Voter turnout is influenced by a variety of individual and social factors. Research shows that whether a person perceives themselves as a "winner" or "loser" after an election, their level of political and social trust, personality traits like conscientiousness, and social pressures all impact their likelihood of voting. The costs and benefits of voting, like fulfilling a civic duty or facing criticism for not voting, also affect an individual's decision. No single factor determines turnout, and different electoral systems can have varying effects depending on other contextual influences.
The document analyzes the relationship between political polarization, wealth inequality, voter turnout laws, and voter turnout. Regression models found that political polarization and voter ID laws did not significantly impact turnout, but wealth inequality did have a significant negative effect on turnout. While the study has limitations, it provides initial evidence that increasing wealth inequality, rather than polarization alone, may contribute to decreasing voter participation. Further research is needed to more fully understand the impacts of polarization and inequality on political engagement.
This study aims to examine how political knowledge affects political participation differently for men and women. Specifically, it aims to refute the view that women benefit more from political knowledge than men. The study hypothesizes that political knowledge may actually depress political participation for some groups. It will analyze data on over 1,500 Americans to test how political participation rates vary with political knowledge levels for men and women, as well as for introverted and extroverted personality types. Previous literature commonly finds that women gain more politically from knowledge than men, but the author argues the data does not clearly support this claim and may show men participating less as knowledge increases.
- The document discusses previous studies that have found a positive correlation between weekend voting and increased voter turnout, with estimates of a 5-6% increase.
- However, the author notes some limitations in previous studies, such as limited country samples, assumptions made but not tested, and a lack of analysis on why weekend voting may impact turnout.
- The author proposes to conduct a more comprehensive analysis using data from 288 elections in 96 countries from 2000-2012. The analysis will examine the impact of weekend voting on turnout as well as explore factors like a country's economy, unemployment, and demographics that may influence the effect of weekend voting.
This document summarizes a student paper analyzing the relationship between weekend voting and voter turnout. The paper reviews previous studies that found a positive correlation, but notes limitations in their scope and methods. The student aims to conduct a more comprehensive analysis using data from 288 elections in 96 countries between 2000-2012. Models will examine the direct impact of weekend voting on turnout as well as differences across country groups and indicator interactions. The student hypothesizes that weekend voting increases turnout by lowering the cost of voting compared to weekdays, and expects stronger effects in wealthier, more developed democracies.
Election, particiption and voting behaviourShyam Budhwar
Voting behavior in India is influenced by many determinants. Religious, caste, community, and linguistic factors play a role as politicians appeal to these identities. Money also influences votes as it is used by parties to win elections. Ideology and policies can sway voters, as can the purpose of an election. The extent of suffrage also impacts behavior. Additionally, the charisma of leaders is very influential, as slogans and personalities have changed voter minds and election outcomes in India. Some examples given are Indira Gandhi's "Garibi Hatao" slogan and Narendra Modi's strong image. Caste alliances and regionalism further guide how many Indians vote.
This document discusses a study on altruistic punishment in elections. The study uses a voting experiment to provide evidence that many voters are willing to vote at a cost to punish candidates who broke electoral promises, even when the voter is indifferent to the election outcome. Specifically, the experiment found that at least 14% of indifferent voters chose to vote against a candidate who broke a promise, incurring a personal cost to do so, indicating they voted based on altruistic punishment motives rather than strategic concerns. This provides quantitative evidence that altruistic punishment, the desire to sanction uncooperative behavior, can influence political voting decisions.
The document provides a summary of a study analyzing Georgian voters' political preferences and attitudes. Some key findings include:
- The Georgian Orthodox Church received the most positive ratings, while the court system and healthcare received negative ratings.
- Voters viewed Bidzina Ivanishvili's entry into politics positively but were more cautious about his initial steps.
- Ivanishvili's party and the ruling National Movement emerged as the top two political forces, drawing support from different demographic groups.
- For future elections, most respondents planned to vote and believed the elections would be fair, though some opposition supporters were pessimistic about the results.
The document analyzes the relationship between political polarization, wealth inequality, voter turnout laws, and voter turnout. Regression models found that political polarization and voter ID laws did not significantly impact turnout, but wealth inequality did have a significant negative effect on turnout. While the study has limitations, it provides initial evidence that increasing wealth inequality, rather than polarization alone, may contribute to decreasing voter participation. Further research is needed to more fully understand the impacts of polarization and inequality on political engagement.
This study aims to examine how political knowledge affects political participation differently for men and women. Specifically, it aims to refute the view that women benefit more from political knowledge than men. The study hypothesizes that political knowledge may actually depress political participation for some groups. It will analyze data on over 1,500 Americans to test how political participation rates vary with political knowledge levels for men and women, as well as for introverted and extroverted personality types. Previous literature commonly finds that women gain more politically from knowledge than men, but the author argues the data does not clearly support this claim and may show men participating less as knowledge increases.
- The document discusses previous studies that have found a positive correlation between weekend voting and increased voter turnout, with estimates of a 5-6% increase.
- However, the author notes some limitations in previous studies, such as limited country samples, assumptions made but not tested, and a lack of analysis on why weekend voting may impact turnout.
- The author proposes to conduct a more comprehensive analysis using data from 288 elections in 96 countries from 2000-2012. The analysis will examine the impact of weekend voting on turnout as well as explore factors like a country's economy, unemployment, and demographics that may influence the effect of weekend voting.
This document summarizes a student paper analyzing the relationship between weekend voting and voter turnout. The paper reviews previous studies that found a positive correlation, but notes limitations in their scope and methods. The student aims to conduct a more comprehensive analysis using data from 288 elections in 96 countries between 2000-2012. Models will examine the direct impact of weekend voting on turnout as well as differences across country groups and indicator interactions. The student hypothesizes that weekend voting increases turnout by lowering the cost of voting compared to weekdays, and expects stronger effects in wealthier, more developed democracies.
Election, particiption and voting behaviourShyam Budhwar
Voting behavior in India is influenced by many determinants. Religious, caste, community, and linguistic factors play a role as politicians appeal to these identities. Money also influences votes as it is used by parties to win elections. Ideology and policies can sway voters, as can the purpose of an election. The extent of suffrage also impacts behavior. Additionally, the charisma of leaders is very influential, as slogans and personalities have changed voter minds and election outcomes in India. Some examples given are Indira Gandhi's "Garibi Hatao" slogan and Narendra Modi's strong image. Caste alliances and regionalism further guide how many Indians vote.
