This document discusses nouns and verbs in Tagalog and responds to claims by Foley about their categorization. It presents the following key points:
1) In Tagalog, any noun can function as a verb and any verb can function as a noun based on morphological and syntactic evidence.
2) Foley claims that Tagalog roots are "pre-categorical" with no distinction between noun and verb roots. Kroeger challenges this by presenting evidence for underlying argument structure in Kimaragang.
3) Voice affixation serves different functions for nominal versus verbal roots in Tagalog, questioning Foley's analysis of its role. Underlying argument structure may exist prior to voice marking.
Morphology is the study of word structures and formation, focusing on morphemes. A morpheme is the smallest meaningful linguistic unit, such as prefixes, suffixes, and root words. There are two types of morphemes: free morphemes, which can stand alone as words, like nouns and verbs, and bound morphemes, or affixes, which must be attached to other morphemes. Bound morphemes include inflectional morphemes, which indicate grammatical functions without changing word class, and derivational morphemes, which sometimes change the word's part of speech. Morphology examines the rules of word formation in a given language.
This document discusses intonation in English phonetics. It defines intonation as the pitch patterns of spoken English which involve modifications of voice pitch to stress words. Intonation cues listeners to the type of utterance, such as a statement or question, and can indicate mood. It is different from but related to stress. The document covers pitch, tones, the structure of tone units including the nucleus and tail, and the functions of tones and intonation in English.
English in Philippine Education: Solution or Problem?Julius Sison
The results of the different arguments in relation to the transformation and reorganization in the most latest changes that increased the degree of the role of English in the Philippine educational system.
This document provides an overview of essential grammar for learning Korean as a second language. It covers the Korean alphabet system Hangeul, which represents sounds systematically. The document then explains how to compose Korean syllables using initial, medial and final sounds. It also outlines important rules for pronunciation, including representative consonant sounds, phoneme compression and consonant assimilation. The full textbook would use these foundations to systematically cover Korean parts of speech, sentence structure, inflectional words and other grammar patterns to build learners' knowledge of the Korean language.
Uvod u morfosintaksu, lecture 12, 12 13Alen Šogolj
The document discusses various types of multi-word verbs in English including phrasal verbs, prepositional verbs, and phrasal-prepositional verbs. It provides examples and explains the differences between these types of multi-word verbs. Key points include: phrasal verbs consist of a verb and particle, which can be an adverb or preposition; prepositional verbs include a verb and prepositional object; and phrasal-prepositional verbs have a verb, adverb, and preposition. The document also covers active and passive voice constructions for these multi-word verbs.
This document discusses morphology in the Filipino language. It defines morphology as the study of word structure and formation. It discusses the concepts of morphemes, affixation, compounding, reduplication, and variation in lexicons. Variation occurs across different regional varieties of Filipino based on geographical location and ethnolinguistic groups. This contributes to the development and enrichment of vocabulary in the national language. Examples of affixes, compounds words, and words varying across dialects are provided.
Intonation is a basic knowledge that should be applied for speaking skills. Final intonation patterns are the basic intonation pattern which can easily be learned and applied. Nowadays, intonation has been neglected. Sharing this will advocate the correct usage of the language.
Morphology is the study of word structures and formation, focusing on morphemes. A morpheme is the smallest meaningful linguistic unit, such as prefixes, suffixes, and root words. There are two types of morphemes: free morphemes, which can stand alone as words, like nouns and verbs, and bound morphemes, or affixes, which must be attached to other morphemes. Bound morphemes include inflectional morphemes, which indicate grammatical functions without changing word class, and derivational morphemes, which sometimes change the word's part of speech. Morphology examines the rules of word formation in a given language.
This document discusses intonation in English phonetics. It defines intonation as the pitch patterns of spoken English which involve modifications of voice pitch to stress words. Intonation cues listeners to the type of utterance, such as a statement or question, and can indicate mood. It is different from but related to stress. The document covers pitch, tones, the structure of tone units including the nucleus and tail, and the functions of tones and intonation in English.
English in Philippine Education: Solution or Problem?Julius Sison
The results of the different arguments in relation to the transformation and reorganization in the most latest changes that increased the degree of the role of English in the Philippine educational system.
This document provides an overview of essential grammar for learning Korean as a second language. It covers the Korean alphabet system Hangeul, which represents sounds systematically. The document then explains how to compose Korean syllables using initial, medial and final sounds. It also outlines important rules for pronunciation, including representative consonant sounds, phoneme compression and consonant assimilation. The full textbook would use these foundations to systematically cover Korean parts of speech, sentence structure, inflectional words and other grammar patterns to build learners' knowledge of the Korean language.
Uvod u morfosintaksu, lecture 12, 12 13Alen Šogolj
The document discusses various types of multi-word verbs in English including phrasal verbs, prepositional verbs, and phrasal-prepositional verbs. It provides examples and explains the differences between these types of multi-word verbs. Key points include: phrasal verbs consist of a verb and particle, which can be an adverb or preposition; prepositional verbs include a verb and prepositional object; and phrasal-prepositional verbs have a verb, adverb, and preposition. The document also covers active and passive voice constructions for these multi-word verbs.
This document discusses morphology in the Filipino language. It defines morphology as the study of word structure and formation. It discusses the concepts of morphemes, affixation, compounding, reduplication, and variation in lexicons. Variation occurs across different regional varieties of Filipino based on geographical location and ethnolinguistic groups. This contributes to the development and enrichment of vocabulary in the national language. Examples of affixes, compounds words, and words varying across dialects are provided.
Intonation is a basic knowledge that should be applied for speaking skills. Final intonation patterns are the basic intonation pattern which can easily be learned and applied. Nowadays, intonation has been neglected. Sharing this will advocate the correct usage of the language.
Morphology is the study of word structure and formation. It involves the analysis of morphemes like roots, affixes, and stems. There are two main types of morphemes - inflectional morphemes which mark grammatical functions and derivational affixes which can change word categories. Some common word formation processes in English include affixation, compounding, clipping, blending, borrowing, back-formation, and functional shift. Morphemes can be categorized as root morphemes, which have an individual lexical meaning, or non-root morphemes like inflections and affixes.
This document provides an overview of syntax, including different types of adjectives, adverbs, clauses, and transformations. It defines key syntactic concepts like modification, constituents, coordination, subordination, and relative clauses. It also describes different types of adjectives, adverbs, clauses and their functions in sentences. Finally, it briefly discusses structural description, structural change, and some common transformation rules.
Phonology is the study of how pronunciation changes based on context. This document discusses phonology, including:
- Phonological rules describe how phonemes are realized as allophones in different environments. For example, in Japanese /s/ is realized as [s] except before [i] where it is [ɕ].
- Phonemes contrast meaning but allophones do not. Sounds can be in complementary distribution, like [s] and [ɕ] in Japanese, or contrastive distribution if they distinguish words.
- Languages analyze sounds differently. What is phonemic in one language may be allophonic in another. Phonological knowledge is implicit and allows speakers to pronounce new words
This document provides descriptions of 5 vowel sounds in English: /æ/, /а/, /Ͻ/, /Ɛ/, and /e/. For each vowel sound, it explains how to produce the sound in the mouth and provides example words and sentences containing that sound. It also contrasts the sounds /æ/ and /а/ and /Ɛ/ and /e/ to highlight the differences between similar vowel pairs.
This document discusses syntax, which is the study of the structure of phrases and sentences. It addresses two key principles of sentence organization: linear order and hierarchical structure. Linear order refers to the specific sequence of words that determine a sentence's grammaticality and meaning. Hierarchical structure refers to the way words are organized into nested constituent groupings within a sentence, with the smallest constituents being individual words and the largest being the sentence itself. Tree diagrams can be used to represent a sentence's syntactic structure and constituent relationships.
