPDATED 05/08/2017: The South China Sea Dispute: Philippine Sovereign Rights ...Sam Rodriguez Galope
On 29 October 2011, Senior Associate Justice Antonio T. Carpio delivered a speech before the Ateneo de Davao University College of Law on its 50th Founding Anniversary. Entitled e Rule of Law as the Great Equalizer, the speech signaled the beginning of his advocacy to protect the maritime entitlements of the Philippines in the West Philippine Sea as conferred by international law. In that speech, Justice Carpio declared:
This battle to defend our EEZ from China, the superpower in our region, is the 21st century equivalent of the battles that our forebears waged against Western and Eastern colonizers from the 16th to the 20th century. e best and the brightest of our forebears fought the Western and Eastern colonizers, and even sacri ced their lives, to make the Philippines free. In this modern- day battle, the best and the brightest legal warriors in our country today must stand up and fight to free the EEZ of the Philippines from foreign encroachment. In this historic battle to secure our EEZ, we must rely on the most powerful weapon invented by man in the settlement of disputes among states – a weapon that can immobilize armies, neutralize aircraft carriers, render irrelevant nuclear bombs, and level the battle eld between small nations and superpowers.
That weapon – the great equalizer – is the Rule of Law. Under the Rule of Law, right prevails over might.
This eBook is a collation of Justice Carpio’s lectures and speeches on the South China Sea dispute and the historic arbitral award rendered in favor of the Philippines. Totaling more than 140 lectures and speeches and spanning a period of more than five years, or from October 2011 to March 2017, these presentations were made in various fora, both in the Philippines and abroad. An earlier collation of his lectures and speeches was published in Antonio T. Carpio, Historical Facts, Historical Lies, and Historical Rights in the West Philippine Sea, 88 Phil. L.J. 389 (2014).
is ebook is interactive — if you click on a map or photo, or on the underlined name of the source of a photo or illustration, it will bring you to its online source.
From the Muslim Mindanao Autonomy Roundtable Discussion Series of the Institute for Autonomy and Governance (IAG), presentation by Amina Rasul-Bernardo | 6 July 2015, Committee Room 1 Senate of the Philippines
THE PRIMER is an initiative of independent researchers. The facts and analyses presented herein represent the authors’ own appreciation of published material and primary sources that were accessible to them during the course of the research.
They do not represent any position of the government of the Republic of the Philippines, unless stated otherwise, nor of the publisher.
The purpose of this Primer is to make available in a single updated volume a simplified and objective rendering of the historical background, current conditions, pertinent issues and policy questions regarding the territorial and maritime disputes in the West Philippine Sea.
It is intended to assist students, researchers, media practitioners, non-specialist members of the civil service, as well as the general public, in deepening their understanding of the many different issues of the West Philippine Sea disputes.
The questions and answers are framed from a Filipino perspective that focuses on information that the authors
considered to be most important and of interest to citizens of this country, rather than information that may be highlighted by various foreign authors, organizations or governments. The contents are not intended as advocacy of any particular position or policy recommendation.
The authors would like to thank Lucio B. Pitlo III for his invaluable research assistance in the preparation of this Primer. For inquiries and comments, please contact the Asian Center, University of the Philippines Diliman.
Aileen S.P. Baviera, PhD
Jay Batongbacal, JSD
UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES
Updates on Threats of Violent Extremism in the PhilippinesRommel Banlaoi
Lecture delivered at a Public Forum on Violent Extremism organized by the Department of International Studies and International Studies Society of Miriam College on 11 March 2019.
Marawi City Siege and Threats of Narcoterrorism in the PhilippinesRommel Banlaoi
Threats of narcoterrorism have received very serious attention in the Philippine when the Philippine government under the administration of President Rodrigo Roa Duterte vigorously raised the menace in the aftermath of the 2 September 2016 Davao City bombing and the 23 May 2017 Marawi City siege. Though narcoterrorism has been a global problem since the 1980s, it takes almost four decades for the Philippine government to realize the gravity of this threat only in the aftermath of the siege of Marawi City by armed groups claiming to be part of the Islamic State (IS), more known initially as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). As a result, the Duterte Administration securitized narcoterrorism in his National Security Policy 2017-2022 and National Security Strategy 2018 declaring drugs and terrorism as national security threats.
As a concept, narcoterrorism remains to be very nebulous. As a threat, it arguably presents panoply of complex security challenges for law enforcement not only for the Philippines but also for the international community.