This document discusses a study on altruistic punishment in elections. The study uses a voting experiment to provide evidence that many voters are willing to vote at a cost to punish candidates who broke electoral promises, even when the voter is indifferent to the election outcome. Specifically, the experiment found that at least 14% of indifferent voters chose to vote against a candidate who broke a promise, incurring a personal cost to do so, indicating they voted based on altruistic punishment motives rather than strategic concerns. This provides quantitative evidence that altruistic punishment, the desire to sanction uncooperative behavior, can influence political voting decisions.
The document provides a summary of a study analyzing Georgian voters' political preferences and attitudes. Some key findings include:
- The Georgian Orthodox Church received the most positive ratings, while the court system and healthcare received negative ratings.
- Voters viewed Bidzina Ivanishvili's entry into politics positively but were more cautious about his initial steps.
- Ivanishvili's party and the ruling National Movement emerged as the top two political forces, drawing support from different demographic groups.
- For future elections, most respondents planned to vote and believed the elections would be fair, though some opposition supporters were pessimistic about the results.
This document summarizes a study on political participation among Mormon Millennials. A survey of 50 BYU-Idaho students found that they report voting at higher rates than the national average for their age group, though they demonstrate low levels of political knowledge in the survey. Focus groups with students suggest obstacles to their political engagement include a lack of trust in government, lack of political knowledge, disliking partisanship, feeling politics are not relevant, and a belief that individual votes do not matter. The author is developing a website to help educate Millennials on politics.
This document summarizes Gor Sargsyan's research on the influence of political partisanship on tax rates in Vermont. Sargsyan argues that partisanship is the primary cause of changes to tax rates. He plans to examine the role of partisanship in town meetings in Vermont, where locals decide on tax and policy issues. Previous literature suggests partisanship strongly influences political and economic behaviors. Sargsyan hypothesizes that towns voting Democrat will have higher taxes, while towns voting Republican will have lower taxes. He will analyze election and tax rate data from 1970-2012 to determine if patterns exist between a town's partisan affiliation and its tax rates.
This document discusses voting behavior and its determinants. It defines voting behavior as the study of factors that influence how and why voters vote in elections. Some key determinants of voting behavior mentioned include education, political consciousness, caste, religion, economic conditions, party loyalty, issues, and leadership personalities. The conclusion states that in India, voting is influenced by many intersecting factors, which may differ by region and time period.
Predicting Voter Turnout in the 2008 Presidential Electionjemccull
Predicting Voter Turnout in the 2008 Presidential Election: Assessing the Impact of Battleground Status and Early Voting Opportunities. Author: Jenna McCulloch. Faculty Mentor: Dr. Kiki Caruson.
This document summarizes two experiments on how information presented to voters can influence voting behavior on ballot measures regarding same-sex marriage. The first experiment found that slightly altering the wording of a ballot measure by adding four words made a significant difference in how people voted. The second experiment showed that exposure to campaign messages supporting constitutional amendments banning same-sex marriage significantly changed people's attitudes towards the proposed bans. Overall, the findings suggest that the wording of ballot measures and exposure to campaign ads have the potential to strongly impact voting outcomes on civil rights issues.
This document summarizes a research project examining the relationship between membership in civic groups and political participation. The study finds that membership in civic groups, higher levels of education and income, and older age are all associated with higher levels of political participation. Specifically, regression analysis shows that involvement in civic groups, volunteering for charities, and membership in nonpartisan groups are most strongly correlated with political participation. The results support the hypothesis that social connections through civic involvement can increase individuals' likelihood of political involvement.
A short presentation. Research proposal on the voting preferences of generation X and Y voters in Metro Manila, Philippines. Qualitative research class.
This document contains the results of an opinion poll conducted in Ireland in October 2010. It finds:
- Fine Gael remains the largest party at 32%, while Labour has increased to 27% overtaking Fianna Fail at 18%. Support for parties is more volatile than in the past.
- Only a third of voters are firmly loyal to their preferred party, suggesting two-thirds could still change their minds. Labour in particular needs to convince new supporters to vote for them.
- Just 25% trust Fine Gael/Labour to manage the economy, down from 59% who said they would vote for them.
- When undecided voters are allocated based on past voting, support increases to 31% for Fine
This summary is based on results from Ipsos’ 1st Quarter SPEC survey of 2015 that was conducted between March 28 and April 7. It is the 9th such release. Given that the tragic attack on Garissa University College occurred on April 2, about 25% of the interviews took place after that date. However, in comparing the results obtained before and after April 2, their distribution was clearly affected more on some issues than others, or not at all. For example, the proportion of those perceiving al-Shabaab as “very much a threat” after April 2 was 14% higher than before that date. By contrast the results presented here (on issues unrelated to security, presidential approval, etc.) were not affected by that tragic attack.
Voting behaviour is determined by many factors including media, social class, party leader, age, parents, education, region, ethnicity, gender, religion, and opinion polls. The media can shape political issues and reinforce voting behaviour. Social class was once very influential but has declined with more "class de-alignment" where middle-class voters support Labour and working-class support Conservatives. Other important factors include the party leader, age, parents, education, region, ethnicity, gender, and religion. Voters may also engage in protest or tactical voting. Models to explain voting include party identification, rational choice theory focusing on economic performance, and issues-based voting on key issues. Voter turnout has declined in recent decades due
- About three-quarters of Kenyans know the date of the next election in August 2017, but nearly two-thirds support pushing it back to December 2017. Support for changing the date does not differ between supporters of the ruling Jubilee coalition and the opposition CORD coalition.
- Only one-fifth of Kenyans are aware of any voter registration conducted in their locality since the last election. Fewer than half believe the election commission has sufficient public confidence to manage the next election without reforms, though Jubilee supporters are three times as likely as CORD supporters to express confidence.