This document provides information about what constitutes a reference grammar, including the necessary training, typical structure, and intended purpose. A reference grammar is a prose description of a language's major grammatical constructions, illustrated with examples. It is intended as a reference tool for looking up grammatical details. Key parts include an introduction on the language and people, sections organized by increasing structural complexity (e.g. phonology to discourse), an index to easily find details, bibliography, and abbreviations list. The goal is to make grammatical information highly accessible through organization and indexing.
This document discusses vowel sounds and their phonetic representations. It provides examples of long and short vowel spellings in English words and identifies the vowel sounds used in 20 example words. The International Phonetic Alphabet was created by the International Phonetic Association in the late 19th century to provide a standardized system for representing sounds in oral languages. A vowel diagram arranges vowels based on the position of the tongue and lips used to produce each sound.
The document discusses morphology, which is the study of the internal structure of words and the rules for word formation. It covers key concepts such as morphemes, the minimal units of meaning; free and bound morphemes; inflectional and derivational morphology; and processes of word formation including compounding, blending, clipping, and others. Examples are provided to illustrate different morphological concepts and rules.
This document discusses phonology and phonetics. Phonology is the study of sound patterns in language, while phonetics is the physical properties and production of speech sounds. A phoneme is a meaningful sound unit in a language, represented between slashes. An allophone is a phonetic realization of a phoneme. For example, the 'p' sound in 'paper' and 'spill' are allophones of the phoneme /p/ in English. Phonemes contrast meaning between words, like 'rowing' vs. 'mowing', while allophones do not change meaning. The minimal pairs test examines if two sounds can change the meaning of words when swapped, like "take" vs. "tape".
Pronunciation refers to how words are spoken in a given language. The document provides examples of reading drills for short and long vowel sounds like /a/, /e/, /i/ and consonant sounds like /p/, /f/, /th/ in English. It also defines diphthongs as combinations of vowel sounds and provides reading drills for diphthongs like /ou/ and /oi/.
1. The document discusses the history and concepts of morphology, including the separation of levels in linguistics and morphological interfaces.
2. It provides a brief history of morphology from scholars like Sir William Jones in 1786 and Franz Bopp in 1816 who studied the connections between languages.
3. The document examines the separation of levels in linguistics based on scholars like Katamba from 1993 and Hanafi from 2002, and discusses the morpho-phonological and morpho-syntactical interfaces.
The document provides an overview of the history and theories surrounding the concept of the phoneme. It traces discussions of the phoneme back to ancient linguists and discusses key developments in how it has been conceptualized over time by different schools of thought, including being viewed as a physical reality, psychological notion, set of features, and abstract mental representation. The timeline highlights contributions from structuralism to modern generative linguistics in how the nature and definition of the phoneme has evolved.
This document discusses English suffixes, including both inflectional and derivational suffixes. It provides examples of common inflectional suffixes in English like -s, -ed, and -ing. It also explains that derivational suffixes can carry lexical information and form new words. The document then lists several common noun, verb, adjective and adverb suffixes in English and provides examples of how words are formed using these suffixes.
The syllable is the basic unit of speech that is studied both phonetically and phonologically. [1] Phonetically, the syllable consists of a center with little airflow obstruction (usually a vowel) surrounded by segments with greater obstruction. [2] Phonologically, the prevailing view is that the syllable has a hierarchical structure with three constituents - the Onset, Peak (nucleus/vowel), and Coda. [3] This structure can be represented graphically using tree diagrams.
Phonemes are the smallest units of sound in a language that are used to distinguish meaning. In English there are approximately 44 phonemes represented by 26 letters and letter combinations. Phonemes can vary phonetically as allophones without changing the meaning, such as the "p" sound in "pin" and "spin" both being allophones of the phoneme "p". To identify the phonemes in a word, it must be segmented, or broken down, into its individual sounds.
This document discusses key concepts in phonology, the study of sound systems in language. It defines phonology and phonetics, with phonology dealing with how sounds are organized in a language and phonetics concerning physical properties of sounds. Phonemes are classes of sounds perceived as the same, while allophones are variant realizations of the same phoneme. Contrastive sounds distinguish meaning, while complementary and free variant sounds do not. Distribution and minimal pairs are used to determine if sounds are contrastive.
Synonyms are words that have the same or nearly the same meaning. Antonyms are words with opposite meanings. There are several types of antonyms including gradable, relational, and complementary antonyms. Hyponyms are words that fall under the same broader category or hypernym. For example, different colors are hyponyms of the hypernym "color" and various musical instruments are hyponyms under the category of "musical instruments". The document discusses the definitions and examples of synonyms, different types of antonyms, and hyponyms.
Intonation refers to the pitch patterns used in speech. It is how we say things rather than what we say, and without intonation it is impossible to understand expressions and thoughts conveyed through words. Intonation patterns group words into tone units that package information and convey attitudes. The placement of stress and pitch movement within and between tone units is important for meaning.
This document discusses key concepts in morphology including:
1. Morphology is the study of word structure and formation from morphemes. Morphemes are the smallest units of meaning.
2. There are two types of morphemes - free morphemes which can stand alone as words, and bound morphemes which must be attached to other morphemes.
3. Words are formed through processes like derivation using affixes, compounding, reduplication, blending, clipping, and other methods.
4. Morphology interacts with phonology through morphophonemic rules which determine pronunciation of affixes.
This document discusses morphology and language teaching and learning. It begins by defining morphology as the study of word structures and forms. It then discusses different morphological concepts like lexemes, word forms, affixes, bases, roots and allomorphs. It also covers morphological patterns such as affixation, base modification, conversion, and sign language morphology. The key information provided is definitions and explanations of important morphological terms and concepts.
This document discusses the interaction between morphology and syntax. It begins by defining morphology as concerning word formation, and syntax as concerning rules for combining words into phrases and sentences. While morphology and syntax generally deal with different levels, they interact in several ways. Inflectional morphology carries grammatical meaning and is relevant to syntax. Argument structure, passive and anti-passive constructions, causatives, applicatives, and noun incorporation involve interactions between a verb's arguments and morphology. Clitics, phrasal verbs, and phrasal compounds exist at the morphology-syntax interface.
Morphology is the study of word structure and formation. It involves the analysis of morphemes like roots, affixes, and stems. There are two main types of morphemes - inflectional morphemes which mark grammatical functions and derivational affixes which can change word categories. Some common word formation processes in English include affixation, compounding, clipping, blending, borrowing, back-formation, and functional shift. Morphemes can be categorized as root morphemes, which have an individual lexical meaning, or non-root morphemes like inflections and affixes.
This document provides an overview of syntax, including different types of adjectives, adverbs, clauses, and transformations. It defines key syntactic concepts like modification, constituents, coordination, subordination, and relative clauses. It also describes different types of adjectives, adverbs, clauses and their functions in sentences. Finally, it briefly discusses structural description, structural change, and some common transformation rules.
Phonology is the study of how pronunciation changes based on context. This document discusses phonology, including:
- Phonological rules describe how phonemes are realized as allophones in different environments. For example, in Japanese /s/ is realized as [s] except before [i] where it is [ɕ].
- Phonemes contrast meaning but allophones do not. Sounds can be in complementary distribution, like [s] and [ɕ] in Japanese, or contrastive distribution if they distinguish words.
- Languages analyze sounds differently. What is phonemic in one language may be allophonic in another. Phonological knowledge is implicit and allows speakers to pronounce new words
This document provides descriptions of 5 vowel sounds in English: /æ/, /а/, /Ͻ/, /Ɛ/, and /e/. For each vowel sound, it explains how to produce the sound in the mouth and provides example words and sentences containing that sound. It also contrasts the sounds /æ/ and /а/ and /Ɛ/ and /e/ to highlight the differences between similar vowel pairs.