Other countries have been combating narcoterrorism for years with mixed results and unintended consequences. Based on great lessons learned from exemplary practices of other countries and cognizant of the Philippines’ own unique situations and experiences, the Duterte government needs to develop a more humane and socially responsible innovative anti-narcoterrorism approach that applies not only a strong law enforcement but also a decisive treatment through rehabilitation and care.
Discover the innovative and creative projects that highlight my journey throu...dylandmeas
Discover the innovative and creative projects that highlight my journey through Full Sail University. Below, you’ll find a collection of my work showcasing my skills and expertise in digital marketing, event planning, and media production.
The world of search engine optimization (SEO) is buzzing with discussions after Google confirmed that around 2,500 leaked internal documents related to its Search feature are indeed authentic. The revelation has sparked significant concerns within the SEO community. The leaked documents were initially reported by SEO experts Rand Fishkin and Mike King, igniting widespread analysis and discourse. For More Info:- https://news.arihantwebtech.com/search-disrupted-googles-leaked-documents-rock-the-seo-world/
Improving profitability for small businessBen Wann
In this comprehensive presentation, we will explore strategies and practical tips for enhancing profitability in small businesses. Tailored to meet the unique challenges faced by small enterprises, this session covers various aspects that directly impact the bottom line. Attendees will learn how to optimize operational efficiency, manage expenses, and increase revenue through innovative marketing and customer engagement techniques.
India Orthopedic Devices Market: Unlocking Growth Secrets, Trends and Develop...Kumar Satyam
According to TechSci Research report, “India Orthopedic Devices Market -Industry Size, Share, Trends, Competition Forecast & Opportunities, 2030”, the India Orthopedic Devices Market stood at USD 1,280.54 Million in 2024 and is anticipated to grow with a CAGR of 7.84% in the forecast period, 2026-2030F. The India Orthopedic Devices Market is being driven by several factors. The most prominent ones include an increase in the elderly population, who are more prone to orthopedic conditions such as osteoporosis and arthritis. Moreover, the rise in sports injuries and road accidents are also contributing to the demand for orthopedic devices. Advances in technology and the introduction of innovative implants and prosthetics have further propelled the market growth. Additionally, government initiatives aimed at improving healthcare infrastructure and the increasing prevalence of lifestyle diseases have led to an upward trend in orthopedic surgeries, thereby fueling the market demand for these devices.
What are the main advantages of using HR recruiter services.pdfHumanResourceDimensi1
HR recruiter services offer top talents to companies according to their specific needs. They handle all recruitment tasks from job posting to onboarding and help companies concentrate on their business growth. With their expertise and years of experience, they streamline the hiring process and save time and resources for the company.
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Premium MEAN Stack Development Solutions for Modern BusinessesSynapseIndia
Stay ahead of the curve with our premium MEAN Stack Development Solutions. Our expert developers utilize MongoDB, Express.js, AngularJS, and Node.js to create modern and responsive web applications. Trust us for cutting-edge solutions that drive your business growth and success.
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Attending a job Interview for B1 and B2 Englsih learnersErika906060
It is a sample of an interview for a business english class for pre-intermediate and intermediate english students with emphasis on the speking ability.
Putting the SPARK into Virtual Training.pptxCynthia Clay
This 60-minute webinar, sponsored by Adobe, was delivered for the Training Mag Network. It explored the five elements of SPARK: Storytelling, Purpose, Action, Relationships, and Kudos. Knowing how to tell a well-structured story is key to building long-term memory. Stating a clear purpose that doesn't take away from the discovery learning process is critical. Ensuring that people move from theory to practical application is imperative. Creating strong social learning is the key to commitment and engagement. Validating and affirming participants' comments is the way to create a positive learning environment.
"𝑩𝑬𝑮𝑼𝑵 𝑾𝑰𝑻𝑯 𝑻𝑱 𝑰𝑺 𝑯𝑨𝑳𝑭 𝑫𝑶𝑵𝑬"
𝐓𝐉 𝐂𝐨𝐦𝐬 (𝐓𝐉 𝐂𝐨𝐦𝐦𝐮𝐧𝐢𝐜𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐬) is a professional event agency that includes experts in the event-organizing market in Vietnam, Korea, and ASEAN countries. We provide unlimited types of events from Music concerts, Fan meetings, and Culture festivals to Corporate events, Internal company events, Golf tournaments, MICE events, and Exhibitions.