- Kenyans are divided on whether the ICC case against Deputy President William Ruto should continue or be terminated, and
This document analyzes data on political participation patterns of Turkish youth from 1998 to 2008. It shows that voting and membership in political parties and civil society organizations have declined over time, while unconventional activities like protesting online have increased. International comparisons show Turkish youth engage less in conventional politics than countries like France. Even if Turkish youth had the same education levels as French youth, their political participation would likely still be lower due to cultural and institutional factors.
The document is a report analyzing political participation in the UK and providing recommendations for how the Parliamentary Outreach Service can work more effectively to engage citizens, particularly those aged 18-40.
The report consists of three chapters: 1) An overview of the academic literature on political participation, which finds declining formal participation and rising informal participation, especially among youth. 2) An analysis of current political participation in the UK, finding low turnout and interest especially among youth but more informal participation. 3) Recommendations for initiatives for the Outreach Service, emphasizing increasing political interest over formal participation. The overall aim is to provide Outreach with insights into today's political landscape and their target group to tailor their services accordingly.
This document summarizes a research project on the effects of gerrymandering on political representation in the United States. It defines gerrymandering as manipulating legislative districts for political gain and briefly outlines its history. The author then reviews criteria for redistricting districts, including equal population requirements and adherence to the Voting Rights Act. Some scholars argue that frequent redistricting weakens the connection between elected officials and constituents by causing uncertainty and instability. The author aims to demonstrate how gerrymandering dilutes votes and limits election competitiveness, resulting in unfair representation.
Dan Centinello: What Is Split-Ticket Voting?Dan Centinello
Long lines on election days seem to be par for the course in the U.S. now. Part of the hold-up is due to the fact that 41 of our 50 states prohibit straight-ticket voting, a practice which expedites the voting process exponentially by allowing voters to check one box to select all members of a party. However, despite nine states allowing straight-ticket voting, more and more Americans are opting to go split-ticket in recent decades. Here, Dan Centinello explains split-ticket voting and weighs the pros/cons.
The document summarizes the results of an opinion poll conducted in Ireland between November 15-17, 2010. It finds that support for Fianna Fail continues to decline, with the party now at only 17% first preference votes. Fine Gael remains the top party at 33% with Labour in second at 27%. The document analyzes whether some voters may be "ashamed" to admit supporting Fianna Fail due to its unpopularity, which could slightly increase its support levels. However, even taking this factor into account, Fianna Fail's support would still be less than half of what it achieved in the 2007 election.
This document summarizes key concepts from Chapter Eight of the textbook "American Government and Politics: Deliberation, Democracy, and Citizenship". It discusses public opinion, how it is measured through polls, and the differences between fleeting opinions and lasting judgments. It also examines political participation in the US, the expansion of suffrage over time, who votes, and how political leaders should use public opinion and deliberation.
The document discusses research on perceptions of involuntary police stops. It finds that involuntary stops generally result in less favorable attitudes toward police than voluntary encounters. Minorities are more likely to have involuntary encounters and perceive unfair treatment. A 2008 national study found most felt police acted properly, but minorities and those suspected of crimes had less positive views. Studies in Pasadena and Seattle also found minorities more likely to have involuntary stops and less satisfaction, especially if force was used. Improving procedural justice and community relations, especially for minorities, can increase trust in police.
This study examines political ideological divides and views on assistance to the poor in the United States. Survey data from the General Social Survey is analyzed, looking at the relationship between income level, political ideology, and views on spending on assistance to the poor. The results show that lower-income individuals and those who identify as more liberal are more likely to believe not enough is spent on assistance. However, a majority across all income levels and political ideologies believe too little is spent. Ethnographic interviews provide further qualitative insight. The findings contradict some prior literature by suggesting the political divide on this issue may not be as stark as portrayed.
Study NI STS tester at University of FloridaHank Lydick
This document outlines the syllabus for a course on mixed signal integrated circuit testing, including contact information for the professor and teaching assistant, course goals of understanding analog and digital circuit testing, topics to be covered such as parametric testing, data analysis, and labs using test equipment, and requirements including homework, exams, and use of an online course platform.
DevOps: Building by feature with immutable infrastructure at Serv.sgNicolas Mas
A DevOps experiment to make a Jira ticket describing a feature into a deployed application reachable at jira-ticket.serv.sg with a twist: the AWS infrastructure is dynamically created and destroyed once the feature is approved/rejected by the product team.
We use Slack, Jenkins, Ansible, Packer, Terraform, AWS, Jinja2 Cli, github
This document summarizes a study on political participation among Mormon Millennials. A survey of 50 BYU-Idaho students found that they report voting at higher rates than the national average for their age group, though they demonstrate low levels of political knowledge in the survey. Focus groups with students suggest obstacles to their political engagement include a lack of trust in government, lack of political knowledge, disliking partisanship, feeling politics are not relevant, and a belief that individual votes do not matter. The author is developing a website to help educate Millennials on politics.
This document summarizes Gor Sargsyan's research on the influence of political partisanship on tax rates in Vermont. Sargsyan argues that partisanship is the primary cause of changes to tax rates. He plans to examine the role of partisanship in town meetings in Vermont, where locals decide on tax and policy issues. Previous literature suggests partisanship strongly influences political and economic behaviors. Sargsyan hypothesizes that towns voting Democrat will have higher taxes, while towns voting Republican will have lower taxes. He will analyze election and tax rate data from 1970-2012 to determine if patterns exist between a town's partisan affiliation and its tax rates.
This document discusses voting behavior and its determinants. It defines voting behavior as the study of factors that influence how and why voters vote in elections. Some key determinants of voting behavior mentioned include education, political consciousness, caste, religion, economic conditions, party loyalty, issues, and leadership personalities. The conclusion states that in India, voting is influenced by many intersecting factors, which may differ by region and time period.
Predicting Voter Turnout in the 2008 Presidential Electionjemccull
Predicting Voter Turnout in the 2008 Presidential Election: Assessing the Impact of Battleground Status and Early Voting Opportunities. Author: Jenna McCulloch. Faculty Mentor: Dr. Kiki Caruson.