This document discusses syntax, which is the study of the structure of phrases and sentences. It addresses two key principles of sentence organization: linear order and hierarchical structure. Linear order refers to the specific sequence of words that determine a sentence's grammaticality and meaning. Hierarchical structure refers to the way words are organized into nested constituent groupings within a sentence, with the smallest constituents being individual words and the largest being the sentence itself. Tree diagrams can be used to represent a sentence's syntactic structure and constituent relationships.
This document provides information about what constitutes a reference grammar, including the necessary training, typical structure, and intended purpose. A reference grammar is a prose description of a language's major grammatical constructions, illustrated with examples. It is intended as a reference tool for looking up grammatical details. Key parts include an introduction on the language and people, sections organized by increasing structural complexity (e.g. phonology to discourse), an index to easily find details, bibliography, and abbreviations list. The goal is to make grammatical information highly accessible through organization and indexing.
This document discusses vowel sounds and their phonetic representations. It provides examples of long and short vowel spellings in English words and identifies the vowel sounds used in 20 example words. The International Phonetic Alphabet was created by the International Phonetic Association in the late 19th century to provide a standardized system for representing sounds in oral languages. A vowel diagram arranges vowels based on the position of the tongue and lips used to produce each sound.
The document discusses morphology, which is the study of the internal structure of words and the rules for word formation. It covers key concepts such as morphemes, the minimal units of meaning; free and bound morphemes; inflectional and derivational morphology; and processes of word formation including compounding, blending, clipping, and others. Examples are provided to illustrate different morphological concepts and rules.
This document discusses phonology and phonetics. Phonology is the study of sound patterns in language, while phonetics is the physical properties and production of speech sounds. A phoneme is a meaningful sound unit in a language, represented between slashes. An allophone is a phonetic realization of a phoneme. For example, the 'p' sound in 'paper' and 'spill' are allophones of the phoneme /p/ in English. Phonemes contrast meaning between words, like 'rowing' vs. 'mowing', while allophones do not change meaning. The minimal pairs test examines if two sounds can change the meaning of words when swapped, like "take" vs. "tape".
Pronunciation refers to how words are spoken in a given language. The document provides examples of reading drills for short and long vowel sounds like /a/, /e/, /i/ and consonant sounds like /p/, /f/, /th/ in English. It also defines diphthongs as combinations of vowel sounds and provides reading drills for diphthongs like /ou/ and /oi/.
1. The document discusses the history and concepts of morphology, including the separation of levels in linguistics and morphological interfaces.
2. It provides a brief history of morphology from scholars like Sir William Jones in 1786 and Franz Bopp in 1816 who studied the connections between languages.
3. The document examines the separation of levels in linguistics based on scholars like Katamba from 1993 and Hanafi from 2002, and discusses the morpho-phonological and morpho-syntactical interfaces.
The document provides an overview of the history and theories surrounding the concept of the phoneme. It traces discussions of the phoneme back to ancient linguists and discusses key developments in how it has been conceptualized over time by different schools of thought, including being viewed as a physical reality, psychological notion, set of features, and abstract mental representation. The timeline highlights contributions from structuralism to modern generative linguistics in how the nature and definition of the phoneme has evolved.
This document discusses English suffixes, including both inflectional and derivational suffixes. It provides examples of common inflectional suffixes in English like -s, -ed, and -ing. It also explains that derivational suffixes can carry lexical information and form new words. The document then lists several common noun, verb, adjective and adverb suffixes in English and provides examples of how words are formed using these suffixes.
The syllable is the basic unit of speech that is studied both phonetically and phonologically. [1] Phonetically, the syllable consists of a center with little airflow obstruction (usually a vowel) surrounded by segments with greater obstruction. [2] Phonologically, the prevailing view is that the syllable has a hierarchical structure with three constituents - the Onset, Peak (nucleus/vowel), and Coda. [3] This structure can be represented graphically using tree diagrams.
Phonemes are the smallest units of sound in a language that are used to distinguish meaning. In English there are approximately 44 phonemes represented by 26 letters and letter combinations. Phonemes can vary phonetically as allophones without changing the meaning, such as the "p" sound in "pin" and "spin" both being allophones of the phoneme "p". To identify the phonemes in a word, it must be segmented, or broken down, into its individual sounds.
This document discusses key concepts in phonology, the study of sound systems in language. It defines phonology and phonetics, with phonology dealing with how sounds are organized in a language and phonetics concerning physical properties of sounds. Phonemes are classes of sounds perceived as the same, while allophones are variant realizations of the same phoneme. Contrastive sounds distinguish meaning, while complementary and free variant sounds do not. Distribution and minimal pairs are used to determine if sounds are contrastive.
Synonyms are words that have the same or nearly the same meaning. Antonyms are words with opposite meanings. There are several types of antonyms including gradable, relational, and complementary antonyms. Hyponyms are words that fall under the same broader category or hypernym. For example, different colors are hyponyms of the hypernym "color" and various musical instruments are hyponyms under the category of "musical instruments". The document discusses the definitions and examples of synonyms, different types of antonyms, and hyponyms.
Intonation refers to the pitch patterns used in speech. It is how we say things rather than what we say, and without intonation it is impossible to understand expressions and thoughts conveyed through words. Intonation patterns group words into tone units that package information and convey attitudes. The placement of stress and pitch movement within and between tone units is important for meaning.
This document discusses key concepts in morphology including:
1. Morphology is the study of word structure and formation from morphemes. Morphemes are the smallest units of meaning.
2. There are two types of morphemes - free morphemes which can stand alone as words, and bound morphemes which must be attached to other morphemes.
3. Words are formed through processes like derivation using affixes, compounding, reduplication, blending, clipping, and other methods.
4. Morphology interacts with phonology through morphophonemic rules which determine pronunciation of affixes.
This document discusses morphology and language teaching and learning. It begins by defining morphology as the study of word structures and forms. It then discusses different morphological concepts like lexemes, word forms, affixes, bases, roots and allomorphs. It also covers morphological patterns such as affixation, base modification, conversion, and sign language morphology. The key information provided is definitions and explanations of important morphological terms and concepts.
This document discusses the interaction between morphology and syntax. It begins by defining morphology as concerning word formation, and syntax as concerning rules for combining words into phrases and sentences. While morphology and syntax generally deal with different levels, they interact in several ways. Inflectional morphology carries grammatical meaning and is relevant to syntax. Argument structure, passive and anti-passive constructions, causatives, applicatives, and noun incorporation involve interactions between a verb's arguments and morphology. Clitics, phrasal verbs, and phrasal compounds exist at the morphology-syntax interface.
This document provides an overview of syntax, which studies sentence structure. It discusses that speakers can produce an infinite number of sentences through combining words and phrases. It also covers parts of speech, including nouns, verbs, adjectives, and more. Additionally, it explains that English follows a subject-verb-object word order and introduces the concept of phrases, including how they can be identified and moved around in sentences.
This document discusses the key concepts of generative grammar including:
- Generative grammar defines syntactic structures and generates all grammatical sentences of a language using a finite set of rules.
- Syntax is the study of how words are combined into phrases and sentences. Phrases are groupings of words headed by a lexical category.
- Sentences contain lexical categories like nouns, verbs, adjectives as well as functional categories like determiners and auxiliaries.
- Verbs select complements like objects, predicates, and clauses that are required, while adjuncts provide optional details like time and manner.
- Recursion allows categories to embed within each other, generating infinitely long phrases.