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https://www.oeconsulting.com.sg/training-presentations]
Sustainability has become an increasingly critical topic as the world recognizes the need to protect our planet and its resources for future generations. Sustainability means meeting our current needs without compromising the ability of future generations to meet theirs. It involves long-term planning and consideration of the consequences of our actions. The goal is to create strategies that ensure the long-term viability of People, Planet, and Profit.
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To download the complete presentation, visit: https://www.oeconsulting.com.sg/training-presentations
RMD24 | Retail media: hoe zet je dit in als je geen AH of Unilever bent? Heid...BBPMedia1
Grote partijen zijn al een tijdje onderweg met retail media. Ondertussen worden in dit domein ook de kansen zichtbaar voor andere spelers in de markt. Maar met die kansen ontstaan ook vragen: Zelf retail media worden of erop adverteren? In welke fase van de funnel past het en hoe integreer je het in een mediaplan? Wat is nu precies het verschil met marketplaces en Programmatic ads? In dit half uur beslechten we de dilemma's en krijg je antwoorden op wanneer het voor jou tijd is om de volgende stap te zetten.
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Position on Scarborough Shoal issues
1. PHILIPPINE INSTITUTE FOR PEACE, VIOLENCE VIOLENCE
PHILIPPINE INSTITUTE FOR PEACE, AND TERRORISM RESEARCH
2nd Floor, CPDRI Room, Asian InstituteRESEARCH
AND TERRORISM of Tourism, University of the Philippines
Commonwealth Avenue, 7, West Crame,
No. 5, Road Diliman, Quezon City 1101 Philippines
San Juan, Metro Manila, Philippines 4333870
Telephone +632 9946972 Fax: +632
www.pipvtr.com
www.pipvtr.com
POSITION ON SCARBOROUGH SHOAL/WEST PHILIPPINE SEA
ISSUES, MARITIME ZONES BILLS AND
ARCHIPELAGIC SEA LANES BILLS
Rommel C. Banlaoi
Head, Center for Intelligence and National Security Studies (CINSS) of the
Philippine Institute for Peace, Violence and Terrorism Research (PIPVTR)
Delivered at the public hearing of the Committee on Foreign Relations, the
Philippine Senate, on 27 April 2012, at the Session Hall, 2nd Floor, Senate of the
Philippines, GSIS Bldg., Financial Center, Pasay City.
The Honorable Chairperson and distinguished members of this committee.
It is my pleasure to appear before you today to offer my scholarly insights on the
agenda of this public hearing, particularly in the light of the on-going standoff
with China in Panatag Shoal or Bajo de Masinloc, which the international
community calls Scarborough Shoal.
I am not a lawyer so I am not in the right position to talk about the legal
ramifications of the West Philippine Sea, Maritime Zones Bills and the
Archipelagic Sea lanes Bills. But as a scholar of international politics and being
the Head of the Center for Intelligence and National Security Studies (CINSS) of
the Philippine Institute for Peace, Violence and Terrorism Research (PIPVTR), an
independent, non-government research organization, I am keenly following these
issues not only for research and instructions but also for policy research and
development. I stand before you today to share my humble thoughts on the
present agenda in aid of legislation.
Let me start by stressing that the concept of West Philippine Sea and bills on
Philippine Maritime Zones and Archipelagic Sea Lanes are not only domestic
issues but they are also international concerns with profound national and
regional security implications. Unless we have a broad understanding of the
international politics surrounding these issues and concerns, using a new name
and passing domestic laws can just be moot and academic, if not an exercise in
futility.
The Philippine government has adopted the West Philippine Sea (WPS) to refer
to the body of waters that is deemed part of Philippine territory, which is located
West of our Archipelago. The main intention of the Philippine government in
1
2. using WPS is to assert our territorial claim in our disputed maritime zones. The
use of the South China Sea (SCS), the government asserts, has subliminal
message that this body of waters belongs to China; thus there is a need to change
the name to convey the stand of the Philippines. Vietnam calls it East Sea (ES).
So, why don’t we call it WPS indeed? But what’s in a name?1
The use of WPS, SCS or ES is just a geographic description. While it has
psychological and propaganda value for states using these names, they are just
labels devoid of any legal meaning that can be used for any form of ownership.
The use of the Indian Ocean does not mean that this water belongs to India.
The passage of Philippine Archipelagic Baselines Law in 2009 and the proposed
Maritime Zones bills and the Archipelagic Sea Lanes bills are part of the
Philippine government’s legal offensives to assert our territorial claims in this
disputed body of waters in accordance with international law. With limited
military capability to assert our claim, the most logical and pragmatic option for
the Philippines is to really go legal. Even if, for the sake argument, we have
sufficient military capability to defend our claim, going to war to settle this kind
of territorial disputes is counter-productive for national and regional security.