This document summarizes two experiments on how information presented to voters can influence voting behavior on ballot measures regarding same-sex marriage. The first experiment found that slightly altering the wording of a ballot measure by adding four words made a significant difference in how people voted. The second experiment showed that exposure to campaign messages supporting constitutional amendments banning same-sex marriage significantly changed people's attitudes towards the proposed bans. Overall, the findings suggest that the wording of ballot measures and exposure to campaign ads have the potential to strongly impact voting outcomes on civil rights issues.
This document summarizes a research project examining the relationship between membership in civic groups and political participation. The study finds that membership in civic groups, higher levels of education and income, and older age are all associated with higher levels of political participation. Specifically, regression analysis shows that involvement in civic groups, volunteering for charities, and membership in nonpartisan groups are most strongly correlated with political participation. The results support the hypothesis that social connections through civic involvement can increase individuals' likelihood of political involvement.
A short presentation. Research proposal on the voting preferences of generation X and Y voters in Metro Manila, Philippines. Qualitative research class.
This document contains the results of an opinion poll conducted in Ireland in October 2010. It finds:
- Fine Gael remains the largest party at 32%, while Labour has increased to 27% overtaking Fianna Fail at 18%. Support for parties is more volatile than in the past.
- Only a third of voters are firmly loyal to their preferred party, suggesting two-thirds could still change their minds. Labour in particular needs to convince new supporters to vote for them.
- Just 25% trust Fine Gael/Labour to manage the economy, down from 59% who said they would vote for them.
- When undecided voters are allocated based on past voting, support increases to 31% for Fine
This summary is based on results from Ipsos’ 1st Quarter SPEC survey of 2015 that was conducted between March 28 and April 7. It is the 9th such release. Given that the tragic attack on Garissa University College occurred on April 2, about 25% of the interviews took place after that date. However, in comparing the results obtained before and after April 2, their distribution was clearly affected more on some issues than others, or not at all. For example, the proportion of those perceiving al-Shabaab as “very much a threat” after April 2 was 14% higher than before that date. By contrast the results presented here (on issues unrelated to security, presidential approval, etc.) were not affected by that tragic attack.
Voting behaviour is determined by many factors including media, social class, party leader, age, parents, education, region, ethnicity, gender, religion, and opinion polls. The media can shape political issues and reinforce voting behaviour. Social class was once very influential but has declined with more "class de-alignment" where middle-class voters support Labour and working-class support Conservatives. Other important factors include the party leader, age, parents, education, region, ethnicity, gender, and religion. Voters may also engage in protest or tactical voting. Models to explain voting include party identification, rational choice theory focusing on economic performance, and issues-based voting on key issues. Voter turnout has declined in recent decades due
- About three-quarters of Kenyans know the date of the next election in August 2017, but nearly two-thirds support pushing it back to December 2017. Support for changing the date does not differ between supporters of the ruling Jubilee coalition and the opposition CORD coalition.
- Only one-fifth of Kenyans are aware of any voter registration conducted in their locality since the last election. Fewer than half believe the election commission has sufficient public confidence to manage the next election without reforms, though Jubilee supporters are three times as likely as CORD supporters to express confidence.
- Kenyans are divided on whether the ICC case against Deputy President William Ruto should continue or be terminated, and
This document analyzes data on political participation patterns of Turkish youth from 1998 to 2008. It shows that voting and membership in political parties and civil society organizations have declined over time, while unconventional activities like protesting online have increased. International comparisons show Turkish youth engage less in conventional politics than countries like France. Even if Turkish youth had the same education levels as French youth, their political participation would likely still be lower due to cultural and institutional factors.
The document is a report analyzing political participation in the UK and providing recommendations for how the Parliamentary Outreach Service can work more effectively to engage citizens, particularly those aged 18-40.
The report consists of three chapters: 1) An overview of the academic literature on political participation, which finds declining formal participation and rising informal participation, especially among youth. 2) An analysis of current political participation in the UK, finding low turnout and interest especially among youth but more informal participation. 3) Recommendations for initiatives for the Outreach Service, emphasizing increasing political interest over formal participation. The overall aim is to provide Outreach with insights into today's political landscape and their target group to tailor their services accordingly.
This document summarizes a research project on the effects of gerrymandering on political representation in the United States. It defines gerrymandering as manipulating legislative districts for political gain and briefly outlines its history. The author then reviews criteria for redistricting districts, including equal population requirements and adherence to the Voting Rights Act. Some scholars argue that frequent redistricting weakens the connection between elected officials and constituents by causing uncertainty and instability. The author aims to demonstrate how gerrymandering dilutes votes and limits election competitiveness, resulting in unfair representation.
Dan Centinello: What Is Split-Ticket Voting?Dan Centinello
Long lines on election days seem to be par for the course in the U.S. now. Part of the hold-up is due to the fact that 41 of our 50 states prohibit straight-ticket voting, a practice which expedites the voting process exponentially by allowing voters to check one box to select all members of a party. However, despite nine states allowing straight-ticket voting, more and more Americans are opting to go split-ticket in recent decades. Here, Dan Centinello explains split-ticket voting and weighs the pros/cons.
The document summarizes the results of an opinion poll conducted in Ireland between November 15-17, 2010. It finds that support for Fianna Fail continues to decline, with the party now at only 17% first preference votes. Fine Gael remains the top party at 33% with Labour in second at 27%. The document analyzes whether some voters may be "ashamed" to admit supporting Fianna Fail due to its unpopularity, which could slightly increase its support levels. However, even taking this factor into account, Fianna Fail's support would still be less than half of what it achieved in the 2007 election.
This document summarizes key concepts from Chapter Eight of the textbook "American Government and Politics: Deliberation, Democracy, and Citizenship". It discusses public opinion, how it is measured through polls, and the differences between fleeting opinions and lasting judgments. It also examines political participation in the US, the expansion of suffrage over time, who votes, and how political leaders should use public opinion and deliberation.
The document discusses research on perceptions of involuntary police stops. It finds that involuntary stops generally result in less favorable attitudes toward police than voluntary encounters. Minorities are more likely to have involuntary encounters and perceive unfair treatment. A 2008 national study found most felt police acted properly, but minorities and those suspected of crimes had less positive views. Studies in Pasadena and Seattle also found minorities more likely to have involuntary stops and less satisfaction, especially if force was used. Improving procedural justice and community relations, especially for minorities, can increase trust in police.