This document discusses syntax and syntactic transfer between languages. It covers topics like word order, relative clauses, and negation. Regarding word order, it notes that the vast majority of languages use Subject-Verb-Object, Verb-Subject-Object, or Subject-Object-Verb structures, and that word order rigidity varies between languages. Relative clauses also differ based on whether a language uses left-branching or right-branching structures. Negation involves different rules across languages for expressing negation through words, prefixes, suffixes or multiple elements.
This contribution investigates the unaccusative hypothesis driving data from Embosí language regarding unergative predicates. It comes out from discussion that if Split intransitive is a cross linguistically based phenomenon, its diagnostic tests are rather linguistic parameters of variation. Perlmutter (1978) puts forward three different forms of unaccusative hypothesis, then I assert that it is his second form which suits and meets its explanatory adequacy cross linguistically. Moreover, Embosí resorts to two tests namely nominalization and cognate objects to diagnose unergative predicates. Finally, unergativity is related to agentivity and volition.
This document is a student paper on phonological rules in English. It defines phonology and phonological rules, explaining that rules describe how underlying phonemes are realized as surface allophones based on neighboring sounds. The paper then describes five common types of phonological rules: assimilation, dissimilation, deletion, insertion, and metathesis. It provides examples for each type and concludes that studying these rules helps understand how mental language is translated to spoken language.
The document discusses phonetic form (PF) and logical form (LF) as interface levels between language and other cognitive systems. PF and LF connect the computational system of grammar to physical sound realization and semantic meaning. The document also discusses syntactic movement and how it relates deep structure to surface structure through traces. Binding theory deals with how referring expressions like pronouns relate to other noun phrases in a sentence.
Anaphors and Pronominals in Tiv: Government-Binding ApproachIsaac Kuna
This document discusses anaphors and pronominals in the Tiv language using the Government-Binding theory framework. It begins with an abstract that introduces GB theory and its three binding conditions. It then provides background on Tiv language classification and morphology. The main body describes GB theory's government and binding principles and how they apply to Tiv anaphors and pronominals. Tiv exhibits unique morphosyntactic structures for anaphors and pronominals in terms of coindexation and referential expressions. The paper analyzes examples to show how Tiv anaphors and pronominals function in sentences based on their antecedents and governors.
Morphology is the study of word structure and formation. Words can be broken down into smaller meaning-bearing units called morphemes, which can be free-standing words or affixes. There are two main types of morphemes: derivational morphemes change a word's meaning or class, while inflectional morphemes provide grammatical information without changing meaning or class. The main word formation processes in English are affixation (adding prefixes and suffixes), compounding (joining free morphemes), and blending (merging two words).
Available online at www.sciencedirect.comLanguage Sciences 3.docxrock73
Available online at www.sciencedirect.com
Language Sciences 31 (2009) 213–238
www.elsevier.com/locate/langsci
How (not) to do phonological typology: the case of pitch-accent
Larry M. Hyman
Department of Linguistics, University of California, Berkeley, CA 94720-2650, USA
Abstract
In this paper I argue for a property-driven approach to phonological typology. Rather than seeking to classify or label
languages, the central goal of phonological typology is to determine how different languages systematize the phonetic sub-
stance available to all languages. The paper focuses on a very murky area in phonological typology, word-prosodic sys-
tems. While there is agreement that certain properties converge to characterize two prosodic prototypes, tone and
stress, the term ‘‘pitch-accent” is frequently adopted to refer to a defective tone system whose tone is obligatory, culmina-
tive, privative, metrical, and/or restricted in distribution. Drawing from a database of ca. 600 tone systems, I show that
none of these properties is found in all systems claimed to be accentual and that all five are amply attested in canonical
tone systems. Since all one can say is that alleged pitch-accent systems exhibit significant constraints on the distribution
of their tonal contrasts, they do not constitute a coherent prosodic ‘‘type”. Rather, alleged ‘‘pitch-accent” systems freely
pick-and-choose properties from the tone and stress prototypes, producing mixed, ambiguous, and sometimes analytically
indeterminate systems which appear to be ‘‘intermediate”. There thus is no pitch-accent prototype, nor can prosodic sys-
tems be treated as a continuum placed along a single linear dimension. The paper concludes that the goal of prosodic typol-
ogy should not be to classify languages, but rather the properties of their subsystems.
� 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Keywords: Culminativity; Metrical structure pitch-accent; Privativity; Stress; Tonal density; Tone; Typology
1. Introduction
The goal of this paper is to argue for what I will term PROPERTY-DRIVEN TYPOLOGY, particularly as it applies
to phonology, which I will illustrate via some of the claims made about so-called pitch-accent languages.
Within the literature, there have been two ways of talking about typology (and by extension, phonological
typology). The first defines the goal of typology as the classification of languages according to their properties.
Thus, for Hagège (1992, p. 7), typology strives to provide ‘‘. . .a principled way of classifying the languages of
the world by the most significant properties which distinguish one from another.” Vajda (2001) takes a similar
position with respect to phonological typology: ‘‘. . .it is possible to classify languages according to the
phonemes they contain. . . typology is the study of structural features across languages. Phonological typology
involves comparing languages according to the number or type of sounds they contain.” A second way of
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This document provides an overview of morphological structure in English words. It discusses morphemes, their classification and identification. Specifically, it defines morphemes, allomorphs, and different types of morphemes. It also explains the relationships between morphemes, roots, stems, bases and affixes in word formation. Key points covered include the differences between free and bound morphemes, derivational and inflectional morphemes, and content/lexical versus grammatical morphemes. Examples are provided to illustrate morphological analysis and identification of morphemes in words.
In linguistics, alternation is a variation in the form and/or sound of a word or word part. (Alternation is equivalent to allomorphs in morphology.) Also known as alternance.
A form involved in an alternation is called an alternant. The customary symbol for alternation is ~.
American linguist Leonard Bloomfield defined an automatic alternation as one that's "determined by the phonemes of the accompanying forms" ("A Set of Postulates for the Science of Language," 1926). An alternation that affects only some morphemes of a particular phonological form is called non-automatic or non-recurrent alternation.
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1. Nouns and Verbs in
Tagalog: A reply to Foley
PAUL KROEGER
Asia SIL
School Draft of paper
to be presented at the 3rd LFG Conference,
Brisbane 30 June - 3 July, 1998
Presented by: Naomie B. Daguinotas, MSU-IIT
2. “any English noun can be verbed.”
In Tagalog too it appears that any
noun can be verbed; and moreover,
that any verb can be nouned.
3. The evidence that “any verb can be
nouned” is syntactic, specifically
distributional.
any inflected verb form can
apparently function as the head
of a NP
4. The evidence that “any noun can
be verbed” is primarily
morphological.
any noun root can take verbal
inflectional affixes.
But there is distributional evidence
as well, in that any noun can
function as a clausal predicate.
5. Foley proposes that, while it
may be possible to assign fully
inflected forms to one category or
another, Tagalog roots are “pre-
categorial”, i.e. there is no
distinction in the lexicon between
V roots and N roots.
6. VOICE SYSTEM - “symmetric”
Three Crucial Features:
(i) the lack of an unmarked voice category (there
is no form of the verb which is not marked for voice);
(ii) the non-demotion of agents in non-active
clauses (agents always seem to function as terms, or core
arguments, rather than obliques)
(iii) multiple voice categories (various types of
arguments, not just direct objects, can be promoted directly to
subject)
7. Foley’s claim:
There is a cross-linguistic correlation
between these two properties, i.e. pre-
categorial roots and symmetric voice
systems.
Pre-categoriality is a prerequisite for
symmetric voice, based on the
assumption that precategorial roots have
no inherent argument structure.