Based on my understanding of international politics, laws passed domestically
only have domestic applications for internal law enforcement purposes. They
have international applications only if they are consistent with international laws
and are recognized by the international community.
Since I am not an international lawyer, I must admit my limitations to discuss the
legal intricacies of these issues, particularly the detailed provisions of Maritime
Zones and Archipelagic Sea Lanes bills. I would like to underscore, however, that
if domestic laws of one sovereign state compete with and even being challenged
by domestic laws of other sovereign state, particularly if it pertains to territorial
ownership, then we have an inter-state problem. In this case, the problem can be
solved either through bilateral negotiation (multilateral if it involves more than
two states), international arbitration, or, as a last resort, war.
The last option is definitely out of Philippine agenda. But if the Philippines is
attacked militarily because of territorial disputes with our neighbors, then we can
invoke the Mutual Defense Treaty (MDT) with the United States. But this is an
ugly scenario that everyone does not want to happen. Even if we invoke the MDT,
retaliation from the U.S. is not automatic, as it needs to pass through the
constitutional processes of the U.S. Congress.
The first option apparently puts the Philippines in a very disadvantaged position
if the negotiation is done bilaterally with China because of the asymmetry of our
relations. But this is a pragmatic, albeit difficult, option. The Philippines wants
1For
my detailed take on this issue, see Rommel C. Banlaoi, “West Philippine Sea: What’s in a
Name?”, Newsbreak (15 June 2011).
2
3. to multilateralize the problem through the Association of Southeast Asian
Nations (ASEAN). But the grim reality is that ASEAN does not have common
position on the South China Sea problem, particularly in the context of regional
power dynamics and intra-ASEAN territorial disputes.
The Philippine government regards the second option as our best option –
international arbitration. But international arbitration can only occur if the
other party is willing to put the issue to this process. Since international
arbitration is a creature of a “contract” that involves all parties concerned, doing
it unilaterally is a gargantuan mission.
As a sovereign state, the Philippines is entitled to pass any domestic laws
pertaining to our territorial waters, maritime zones and archipelagic sea lanes
that we really deem necessary to promote our national interests. China also
passed its own domestic law in 1992 declaring almost 80% of the South China
Sea as part of its territorial waters and contiguous zones.
The Philippines already passed its Archipelagic Baselines Law in 2009 and we are
not prevented to pass into law the Maritime Zones and Archipelagic Sea Lanes
bills. It is now our call, however, if we have the means and wherewithal to
enforce our laws and make violators accountable to these laws.
What begs the question at than in the light of the standoff in the Scarborough
Shoal is why Chinese and other nationalities continue to fish in what we call our
waters?
For us, other nationalities are not fishing but poaching in our waters. We have
laws to make poachers accountable.
However, these waters have been traditional fishing grounds of many people of
various nationalities for centuries. Thus, preventing them to fish on the bases of
our domestic laws is really a tall order – it requires adequate resources and a
strong political will.
The situation is complicated by the fact that other nations claim that the waters
that we call ours also belong to them. That is why we have disputes in the WPS,
which we want to settle through international laws.
For us to understand the complex territorial disputes in the South China Sea,
particularly in the context of the on-going standoff between China and the
Philippines in the Scarborough Shoal (and how to deal with the situation and
peacefully resolve the standoff), we also need to understand the relevance of
fishing in the maritime territorial disputes.
Fishermen of various national origins are attracted to the South China Sea
because of its very rich marine resources. A recent study shows that fish stocks in
the South China Sea “are a multi-billion-dollar industry”, which accounts for “as
3
4. much as one-tenth of the global catch.”2 Since fish protein represents 22 percent
of the average Asian dietary needs (much higher to the global average of 16
percent), fish demands from littoral states in the South China Sea grow.3
China, particularly, has already demonstrated its increased demands for fish.4
The increased demand for fish is directly proportional to the increased income of
Chinese citizens resulting from its phenomenal economic growth.
The World Bank (WB) has declared China in 2011 as the world’s second largest
economy, next to the United States. If its current growth of at least 8 percent
annually continues, the International Monetary Bank (IMF) forecasted that
China could be the world’s largest economy by 2016.5 Thus, China’s current
fishing behavior in the South China Sea is dictated by its growing demand for
these resources resulting from the increased purchasing power of Chinese
consumers.