This study examines political ideological divides and views on assistance to the poor in the United States. Survey data from the General Social Survey is analyzed, looking at the relationship between income level, political ideology, and views on spending on assistance to the poor. The results show that lower-income individuals and those who identify as more liberal are more likely to believe not enough is spent on assistance. However, a majority across all income levels and political ideologies believe too little is spent. Ethnographic interviews provide further qualitative insight. The findings contradict some prior literature by suggesting the political divide on this issue may not be as stark as portrayed.
Study NI STS tester at University of FloridaHank Lydick
This document outlines the syllabus for a course on mixed signal integrated circuit testing, including contact information for the professor and teaching assistant, course goals of understanding analog and digital circuit testing, topics to be covered such as parametric testing, data analysis, and labs using test equipment, and requirements including homework, exams, and use of an online course platform.
DevOps: Building by feature with immutable infrastructure at Serv.sgNicolas Mas
A DevOps experiment to make a Jira ticket describing a feature into a deployed application reachable at jira-ticket.serv.sg with a twist: the AWS infrastructure is dynamically created and destroyed once the feature is approved/rejected by the product team.
We use Slack, Jenkins, Ansible, Packer, Terraform, AWS, Jinja2 Cli, github
Este documento habla sobre la capacidad creativa humana y cómo se puede estimular a través de técnicas como los mapas mentales. Explica que todos nacemos con capacidad creativa y que los mapas mentales, creados por Tony Buzan, son representaciones gráficas que usan palabras clave, imágenes y conexiones para explorar problemas y generar nuevas ideas. También menciona que programas como MindManager pueden ayudar a crear mapas mentales.
The document discusses various studies that found high rates of project failure, including 75% of project participants lacking confidence in success, 43% of organizations suffering recent failures, and only 40% of projects meeting goals. It then lists various approaches tried since the 1970s to improve project success, including critical path analysis software, earned value management, methodologies, project management offices, agile methods, and more recent questioning of whether these approaches work. The document advocates for project management training in requirements management, communication, and stakeholder management to help address issues like lack of user requirements tracking, poor communication, and lack of cooperation from operational staff.
The document is a resume for Ahasuerus C. Pasion. It summarizes his objective to work in a challenging environment using his experience. It details his education including a bachelor's degree in computer science. It provides his personal information and work experience including roles in data encoding, computer maintenance, and voting machine support. It lists his skills in computer maintenance, software installation, and Microsoft Office applications.
As diretrizes de modulação para o 2o semestre de 2011 foram alteradas em 9 itens, com foco em funções como professor dinamizador de laboratórios, bibliotecário, gerente de merenda e coordenador pedagógico. As novas diretrizes também tratam de critérios para remanejamento de excedentes e uso de contratos temporários.
Este documento presenta una práctica de trabajo realizada por cuatro integrantes de la Academia: Ma. del Carmen Jacob Jiménez, Ma. Guadalupe Murillo Sánchez, Tomás Willibaldo Torres Rivera y Martín Darío González Jaime. El documento describe un experimento realizado por estos cuatro miembros de la Academia.
A 420uW 100GHz-GBW CMOS Programmable-Gain Amplifier Leveraging the Cross-Coup...aiclab
Cross-coupled pairs are certainly among the most widely adopted fundamental circuits still in use today. This elegant device arrangement yields broadband positive feedback with high gain and low power, desirable features both in analog and digital applications [1]. Its small signal properties are consistently leveraged in oscillators, impedance negators and to boost gain of transconductors, while the bistable behavior is exploited in static latches and memory cells. Traditionally, the regeneration capability is leveraged in the design of sense amplifiers and high-speed comparators. In this work, we investigated the performance of the cross-coupled pair for discrete-time linear amplification and we show that its regeneration feature proves to be attractive for implementing Programmable-Gain Amplifiers (PGAs).
I recently presented this 2 hours session about the automation model developed in Videobet, the tools used in the R&D, QA and operations:
Issue mgmt.: JIRA/Greenhopper
Build system and repository: Maven & Nexus
Build server: QuickBuild
Code quality: Sonar
Continuous Integration: Selenium Grid
Crash dump analysis: Socorro
Database versioning: Flyway DB
The most popular National Instruments Semiconductor Test System (STS) enclosure for production test is the T2, not the T1 as some may assume. The T2 enclosure, which has two bays for PXI instruments, provides twice the capacity as the T1 enclosure with a only 25% higher acquisition cost. This small increase in upfront cost is offset by the benefits of avoiding delays and limitations that could arise from running out of space in the smaller T1 enclosure for testing new devices. While the T1 may be sufficient for characterization and sample testing, the T2 is favored for production testing as it provides flexibility to adapt to changing test needs over time without constraints on the number of instruments that can be used.
The document discusses the benefits of exercise for mental health. Regular physical activity can help reduce anxiety and depression and improve mood and cognitive functioning. Exercise boosts blood flow, releases endorphins, and promotes changes in the brain which help enhance one's emotional well-being and mental clarity.
STS is Bridging Semiconductor Test from the Lab to ProductionHank Lydick
NI aims to bridge the gap between semiconductor design, lab characterization, and production testing. Currently, different tools, methods, and databases are used at each stage, making it difficult to reproduce failures and correlate results. NI's solution is to use a common PXI and LabVIEW platform from characterization through production. This allows test cases developed in the lab to be reused in production, improves debugging and productivity across stages, and helps accelerate the path to validating chips and production testing.
This document discusses competitive strategy for pharmaceutical companies. It defines strategy as multi-functional activities that support corporate goals by delivering superior customer value. It outlines approaches to competitive strategy including deliberate and emergent strategies. It also discusses analyzing the market situation through understanding demand, the environment, and performing surveys and collecting market data on customers, products, pricing, marketing programs and competitors.
This document discusses the need for a holistic platform to enable planning, assembly, and optimization across integrated circuit (IC), package, and printed circuit board (PCB) domains. Traditional "over the wall" design approaches are no longer sufficient due to increasing complexity. The document outlines capabilities of a next-generation co-design platform, including virtual die modeling, single-view connectivity management, and rule-based pin optimization, to improve design quality and reduce costs.