Foley’s explanation:
8. MAJOR IMPLICATIONS FOR THE PROPER
ANALYSIS OF PHILIPPINE-TYPE LANGUAGES
if he is correct that Tagalog roots are
pre-categorial, then Tagalog would
constitute a counter-example to the
claim by Jelinek & Demers (1994) that the
lack of a Noun/Verb contrast is only
possible in “pronominal argument”
languages, i.e. languages where only
pronominal clitics and agreement affixes
can function as syntactic arguments.
9. KROEGER’S CHALLENGE
TO FOLEY’S CONCLUSIONS
present evidence for underlying
argument structure in another
Philippine-type language,
Kimaragang
show that Tagalog voice affixation
has a different function on nominal
roots than it does on verbal roots
10. KROEGER’S CHALLENGE
TO FOLEY’S CONCLUSIONS
question whether the Salish and
Wakashan languages can truly be
said to have symmetric voice in
Foley’s sense.
12. 1. Distribution of the stem prefixes
(two verbal prefixes, po- and poN-)
A number of verbal roots in Kimaragang
can occur in two slightly different senses,
some of which correspond fairly closely to
the spray/load alternations in English.
The contrast between the two senses is
often indicated by the choice of prefix.
13. Example:
(1)Ø-po-suwang okuh ditih sada sid pata’an.
AV-Ui-enter SG.NOM this(ACC) fish DAT basket
I will put this fish in a/the basket.
(2) Monuwang(m-poN-suwang) okuh do pata’an do sada.
AV-Ug-enter SG.NOM ACC basket ACC fish
I will fill a basket with fish.
14. In (1) the speaker views the action as
primarily directed toward the theme,
whereas in (2) the action is viewed as
primarily directed toward the goal.
Kroeger (1996) analyzes alternations of this
type as reflecting alternative perspectives
from which the speaker may choose to view
the same basic event.
15. The choice of perspective can be
represented in terms of the alignment
between thematic roles (agent,
theme, goal etc.) and the “action
roles” or macro-roles Actor and
Undergoer (Foley and Van Valin, 1984; Jackendoff, 1987, 1990).
16. Specifically, the perspective expressed
depends on the choice of Undergoer, or
“logical object”.
17. When the goal is the Undergoer, as in (1), it
takes accusative case and must be
interpreted as being completely affected by
the action.
When the theme is the Undergoer, as in (2),
it must be interpreted as being individuated
as well as completely affected, while the goal
takes dative case.
18. No matter which argument is chosen
as Undergoer, any of the three
arguments can be selected as Pivot
(i.e. grammatical subject) by the
addition of the appropriate voice affix.
In (1&2), the Pivot is the Actor because
the verbs are inflected for Active
Voice.
21. The full range of voice marking options
is summarized in the following table:
22. A similar pattern of alternations is found
with the verb taak ‘give’.
• When the theme is selected as Undergoer
(po- ), it is the theme’s change of position
or location which is the most salient
component of meaning.
• When the goal is selected as Undergoer
(poN- ), the central element of meaning is
the goal’s gaining legal ownership of the
theme.
23. A similar pattern of alternations is found
with the verb taak ‘give’.
• When the theme is selected as Undergoer
(po- ), it is the theme’s change of position
or location which is the most salient
component of meaning.
• When the goal is selected as Undergoer
(poN- ), the central element of meaning is
the goal’s gaining legal ownership of the
theme.
24. The full paradigm for the verb ‘give’, is
given in the following table:
25. Example: the root pilay ‘throw’.
When the theme is selected as Undergoer
pilay ), the resulting verb forms simply mean
‘throw’ as in “John threw the ball into the
river”, and the goal takes oblique case
marking.
When the goal is selected as Undergoer
pilay ), the resulting verb forms mean ‘to
at’ or ‘to stone’, as in “John threw sticks at the
mangoes (to knock them down).”
26. When the goal is selected as Pivot, it takes
Objective Voice (like a typical patient) rather
than Dative Voice:
28. Foley claims that in Philippine languages there
is no process of applicative formation which
distinct from voice (Pivot selection).
He argues that Philippine verb roots
have no underlying argument
structure: voice affixation
simultaneously creates the
argument structure and identifies
one of the arguments as Pivot.
29. This analysis will not work for Kimaragang.
For transitive verbs of the agent-patient
type, the patient is the strongly favored
choice for Undergoer. Verbs of this type
have an optional instrument role.
30. Non-Pivot instruments take ACC case, as
illustrated in (a); but the instrument may also be
selected as Pivot, as in (b), in which case the verb
must carry the stem prefix poN- .
31. Under unusual circumstances, the instrument (rather
than the patient) may be selected as Undergoer. This
construction is used where the speaker is chiefly
interested in the effect of the action on the
rather than the patient.
32. The full paradigm for the verb tibas ‘slash’ is
given in the following table:
33. Kroeger (1996) refers to the argument
structure configuration in which the
instrument is selected as Undergoer as
the INSTRUMENTAL APPLICATIVE
construction. The crucial point for our
present purposes is that the modification
of argument structure is independent of
voice affixation.
34. The LOCATIVE APPLICATIVE
construction creates transitive verbs from
intransitive roots, e.g. ‘sit’ > ‘sit on’; ‘sleep’
> ‘sleep at (to guard)’; ‘swim’ > ‘swim for
(to fetch)’; etc.
35. The pattern with the BENEFACTIVE
APPLICATIVE construction is somewhat
different, in that the applied Undergoer
(the Benefactive) must be selected as
Pivot.
36. Kroeger (1996) suggests that this is due
to a morphological blocking principle.
This blocking effect avoids the potential
ambiguity of the Active Voice form, which
would otherwise be m-poN-V for both
the basic transitive and the benefactive
applicative senses of the root.
37. SUMMARY OF THE DISTRIBUTION OF
THE KIMARAGANG STEM PREFIXES PO-
AND PON-
1. Argument structure (including the alignment
of arguments to macro-roles) is determined
prior to any affixation.
2. Applicative formation involves
modifications of the argument structure
which are prior to, and independent of,
voice (or any other) affixation
39. Foley points out that the form of an
aspectless gerund is predictable from
the form of the corresponding Actor
Pivot verb form.
He interprets this to mean that the
gerunds must be derived from the
Actor Pivot forms, i.e. that voice
affixation must precede the formation
of gerunds.
40. (Following de Guzman (1992, 1996)
Kroeger assumes that the Actor Pivot
voice markers mag- and maN- are
underlyingly composed of the voice
marker -um- ~ m- plus a stem affix pag-
or paN- .)
41. The stem-forming prefixes also occur in several of
the “adjunct Pivot” constructions, i.e. voice forms
in which a peripheral argument or non-argument
is selected as Pivot though some of these forms
may actually be nominalizations.
42. Analysis of the “adjunct Pivot” forms would
contradict Foley’s account of applicative
formation:
43. It is quite common for a single verb root to
occur in more than one stem form, each stem
corresponding to a distinct sense of the root.
EXAMPLES:
*transitive-intransitive pairs
mamatay ‘die’ vs. pumatay ‘kill’
*transitive-ditransitive pairs
umabot ‘reach for’ vs. magabot ‘hand to
someone’
*reciprocal forms
bumili ‘buy’ vs. magbili ‘sell’; etc
45. A few stems exceptionally bear the stem prefix
pag- in all voices. Example: word meaning
‘sell’, which is distinguished from the word for
‘buy’ only by the presence of the stem prefix:
47. Simple clauses in which the predicate is an adjective
(a), a noun (b), a PP (c) and a verb (d):
48. Modifiers within a NP can occur either before
or after the head noun.
In either case, the modifier is joined to the
head by a linking particle which has two
allomorphs: na after consonants and =ng
after vowels.