China is also increasing its naval and maritime law enforcement capabilities in
order to protect its “maritime defense” (haifang) and “maritime rights and
interests” (haiyang quanyi or haiquan) in the South China Sea and other waters
in Asia (such as Senkaku/Diaoyu Island in the East China Sea in conflict with
Japan and the Yellow Sea in conflict with South Korea). China regards these
waters as part its territory.
I have no more time to discuss in detail the military capabilities of China at
present. But suffice for me to say that that People’s Liberation Army Navy
(PLAN) has flirted with the idea of a new type of naval campaign that encourages
“attacks against coral islands and reefs” (dui shanhu daojiao jingong zhanyi).
Naval experts say that this campaign scenario “appears to be tailored to the South
China Sea disputes where China might consider attacking islands and reefs held
by other claimants.”6 It is not year clear, however, whether this idea has been
adopted as an official military campaign strategy of the PLA. My point is that the
idea has crossed their minds.
2PatrickM. Cronin, ed., Cooperation from Strength: The United States, China and the South
China Sea (Washington, D.C.: Center for a New American Security, January 2012), p. 55.
3Ibid., p. 90.
4PatrickM. Cronin, “China’s Global Quest for Resources and Implications for the United States”
(Testimony before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission on 26 January
2012).
5 “IMF Report: China Will be the Largest Economy by 2016” (25 April 2011) at
http://www.marketplace.org/topics/business/imf-report-china-will-be-largest-economy-2016.
6PhillipC. Saunder, Christopher Yung, Michael Swane and Andrew Nien-Dzu Yang, eds., The
Chinese Navy: Expanding Capabilities, Evolving Roles (Washington DC: Center for the Study of
Chinese Military Affairs at the Institute for National Strategic Studies of the National Defense
University, 2011), p. 50.
4
5. Chinese fishermen in the South China and the Scarborough Shoal do more than
fishing. Observers say that fishing activities “are civilian instruments of power
that help stake out legal claims and establish national maritime rights.”7 Thus,
the Chinese government protects their fishermen to promote its concept of
maritime rights and stake out its legal maritime claims. China’s current behavior
in the Scarborough Shoal is part of this overall power projection. According to a
report:
Chinese officials are deliberately using civilian maritime law-
enforcement vessels, rather than the People’s Liberation Army
Navy—to enforce China’s maritime rights and fishing laws. Whereas
China resorted to using warships over Mischief Reef territorial
disputes in the 1990s, the recent assertiveness of China in these
waters has been prosecuted largely with civilian instruments of
power.8
Aside from fish, China is also convinced to assert its position in the South China
Sea because of its increasing and incessant demand for oil.
It is estimated that the potential oil resources of the South China Sea is 213 Bbbl.
There are conflicting claims, however, about the size of natural gas and oil
deposits in the area. According to US Geological Survey, about 60% to 70% of
the hydrocarbon resources in the South China Sea are gas.9
A research conducted by Chinese experts reveals that that the total gas resources
of the South China Sea can reach 900 Tcf (Total Cubic Feet) with an annual
production of 1.8 Tcf.10 Chinese geologists have recently detected 'super-thick' oil
and gas-rich strata in the South China Sea and also identified 38 offshore oil and
gas basins in the area.11
7Cronin, “China’s Global Quest for Resources and Implications for the United States”, p. 2.
8Ibid., p. 3.
9Global Security, “South “China Sea Oil and Natural Gas” at
http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/war/spratly-oil.htm <accessed on 4 January
2011>.
10 Ibid.
11 “Huge Source of Oil, Gas Found in South China Sea”, Sify News (17 January 2011) at
http://www.sify.com/news/huge-source-of-oil-gas-found-in-south-china-sea-news-
international-lbrokhcdigb.html <accessed on 7 February 2011>.
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6. Because of reported oil and gas resources, all claimants in the South China Sea
have existing gas and oil exploration activities in the area.12
China has exploration project in Vanguard Bank, which is proximate to
Indonesia’s Natuna Gas Field. Vietnam has projects Dai Hung and Blue Dragon
Fields that are adjacent to disputed territories in the South China Sea. The
Philippines has natural gas power project in Malampaya, which is close to
disputed Spratly group of islands. The Philippines also has oil development plans
in the Reed Bank that is being contested by China.