This document summarizes the business strategies and financial performance of a pharmaceutical company over multiple rounds. The company deployed many salespeople, maintained a large market share lead, and individual salesperson performance increased. Promotions like coupons were effective in boosting sales. Advertising focused on specific demographics and product benefits. The company focused on large retail channels and saw the most growth in grocery stores and chain drugstores. Prices remained stable over time. Disciplined strategies led to strong financial results, suggesting this would be a good company to invest in.
Dokumen ini memberikan panduan teknik segmental pada kavitas gigi molar kelas I. Teknik ini melibatkan preparasi kavitas, etsa email dan dentin, bonding, aplikasi komposit bulk fill hingga oklusal, pemisahan segmental sesuai bentuk fisure dan aplikasi komposit flowable, serta penyinaran. Teknik ini diterapkan pada kasus gigi molar kanan RA dengan hasil akhir restorasi yang rapi setelah dipoles.
1. More Than Just Party Lines and Issue Voting: Why People Turn Out to Vote
There are many different questions concerning voter participation that many political
psychologists have attempted to answer. Many researchers test many different variables that
would affect voter turnout. The one conclusion that all of them came to is that there are a
variety of reasons as to why citizens either vote or do not, and it may differ from each country,
to each providence or state within that country. We will look at how voting can create two
groups of people, winners and losers, and how that affects voter turnouts. Other studies have
looked at weather the option of casting a vote for “none of the above” candidates has
motivated citizens to come out and vote. Social trust and the satisfaction individuals have in
both the candidates and their electoral system can play a role in voter turnout. The outcome of
an election can either enforce or deter a person’s decision they made about voting, and can
predict if they will vote in the future. Social experiments have shown the astronomical effects
that societal pressure has on an individual to perform what some categorize as a civic duty.
Instead of looking at every democratic nation separately it is more beneficial to look at the
individual, and see what motivates a person to vote or not to vote.
After an election the population is divided between winners and losers. Clearly one
party wins the presidency, or the parliamentary seat, but there is also a winner portion of the
population and loser portion. The way in which a citizen perceives their government has
everything to do with which group they belong to. In an experiment by Anderson and Tverdova,
(2001), data was collected from parliamentary governments from Japan, New Zealand, and
other countries in Europe. When it comes to the power of government those in the political
minority, the losers, said that the government had too much power, while those in the political
2. majority, the winners, had a more positive view of the government. The next survey question
asked about trustworthiness of civil servants. Those who had voted for the candidates in office
were more likely to agree the civil servants are trustworthy; trustworthiness was relatively even
between those of the majority party and minority party, with only a 5% gap between the two.
Civil servants are generally more trusted across party lines then the evaluation of government
performance is. Across majority and minority parties, there is a general feeling that people do
not have a say in what government does, but a high percentage of people, across the countries
tested feel that elections are an efficient tool for letting the government know dissatisfaction,
and other important problems.
The idea of winners and losers in elections is reinforced by Michael W. Macy. Macy,
(1998), proposed the stochastic learning model that was an extension of the human behavior
model that helped to explain the behavior of a voter. After an election a voter’s choice is either
punished or reinforced. If the citizen voted and their party or candidate won, they are the
winners as Anderson and Tverdova describe, their choice is reinforced; whereas the choice is
punished if they voted for the candidate or party that lost, becoming a part of the loser group.
Similarly this theory works for nonvoters as well. A citizen who did not vote but whose
preferred party or candidate won reinforced their choice of not voting and they will presumably
continue to not vote. However when a citizen does not vote and their party does not win the
election, their choice is punished and at the next election cycle those citizens are more likely to
vote (Kanazawa 1998). Citizens tend to look at their history of voting and the outcomes to
determine their future action of voting or non-voting. On the contrary though, those who are
losers in one election have a higher incentive to take action in the next election. Those who are
3. winners are content, while losers are dissatisfied and will push for more changes within
government institutions (Anderson 2001).
Social and political trust are also huge contributing factors to voter participation. In fact
trust in parliament, or any other legislative branch increases the likelihood of voter
participation, while satisfaction with democracy statistics are less powerful (Gronlund 2007).
Those who are part of the minority part seemingly have less trust in the government then the
majority party. However there is more to political trust than just between the “winners” and
“losers.” The social capital theory suggests that social trust is an important factor of democracy
because it “sustains a cooperative social climate and encourages regard for public interest”
(Zmerli 2008). Trusting is a trait that is the base for showing dissatisfaction at the polls is the
sign of a healthy democracy. This is supported by the Dissatisfied Voter Result, found from data
collected over 90 elections from Western European nations. The data showed that an increase
in citizen satisfaction with government and democracy leads to a decrease in voter turnout
(Ezrow, Xezonakis 2014). Others take this a step further and argue that the type of
representation in a democracy effects voter satisfaction. For example if one party has more
representatives in congress or parliament, members of that political party are more satisfied
with democracy. When a voter supports a party that is underrepresented in a legislature,
especially when compared to the proportion of votes, satisfaction for democracy decreases
(Blais 2015). This suggests the possible effect that certain electoral systems have on democracy
satisfaction and how that effects voter participation.
Another way that voters are able to demonstrate dissatisfaction with their government
is the “none of the above vote” (NOTA). There are many known reasons as to why people do
4. not turn out to vote on election day; they lack information needed to make an informed
decision on a candidate or issue; not voting can symbolize the desire to alienate themselves
from the political spectrum; abstention can stem from the perception of competitiveness
within politics (Damore). People do vote to show dissatisfaction with their government, but if
people continue to be dissatisfied and not vote, it is no longer a healthy democracy (Ezrow
2014). One way to show dissatisfaction with the entire democratic process is to vote “none of
the above.” Voting NOTA symbolizes the dissatisfaction with every candidate on the ballot, and
this can send a clear message to the government and rest of the population. It also shows an
individual’s respect to the electoral process. They are still going through the task of registering
to vote and taking time out of their schedule to vote. NOTA is an option on the ballots in
Nevada, and so data was collected from general and primary, state and federal, elections from
1976 to 2010. Contrary to what the opposition has said, NOTA voting has not been a fad. It has
remained steady for over 30 years. Some contribute this to the theory that it could just be a
fixed portion of the population that is continuing to vote NOTA. The option of NOTA was used
more often in primary races than general elections. The data also concluded that there is no
direct correlation between NOTA and voter turnout. Instead it was found that the increase in
voter turnout led to a decrease in the use of NOTA (Damore 2011). It is hypothesized that NOTA
is just a replacement options who go to the polls uniformed and unaffiliated with a political
party. It becomes an easy option to choose and does not increase an individual’s incentive to
vote.