Modifiers may be adjectives, nouns, PPs or
verbal clauses which lack an independent
Pivot. NPs which contain clausal modifiers
are, of course, Relative Clauses, and the Pivot
is always the relativized position
49.
50.
51. The NPs in illustrate how adjectives, PPs and
verbal clauses can be used as nominal
elements.
52. Example of “nominalized clauses”; form
the major part of the basis for the claim
that “any verb can be nouned” in Tagalog.
53. The parallelism between the function of the
modifying elements in NPs with heads vs. those
without is made explicit in the following
examples:
54. Kroeger (1993) argues that Tagalog clauses
exhibit two different phrase structure patterns:
1. CONFIGURATIONAL structure - the
predicate phrase forms a constituent distinct
from the subject
2. NON-CONFIGURATIONAL (or “flat”)
structure - the word order is quite free
provided the lexical head of the predicate (X0,
which may be a verb, noun, adjective or
preposition) is the first element within the
small clause S.
58. This difference between verbal and
non-verbal clauses provides a clear
distributional test for distinguishing
between verbs and all other lexical
categories: only a verb can
function as the predicate of a
verbal clause.
60. Schachter (1985) pointed out a
simple morphological test for
distinguishing verbs from other
parts of speech: only verbs can be
inflected for aspect.
61. Foley suggests that the voice affixes have
only one function, namely to derive verbs
from pre-categorial roots (nominalizations
involving these affixes being created
through a secondary process).
The key issue :
1. the function of the voice markers
2. the morphological process(es)
involved when they are added to a
root.
62. The addition of the voice marker triggers
three changes:
(i) the semantic representation of the
resulting stem acquires an Event
variable <E>, which marks it as being a
verb
(ii) the stem acquires an argument
structure
(iii) one argument is selected as Pivot.
64. Foley states:
... clear cases of lexical derivational processes
of nominalization are actually impossible to
find in the language [i.e. Tagalog], in spite of
the fact that nominalization is an extremely
common derivational process
crosslinguistically. All morphemes which could
be claimed to derive nominals are also used
with derived verb forms: there are no unique
nominalization affixes, a highly salient
typological fact.
65. When added to verbal roots or stems, it
forms agentive nominals which Schachter
and Otanes gloss as meaning ‘the person
employed or delegated to perform the
action’.
When affixed to locative nominals, it
creates forms meaning ‘person from X’.
66.
67. Distinguishing two quite distinct uses for
certain affixes in Tagalog: one purely
verbal and inflectional, the other
derivational.
Example from Kimaragang:
infix -in- (which marks realis aspect in
Tagalog) - used as a simple past tense
marker with verbal forms.
69. Similar examples are found in Tagalog involving the
suffixes -in and -an. In addition to nominalizations of
verbal roots like those cited by Foley, -an can be
added to nominal roots as well.
70. When nominalizations are formed by
adding one of these suffixes to a verbal
root, the derived noun may be
homophonous with an infinitival
Objective Voice verb, e.g. awitin (N)
‘song’; (V) ‘to be sung’.
71. Phonological differences; the contrast in
application of the vowel deletion rule or the
nominalization and corresponding verbal form
may bear different suffixes
72.
73. • The same affix can be added to the same
root to produce two words which differ
both in syntactic category and (at least
potentially) in semantic content.
• The phonological and morphological
contrasts illustrated above cannot
plausibly be determined by syntactic
context, but must be specified at the word
level.
74. • The suffixes -in and -an can be used
derivationally to produce nominalized
forms.
• When the nominalization involves a verbal
root, the same combination of root plus
affix may also occur as an infinitival verb,
which can then be further inflected for
aspect etc.
76. Fully inflected verbs can be
formed from either class.
Foley cites this fact as a major part
of his motivation for denying the
distinction between nominal and
verbal roots.
77. In particular, Tagalog exhibits
less semantic regularity in the
use of the voice markers than is
found in many other
Philippinetype languages.
78. The kinds of evidence which support this claim can be
summarized as follows:
1. with V roots:
a. voice is obligatory and productive
b. all arguments can be selected as Pivot (for most
verbs)
c. voice affixes which select core arguments do not
affect lexical meaning
2. with N roots:
a. voice is optional and lexically governed (allowed on
many but not all roots)
b. voice is sporadic, with many gaps in paradigms
c. voice is semantically unpredictable (changes
meaning in unpredictable ways)
d. different voice markers may induce very different
meanings
79. • Noun roots occur most frequently in
their base form, and it is this unaffixed
form which expresses the basic lexical
meaning of the root.
• Voice affixation with nominal roots is
sporadic and lexically determined:
noun roots can be inflected as (derived)
verbs, but by no means all.
80. • It is actually not the case that “any
noun can be verbed” in the
morphological sense. And there
seems to be no way to predict
which roots have corresponding
verbal forms and which ones don’t.
82. • Voice affixation does not change the basic
meaning of a verbal root, at least when it
selects one of the core arguments as Pivot.
However, voice affixation always changes
the basic meaning of a nominal root, often
in unpredictable ways.
84. Contrast with the semantically irregular verbal forms
derived from nominal roots
85. • The need to distinguish between the
inflectional and derivational uses of the
voice marking affixes is further
demonstrated by the fact that some words
contain two different voice affixes.
• This fact is surprising because the Pivot of
any clause, i.e. the NP whose semantic role
is indicated by the voice marker, must be
unique.
86. The other must be purely derivational in function.
Examples:
88. The Salish and Wakashan
languages of the Pacific Northwest
provide some of the best known
examples of apparent pre-
categoriality.
Foley points out
- there are a number of striking
parallels between Tagalog and
Kwakwala.
89. Based on the data cited by Foley:
There appears to be no structural
difference between verbal and non-verbal
clauses in Kwakwala.
The same appears to be true in Salish (Jelinek
&Demers, 1994).
All predicates, whether they name
entities, states or actions, take the same kind
inflectional marking.
90. The situation in Tagalog is quite
different.
Verbal clauses in Tagalog are
distinguished from non-verbal clauses
(a)obligatorily “flat” phrase structure,
(b)obligatory inflection of the predicate
for voice and (except in the case of
imperatives) aspect
91. There seems to be little evidence
of a “symmetric” voice system in
Kwakwala or Salish.
In both cases, the active form of the verb
is unmarked for voice; passives of various
kinds are formed by adding affixes to the
active form, and passive agents take OBL
case marking.
92. Foley argues
…passive agents in Kwakwala are not
really obliques, but remain as direct
arguments in spite of their case
marking.
The only explicit piece of evidence for
this is the fact that passive agents can
be expressed as clitic pronouns.
93. Passive agents in Malay are clearly
obliques, but they can be expressed
by pronominal clitics
94. Foley argues
The active form in Kwakwala is not
unmarked for voice, but is actually
marked by a zero morpheme.
Reason: Voice form stands in
paradigmatic contrast with the passive
voice marker -su? ~ -¬ and the
instrumental voice marker -ayu .
95. What identifies an active verb as being
active is its lack of marking.
Since this lack of marking is
it has the same status and is just as
“real” as the other voice-marking
affixes with which it contrasts.
“Ø is just one option in a paradigmatic
cell of options and no more basic than
the others” (Foley, p. 43).
96. Foley has emphasized the fact that all
verb forms in Tagalog bear overt voice
affixes, taking this lack of an unmarked
voice category as a defining
characteristic of “symmetric” voice
systems.
… the main difference between the
English and Tagalog systems is simply
the number of voice categories.