Malaysia, which controls disputed reefs located in oil rich portion of the South
China Sea, has begun its natural gas production from Angsi Field that is expected
to produce 65,000 b/d of oil and 450 MMscfd of gas. Brunei has exploration
projects in Louisa Reef that is also being claimed by Malaysia. To avoid conflicts
and create a relationship of amity, Brunei and Malaysia decided to enter into
joint oil exploration projects in Louisa Reef. Brunei also explored the possibility
of joint oil exploration with China considering that China buys an average of
20,ooo barrels of oil daily from Brunei.13
China has, in fact, recently announced its plan to step up oil and natural gas
exploration in the South China Sea by spending an average of 500 million Yuan
($75 million) a year in the next two decades in order to meet the country’s
growing imported energy needs, which in 2010 already reached 55 per cent of
total domestic consumption.14 It is forecasted that 60% of China’s oil
consumption will be imported by 2020 making gas and oil exploration in the
South China Sea necessary to reduce dependence on oil imports.
Fishy and oily issues currently propel the assertive behavior of China in the South
China Sea. Now, how can we respond to a more assertive China?
Passing our bills on maritime zones and archipelagic sea lanes will not alter
China’s assertive behavior.
While we believe that passing these bills will strengthen our territorial claims,
they will, however, not yet solve our problems in the WPS because overlapping
claims remain. While we can execute our laws in our “non-disputed territories”,
executing them in “disputed territories” will be a huge challenge. Even if these
laws are consistent with existing international laws, no international law is self-
executing.
12See Craig Snyder, “The Implications of Hydrocarbon Developments in the South China Sea” at
http://faculty.law.ubc.ca/scs/hyd.htm <accessed on 8 February 2011>.
13Goh de No, “Brunei Open to Joint Exploration with China”, The Brunei Times (3 February
2011).
14“China to Increase Expenditure on Oil, Gas Exploration”, The Nation (25 January 2011) at
http://thenationonlineng.net/web3/business/energy/25742.html <accessed on 7 February
2011>.
6
7. International law is not like domestic law. It “differs dramatically in enforcement
and adjudication. On enforcement, there is no executive to make a state accept a
court decision. International politics is a self-help system. In the classic ways of
international law, enforcement was sometimes provided by the great powers.”15
In other words, international politics is still in the state of anarchy where there is
no supreme authority above the sovereign state. Conflicts among states are
settled either through war or diplomacy. In our conflict with China on the WSP
and Scarborough Shoal, our only option is to pursue the diplomatic track and
settle this peacefully.
Our pursuit of diplomacy with China can only work if we refrain from using
words that hurt feelings such as “bully”, “aggressive”, “provocateur”, and the like.
We can stand firm in our claims by using more constructive words because
conflicts and cooperation in international politics are also products of social
constructions.
Friends and foes in international politics are what states make of it. If we call
China a bully, then China will be a bully. If we call China a responsible power,
China will be pressured to act that way. This is not naiveté. This is handling the
situation constructively.
Dragging the U.S. into our bilateral conflicts with China can only complicate
things. The Philippines can enlarge our voice in ASEAN if ASEAN can come out
with a common position.
We can use the international community to get the sympathy of other states. We
can invoke international laws to prove our case before the community of nations.
But at the end of the day, the reality of international politics still prevails. The
reality dictates that in our present circumstances, the only pragmatic option for
us is to patiently convince China in a bilateral way that peaceful cooperation in
the South China Sea is more beneficial than prolonging the standoff and dragging
the Philippines and other claimants into costly conflict. For example, we can
encourage China to enter into joint maritime patrols of the disputed waters in
order to promote sustainable fishing practices in the South China Sea.
China may have the military and economic powers to assert its claims in the
Spratlys. The Philippines can use the power of ideas to tame China and find just
and lasting solution to the South China Sea problem.
Our on-going dispute with China on WPS is just one aspect of our relations with
China. Beyond these disputes, our relation with China is productive. China is the
15Joseph S. Nye, Understanding International Conflicts: An Introduction to Theory and History,
7th Edition (Pearson Longman, 2008).
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8. Philippines’ second largest source of official development assistance, third largest
trading partner and fourth largest source of foreign tourists.
The years 2012 and 2013 have been declared as years of friendly exchanges
between the Philippines and China. Let us not allow the disputes in the WPS and
the standoff in the Scarborough Shoal destroy this friendship. Let us talk to China
and remind China that the Philippines is a friend and we deserve to be treated
that way.
Please accept my sincere appreciation for extending to me this rare opportunity
to impart my humble thoughts today.
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