As seen in the study by Anderson and Tverdova, citizens have a relatively low perception
that they have a say in their government, that their vote is important in determining the
5. outcome, leading to a decrease in voter turnout. This sense of efficacy affects those voters who
prefer small parties in a government (Karp 2008). The number of votes does not translate
directly into the number of seats obtained in a legislature, so with less meaning behind a vote,
the less likely people are to use their vote. Instead, voters feel more “satisfied” in proportional
representation systems. These PR systems enhance party affiliation since they are more
inclusive and specific, rather than large catch-all parties, that attempt to encompass everyone
and their ideologies. These PR systems also are more likely to be competitive, and data shows a
higher voter turnout rate in close elections, because voters have a notion that their one vote
could make a difference in the outcome (Geys 2006).
Contradicting evidence shows that satisfaction for democracy is not higher in
proportional representation due to the fact that proportional representation can lead to the
forming of coalitions. But those that support small partners in a coalition government are found
to not be as happy or satisfied with their government (Blais 2015). Coalition formation is
necessary when there are numerous political parties. This in turn decreases the direct influence
the voter population has in deciding their political leaders (Geys 2006). In the case of the
executive position being chosen by the legislative body, proportional representation enables
political mobilization incentive nearly everywhere. Similarly this would encourage and increase
voter turnout since their vote has a direct effect not only for the legislature but possibly for the
executive as well. In single member districts, some areas, such as urban, high density areas, will
be seen as more important and crucial to the election, and people living in those areas have a
high purpose to vote, while those living in areas that are not of importance would feel no
reason to vote since their vote would not matter (Powell 1986).
6. There is still an ongoing debate about what really effects voter participation, the
number of political parties a country has, the electoral system-how important one vote is to an
election, or does it come down to each individual and their own set of attitudes and beliefs that
motivate them to either vote or to stay home on the day of an election. When it comes to
analyzing different electoral systems it is more difficult to find any continuous factors
connecting them to voter participation. Systems such as proportional representation, plurality,
majoritarian, and mixed can all affect voter turnout under different contextual concepts.
Proportional representation seems to have a positive effect on voter turnout in full
democracies, but the further a country is from being a full democracy, the less impact PR has on
voters (Endersby 2008). Living in a fully democratic nation versus a partially democratic nation
does not affect a person’s choice to vote or not. Other factors, such as required registration,
age requirement of voter, or even compulsory voting, do not explain why people vote.
Another theory political psychologists explore is the possibility of voting acting as a fad.
Initially when countries first change from totalitarian or authoritarian regimes to democracies,
the possibility of choosing your own leader is seen as a luxury; so why does voter participation
decline in the years following newly found independence? Nationalism is one of the main
factors. Those people that came together to overthrow their authoritative regime have a strong
sense of national identity; they feel strongly connected to their nation and want to see it
succeed, and they do so by voting in elections (Kostadinova 2006). That is not saying that old
democracies are not nationalistic, perhaps they show their pride for their country in different
ways, but the citizens voting presently were not alive when their country became a democracy.
Those people have always had the right to vote, they were born with it, and presumably take it
7. for granted. They do not understand what it means to live in a country where you are not given
a choice about who your leaders are. A decline in voting participation in new democracies over
time is a generational issue, not a result of democracy being a fad that fades over time.
Voter participation in democracies is effected by more than just the governmental
makeup of a country. Mostly participation has to do with the individual self and the unique set
of characteristics, personality traits, and beliefs one has. Data shows that citizens who are more
educated, older, wealthier, or tend to align with a particular political party, are more likely to
vote in an election (Singh 2010). This theory is reiterated with another study done that included
interviewing participants face to face from 22 European democracies. The study looked at the
effect that political trust and satisfaction has on voter turnout in parliamentary elections. There
is a strong association between trust and voter turnout. The more citizens trust their
government and civic leaders, the higher percent of the population turns out to vote (Gronlund
2007). The same was found for political satisfaction and voter turnout. The study does not
differentiate between the different types of representation in each country. Instead it is the
character and attitudes of the individual that affect their decision to vote. Certain personality
traits are also found to increase political participation. Out of the Big Five personality traits
those who exhibit extraversion and who are also emotionally stable are associated with
increased levels of participation, including voting. Another one of the Big Five traits linked to
voting is conscientiousness. Individuals with this trait are more likely to vote on election day
(Gerber 2010).
One of the most concrete reasons that nearly every political psychologist finds when
examining why people vote is that people participate when the benefit outweighs the cost. As
8. with most choices in life people make the decision based on how that action will help them and
how much energy they will have to exert in order to complete the task (Singh 2010). The cost
could be registering to vote. In some democracies it is required, even if you do not vote, or in
other democracies the government does not force registration if you do not plan on voting.
Registration can have a monetary cost as well as a timely cost. Registering to vote and actually
voting takes time out of a person’s schedule and those that do not do either find that their time
is better spent doing something else; the cost is too high and the benefit is not worthy. A
benefit of voting is mainly that people feel they are making a contribution to their democracy
and effecting positive change. Voters want to fulfill their civic duty and they want to feel good
about themselves for doing so. They also worry that other citizens will think badly of them if
they do not vote, since voting is seen as a civic duty (Gerber 2010). This could be seen as an
example of in groups and out groups. Those who are patriotic and do their civic duty by voting
are in the in-group. Those who do not are in the out-group and are looked at in a negative view
by the in group. Potential voters do not want to be labeled unpatriotic or be a part of a group
with a negative connotation associated with it, so they will choose to vote to become part of
the in-group. Other pressures come from the entire society, such as the get-out-and-vote
campaigns that often times shows a celebrity advocating the right to vote. This pressure coming
from a celebrity that a citizen might admire or look up to can persuade a person, especially a
younger person, to go out and vote (Geys 2006). The outside social pressure can affect the
voter turnout in an election.