98. From the claim that Kwakwala has a
zero morpheme which marks active
voice,
Foley infers
…the possibility that in some language,
a zero morpheme could mark different
voice categories for different roots.
e.g. Bilaan (or Blaan)
99. Cena (1977), de Guzman (1992)
…a handful of verbal roots exist which
are exceptions to the generalization
stated that they may in fact occur
without voice affixation
The uninflected forms of these
roots always select the Undergoer as
Pivot; and the bare root form is found
in free variation with an equivalent
inflected form, usually marked for
Objective Voice.
101. Note:
• These unmarked verb roots lack not
only voice but also aspectual affixes,
even though both categories are
normally obligatory for the
predicate of a verbal sentence.
102. • The pattern does not just involve a lack
of voice marking, but a total lack of all
affixation, a special use of the bare root
form which can be interpreted as
carrying any of the possible tense/aspect
combinations, depending on context.
• refer to these forms as “finite roots”
103. Interesting aspects of the Blaan voice
system.
*Blaan has only two (overt) voice affixes:
-m-, marking Actor as Pivot
-n-, marking non-Actor (normally
patient, recipient, goal or path) as Pivot.
104. • The sources from which Foley draws his Blaan
data (Abrams, 1961 and Rhea, 1972; argue
that
…the Pivot selection of this unmarked form of
the verb reflects the basic “orientation” (i.e. the
default voice category) of the root.
…use the term “pre-focus” to suggest that a
basic voice category is already selected before
any “focus” affix is added to the root.
105. Verbs derived from nominal roots have
no “pre-focus” form.
These roots can only be used in their verbal
sense when they bear an overt voice-
affix
(e.g.) *lifo ‘fire’ > mlifo/nlifo ‘to cook’
*dado ‘plough’ > dmado/dnado ‘to plough’
*bà ‘mouth’ > mbà ‘to bark’ (of a dog); nbà
‘to bark at’
106. Most unaccusative verbs are
unmarked when used in their basic
intransitive sense.
• includes verbs meaning fall, break, rest,
stand, trip, sneeze, yawn, hungy, full, itch,
tickle, sting, know how, sleep , etc.
• However, some of these also have a
transitive sense (generally causative, e.g. to fell (a
tree), to break something, to stand something up, to
rest something ) which is always overtly marked
for either Actor or Undergoer Pivot.
107. Is it plausible to analyze the
unaccusative verbs as bearing a Ø
voice affix?
108. • Note: Ø contrasts with both of the
overt voice affixes with these roots,
unaccusatives never allow an
instrumental Pivot.
• Therefore, the zero morpheme
would require positing a new voice
category in Blaan, one which is never
overtly marked and which selects as
Pivot only the subjects of unaccsutive
verbs.
109. • There seems to be a fairly close correlation
between the semantic category of a verbal root
and its inflectional class
i.e. its basic voice orientation or “pre-focus” type.
However, it is not possible to predict the orientation of
a root on the basis of semantics alone.
Example:
Some experiencer predicates select the experiencer as
Pivot in their basic form (e.g. ‘itch’, ‘tickle’, ‘hungry’,
‘full’, ‘know how’).
110. Some roots belonging to the
instrument-oriented set are rarely used
in their basic, unaffixed form.
One such root is basa ‘to read’,
which normally bears either the Actor
Pivot or Undergoer Pivot voice markers.
111. A root’s orientation is determined by its
morphosyntactic features, and not
(directly) by its semantic content.
Instrument-oriented roots are not those
which refer to actions or situations
requiring the use of an instrument, but
rather those which allow an instrument
to occur as an optional argument in
argument structure.
112. Thus the existence of “pre-focus” in
Blaan seems to require the existence of
a basic argument structure associated
with each verbal root.
The orientation of the root is the result
a default association of one particular
argument in argument structure with the
grammatical relation Pivot (or subject).
114. *The voice marking patterns of Tagalog do
in fact require us to distinguish verb roots
from noun roots.
*The evidence presented from Kimaragang
and Blaan seems to require us to posit an
underlying argument structure as part of
the lexical entry of verb roots.
*If these conclusions are valid, pre-
categoriality cannot be used to account for
the unique features of Philippine voice
systems.
115. How then should these systems be
analyzed?
• The characteristics which distinguish
Philippine voice systems from “normal”
accusative-type systems include:
(a) multiple voice categories (typically 4 or more)
(b) non-demotion of the agent in non-
active clauses
(c) “patient preference” -- definite
Undergoers are normally chosen as subject
in basic transitive clauses
116. • The difficulty of this problem is
attested by the quantity and variety
of solutions that have been
proposed.
• Foley is to be commended for
providing convincing rebuttals to
several of these, and in the process
helping to clarify the central issues
at stake.
As Foley (1998) points out, this question has been a matter of serious debate for almost 100 years, and opinion among specialists in Philippine languages continues to be divided.
Thus we seem to have neither distributional nor morphological criteria for distinguishing between nouns and verbs.
A second important feature of Tagalog, and Philippine-type languages generally, is their extremely rich voice system. Foley describes these voice systems as being “symmetric”.
As evidence he points to another group of languages, those of the Pacific Northwest, which appear to exhibit a very similar constellation of properties.
show that Tagalog voice affixation has a different function on nominal roots than it does on verbal roots:
This implies that Tagalog roots are not in fact pre-categorial; rather, their lexical entries must include information about their basic category (N, V, A etc.). The appearance of pre-categoriality is primarily due to three factors: (a) the common use of headless relative clauses; (b) the lack of any copular element; and (c) the fact that many verbal inflectional affixes also have highly productive derivational uses.
Foley (pp. 16-20) discusses some Kimaragang data relating to the distribution of two verbal prefixes, po- and poN-
Both of these examples involve the same basic action and the same set of arguments (agent, theme, goal). But in addition to the alternation in the case marking of the goal argument (the basket), which gets accusative case in (1b) but dative case in (1a), there is a corresponding semantic difference as well. The form Ø-po-suwang in (1a) could be used for a single fish, or for any specified number of fish, whether or not the basket was completely filled. The form mpoN-suwang in (1b) could never be used for a single fish; it requires that the basket be completely filled, and implies that there is an indefinite and large amount of fish available.
The choice of perspective can be represented in terms of the alignment between thematic roles (agent, theme, goal etc.) and the “action roles” or macro-roles Actor and Undergoer (Foley and Van Valin, 1984; Jackendoff, 1987, 1990).
The choice of perspective can be represented in terms of the alignment between thematic roles (agent, theme, goal etc.) and the “action roles” or macro-roles Actor and Undergoer (Foley and Van Valin, 1984; Jackendoff, 1987, 1990).
For this reason, there is no clear distinction between core arguments and peripheral arguments or adjuncts: “... nonsubcategorized arguments like locatives and instrumentals [are] directly accessible to PIVot function without going through an intermediate applicative derivation” (p. 46).
As the table demonstrates, the instrument may be aligned with the Undergoer macro-role whether or not it is selected as Pivot and whether or not a stem prefix is present. So applicative formation is morphologically unmarked, like the Dative Shift or Locative Alternations in English.
In the basic intransitive sense there is no Undergoer, and so no stem prefix occurs in any voice. Applicative formation alters the argument structure by marking the locative argument as Undergoer, creating a transitive verb. When the locative Undergoer is not selected as Pivot, the verb must bear the stem prefix poN- . Once again we see that applicative formation is prior to, and independent of, voice or any other specific affixation
“AIA” stands for “Ability and Involuntary Action”. Kroeger (1993) refers to these forms as “non-volitive”.
Clearly the stem prefix which a given verb bears in its Actor Pivot form is also found in a fairly wide range of other forms.
But it is difficult to imagine a coherent analysis based on the claim that all of these forms are derived from the Actor Pivot form.
But as was the case in Kimaragang, we cannot in general analyze the stem prefix itself as signalling the derivation of these various senses. This is because the stem prefix is normally not present when the Pivot is a non-Actor core argument.