Social norms are a large contributor to voter participation. Factors such as population
size and population stability contribute to voter turnout. Population stability can affect the
9. action of voting in either a positive or negative way. Those who do not intend to stay in an area
for a long time are more likely to not vote, since many of the policies concerning their
geographical area will not concern them since they do not see themselves there in the future.
Those however who do see themselves living for many years in the same place, will go out and
vote since their vote could directly impact their town. Homeowners are also at an increase
probability to vote especially if there are particular policies or issues that affect the value of
homes or land. Those living in smaller, even rural communities have a higher turnout rate due
to the closeness of everyone living in a community (Geys 2006). It is not uncommon also, that
people are more likely to vote if their friends, family, or coworkers vote (Gerber 2011). This
connects to the idea of wanting to fit in and adhere to social norms; “if everyone is voting, then
I should be too” thought process.
An experiment was done to see if past voting behavior effects participation for the
upcoming election. Participants were sent pamphlets in the mail at random. There was a
control group, a group that congratulated former voting behavior, and a group that highlighted
the subject’s abstention at the last election cycle. The results showed an additional 28% in
votes for those who received a pamphlet detailing their abstention. Showing a citizen a
pamphlet that said they voted in the last election only had 18% additional votes (Gerber 2008).
In this case a negative reinforce was more instrumental in getting people out to vote. Their past
action of not voting, which can be seen as going against social norms, is viewed as a negative
action. Since a substantial amount of these people went on to vote in the next election, their
action was reinforced more than a positive feedback. Even though Kanazawa argued that not
voting can be reinforced if your preferred party wins, the experiment by Gerber, Green, and
10. Larimer, disputes this. Kanazawa did not take into consideration how important social pressure
is and the need to feel included in societal practices such as voting. Consequently those who
received a pamphlet that reminded them that they had voted the last election may have felt
that they had already served their civic duty, they had contributed their “fair share” (Gerber
2011). Psychologically they feel that they can forgo voting without a fear of looking like a bad
citizen since they voted in the last election. Mildly shaming a person can lead to a positive
reaction, whereas congratulating an individual and invoking pride can lead to inaction in the
future.
Pressure to go out and vote on election day can come from more than just your peers.
Political campaigns can affect a person’s decision to vote. The Comparative Study of Electoral
Systems tested the outcomes of political mobilization. Subjects of the survey were asked if they
had ever been contacted by a political party to persuade them to vote for the candidate. The
results show that across 23 democracies, old and new, people were more likely to vote if they
had been contacted than if they had not been contacted (Karp 2008). Campaigns can also have
a negative effect on voter turnout as well. Negative or attack ads against a candidate or party’s
opposition can turn voters away from voting in the first place. Or it could lead to normal
supporters of a candidate to vote for the opposition. This tends to lead to the theory that many
people vote off emotion, or based on the character of the candidate rather than at the policies
and issues being discussed (Geys 2006).
The benefit of voting is usually something that the voter hopes to gain, or improve upon
from the party they voted for (Singh). The main goal a voter hopes to accomplish is to have
their preferred candidate elected to office (Kanazawa 1998). People want to be winners, and so
11. they vote in hopes of having the satisfaction of being labeled as a part of the winning team, or
winning political party (Anderson 2001). These goals that the voter wants to see achieved stem
from the individuals own attitudes, behaviors, and beliefs. It is similar these three ideas that
separate people into different political parties. These political beliefs then translate to voting
behavior, and the desired candidate or party that the voter thinks will do the best job in dealing
with issues that closely align with the voters own beliefs and attitudes (Campbell 2013). This
goes back to the idea of Anderson and Tverdova, with there being winners and losers in the
political arena. Not only does your preferred winning the election solidify and reaffirm your
own beliefs and values, but it causes satisfaction and little desire for political change. The losers
of elections are the ones that democracies are based on. They are the minority that is not
satisfied and has the most incentive to work hard for political changes (Campbell 2013).
However the only research then never seems to be done is the satisfaction level of the winners
and losers after the election, perhaps six months to a year or even two years afterwards. If the
elected legislature or executive is not performing well or adhering to promises made, are the
winners still satisfied with their majority party in power? If conditions are not improved, or
changes are made that do not coincide with the values and beliefs of the population that
elected the government, is that majority not going to divide and find different political parties,
or advocate for a new candidate in the next election? Conversely, if the majority party elect
does succeed in office and the condition of the country improves, for example economically, do
the election losers still push for an institutional change? Would they be unsatisfied if things
change for the better even though the people and party that made those changes occur did not
align with you ideologically? More research perhaps needs to be done on the effect the election
12. outcomes have on a voter in the next election cycle to see how adaptable voters are to change,
or if people are stuck ideologically in a certain party.
Although there are numerous questions that are not answered about voter participation
in elections, it is clear that voting should be studied at an individual level, not by encompassing
all voters of all democracies. People exercise their right to vote for mainly individualistic
reasons. They want their vote to better their lives in some way. They do not want to look bad to
their peers by not voting and they want to show a sense of patriotism for their country, and
they think by not doing so they will be placed in a societal outgroup that is looked down upon
by people that do vote. Even though there are many contextual reasons that show voter
turnout is higher in some countries than others, they do not unearth the reason why people
vote. The electoral system, the number of parties a country has, whether it is a new or old
democracy, are all contextual reasons that explain why voter turnout is higher in some nations
than others. The inconsistencies found across the different nations show that just one of those
factors does not contribute to the voter turnout in democracies around the world. Individuals
instead make their own decision and see if the cost of voting will benefit them. If the benefit is
higher than the cost, most likely a person will vote. If the cost of voting is higher than the
supposed benefit, it is more likely that those people will not vote on election day. It is human
nature to want to be a winner in society and to be at the top of the social chain. Voting in an
election is one way to reach that goal, only if your preferred candidate wins. Being a winner
makes a person a part of the majority and a part of the in-group that is highly desired to be in,
but which also can potentially change every election cycle. People vote as a way to raise their
social status and to psychologically feel as though they made a difference.
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