But for the vase majority of pag- verbs, the stem prefix does not occur when the Pivot is a core argument other than the Actor.9 At the very least, this fact seems to indicate that there must be a distinction between underlying arguments and adjuncts in Tagalog grammar.
The distributional similarities mentioned above between nouns and verbs in Tagalog apply equally to adjectives and even PPs. Each of the four categories may appear as (i) a clausal predicate, (ii) a modifier within the NP, or (iii) a noun phrase.
The plural marker is used in these examples to make their status as NPs obvious. Examples like (18d) are often referred to as “nominalized clauses”, and form the major part of the basis for the claim that “any verb can be nouned” in Tagalog.
The (a) sentences in the following three examples illustrate the configurational structure in (20a), with the predicate phrase forming an unbroken constituent. The (b) sentences in these examples illustrate the non-configurational structure in (20b), with the subject and other elements appearing “inside” the predicate phrase
Examples like these show that neither the verb plus its object nor the verb plus its actor form a constituent which can “host” a clitic. No other combination of verb plus arguments forms such a unit either. In other words, only the non-configurational structure available for verbal clauses
Within a strict lexicalist framework, the distributional facts discussed in the preceding section are largely irrelevant to Foley’s core proposals. Syntactic distribution is a property of fully inflected words, whereas Foley’s pre-categoriality proposal applies only to root forms. Thus it seems that this issue must be decided primarily on morphological grounds.
(This fact also provides an additional means of identifying verbal clauses: the predicate of a verbal clause is obligatorily inflected for voice and, aside from imperative clauses, aspect.) However, once again this test is not directly relevant to Foley’s hypothesis, since it applies only to fully inflected words and not roots. All verbs can be inflected for aspect, whether they are derived from verbal, nominal, or adjectival roots.
He goes on to argue that the same function is involved whether the root is semantically nominal or verbal
This derived verbal form can then be changed into a noun by being used as the head of NP. Thus there is no need, and in fact no basis, for distinguishing between nominal and verbal roots.
This derived verbal form can then be changed into a noun by being used as the head of NP. Thus there is no need, and in fact no basis, for distinguishing between nominal and verbal roots.
The last part of this claim is probably not literally true. One affix which seems to function only as a nominalizer is the prefix taga-.
But Foley’s point is that the overwhelming majority of nominalizations in Tagalog are formed with affixes which also occur as verbal affixes (the voice markers in particular, but also the causative prefix and several others). This observation is presented in support of his claim that nouns are not formed in the lexicon, but in the syntax: any word becomes a noun when it occurs in a nominal position, specifically when it is governed by a Determiner (i.e. a case marker). This is part of the reasoning behind his statement (p. 35) that the voice marking affixes in Tagalog “derive verbs primarily and any nominal uses are strictly secondary.”
Aside from the change of category, nominalization differs from the inflectional use of the infix in its semantic effect. When the past tense marker is added to a verb, no other change of meaning is involved. But as the examples above illustrate, nominalization typically involves a semantic narrowing, often in unpredictable ways. There are some apparent cases of nominalization where there is no synchronic semantic relationship between the nominalized form and its presumed root (tipu ‘break’ ?> tinipu ‘bride-price’). There are other cases where no corresponding root form exists in the language at this time (binatang ‘longhouse’; kinomol ‘tapioca wine; tinasak ‘oil’).
There are no verbal forms corresponding to the nominalizations. Thus these forms cannot be derived from verbs by the kind of syntactic process Foley proposes. The only plausible source seems to be a lexical process of nominalization.
But in other cases, as Himmelmann (1991) and Foley (pp. 34-35) point out, there are often differences in stress placement which serve to distinguish the nominal and verbal form
Therefore the syntactic category of each form is also fixed at the word level, rather than being dependent on phrase structure position.
but this is by no means always the case. Thus the nominalizing function of these suffixes is independent of their voice-marking function
In the preceding section we saw that certain of the voice affixes can be used to derive nouns from either nominal or verbal roots.
But when we examine the function of the voice affixes carefully, I believe we can identify two different patterns of behavior depending on the category of the root. The verbal affixation of Tagalog is notoriously complex, and this brief paper cannot begin to do justice to the subject. (See Ramos (1974) and de Guzman (1978) for fuller treatments.)
However, I believe that even in Tagalog it is possible to demonstrate a fairly clear difference in the use of these affixes between verbal and nominal roots.
As noted above, the first point in this table provides the simplest and most obvious morphological test for distinguishing between nominal and verbal roots. Most verb roots in Tagalog never occur in their base (unaffixed) form.18 When used in their most basic sense (ignoring gerunds, for the moment), they must be inflected at least for voice.
That means that if a single word contains two different voice affixes, at most one of them can be functioning inflectionally to indicate voice.
Examples of this kind of “double voice marking” are actually not uncommon. In every case that I have found, one of the voice affixes is used as a nominalizer, and the resulting nominalization serves in turn as the base for a derived verb form. If Foley were correct that voice affixation always functions to derive verbs, and that Pivot selection is an integral part of this process, it is difficult to see how “double voice marking” could arise.
If it is true that “symmetric voice” systems in Foley’s sense are found only in languages where roots are pre-categorial, this fact would provide strong evidence for a causal relationship between the two patterns of the kind Foley proposes
However, it is important to note that there are some major differences between them as well.
Furthermore, there seems to be no evidence for a difference in phrase structure correlating with the semantic class of the predicate.
However, it is important to note that there are some major differences between them as well.
The situation in Tagalog is quite different.
But it is not true, as Foley claims, that clitic pronouns are always direct (non-oblique) arguments cross-linguistically. For example( next slide)
Other languages (** Romance?? **) have dative pronominal clitics which can function as oblique arguments.
(Since verbal forms in Kwakwala can be freely used as NPs, in a manner similar to the Tagalog headless relative clauses illustrated above, it makes no difference to this issue whether the forms in question are used in argument positions or as clausal predicates.)
aradigm in any language. The same reasoning could be applied to any language which has a contrast between active and passive voice, including English, to show that there is no unmarked voice category.
But his analysis of Kwakwala robs this claim of any empirical content, and implies that the main difference between the English and Tagalog systems is simply the number of voice categories.
. But before considering the Blaan data, let us consider a similar but very limited pattern in Tagalog.
These facts would be difficult to explain if we assume that the finite root forms are created by the addition of a “zero” voice morpheme. If the Ø voice marker is “just one option in a paradigmatic cell of options” and has the same status as any other voice-marking affix, why should its presence block all other affixation?
There is no instrumental voice marker in Blaan. Instruments can only be selected as Pivot with a certain set of lexically specified roots. Apparently all of these roots can be overtly marked for Actor or Undergoer Pivot, using the affixes mentioned above. But when these roots appear without any voice marker, the instrument is the Pivot. With any other root, there is no way to select an instrument as Pivot.
Thus it is clear that there is a lexical distinction between nominal and verbal roots.
Since the unmarked forms express the basic lexical meaning of the corresponding root, the analysis of Abrams and Rhea seems far more plausible, namely that the bare forms are truly unmarked and are associated with the basic or default choice of Pivot.
But when the process of reading Braille was described to them, Blaan speakers without hesitation used the unmarked Instrumental Pivot form to say ‘He is reading with his fingers.’ Similarly, in the appropriate contexts bare instrumental forms can be used to say ‘I smell with my nose’, ‘it flies with its wings’, etc. (all examples from Rhea, 1972).
There is no way to predict that ‘smell’ should belong to this class while ‘hear’ does not. It is simply a fact which must be stipulated in the lexical entry of each root.
Whether the modest proposal sketched very briefly in section 1.1 above can provide a better way of grappling with these issues is a matter for further research.