Lica Porcile's essay, Madness And The Monarchy How Two States Dealt with Two Mad Kings, comprises part of YHR Writes, a selection of excellent essays written by members of our Editorial Board.
The Wars of Religion in France from 1560-1648 and the Thirty Years War from 1618-1648 were both devastating religious conflicts that weakened the power of royal authority in Europe and left the continent divided. The Wars of Religion in France established the Bourbon dynasty and granted Huguenots limited religious rights through the Edict of Nantes. The Thirty Years War ended with the Peace of Westphalia, which established principles of state sovereignty and religious tolerance while curtailing Habsburg power in the Holy Roman Empire. Both conflicts caused widespread death, economic ruin, and political fragmentation across Europe.
The document discusses key events and developments in early modern European history, including the growth of standing armies, the Spanish Armada, the English Civil War, the Thirty Years' War, and the French Revolution. It also covers the Enlightenment, the American Revolution, and influential rulers like King Louis XIV and Czar Peter the Great.
Henry Viii And The Reformation In Englandguest21dc84
1) Henry VIII wanted an annulment of his marriage to Catherine of Aragon so he could marry Anne Boleyn since Catherine had only produced a daughter and no male heir. 2) The Pope refused to grant the annulment since it went against Catholic doctrine. 3) This led Henry to break with Rome and declare himself Supreme Head of the Church of England through the Acts of Supremacy and Succession of 1534.
The document summarizes key events that led to the end of the Middle Ages in Europe, including famine, plague, peasant revolts, and the Hundred Years' War between England and France. It also discusses the decline of papal authority. Specific events mentioned include the Black Death plague which killed a third of Europe's population, the Peasant Revolt in England led by Wat Tyler, and the Battle of Agincourt which was a victory for the English. The war weakened the English monarchy while strengthening the French monarchy under Louis XI. It also discusses Joan of Arc and the divisions in the Catholic Church during the Great Schism.
The Peace of Prague in 1636 ended the civil war aspect of the Thirty Years' War between the Hapsburg Emperor Ferdinand II and the Electorate of Saxony, with Saxony gaining territories. The Franco-Swedish Intervention from 1635 to 1648 involved France and Sweden aiding Protestant forces against the Holy Roman Empire. The Peace of Westphalia in 1646 finally ended the Thirty Years' War, establishing religious toleration within the Holy Roman Empire and redrawing territorial boundaries.
The Thirty Years' War ended in 1648 with the Peace of Westphalia, which established new political boundaries and order in Europe. It affirmed that German princes could determine the religion of their territories and nullified the Edict of Restitution. The Peace of Westphalia also established the sovereignty of states and non-intervention in other states' internal affairs, forming the basis of the modern international system. The war left Germany fragmented politically and economically weakened, while France emerged as the dominant power in Europe.
The Peace of Augsburg in 1555 settled religious differences in Germany by allowing each prince to determine the religion of their subjects, but only permitted Catholicism or Lutheranism. Growing tensions between Catholic and Protestant states led to the formation of the Protestant Union in 1608 and the Catholic League in 1609. In 1618, Catholic Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand II cracked down on Protestants, sparking the Thirty Years War between Catholic and Protestant states that devastated Germany and killed millions over 30 years until the Peace of Westphalia in 1648. This settlement recognized Calvinism, altered borders, and established a new system of independent states in Europe.
The document provides an overview of the rise of absolutism in 17th century Europe in response to religious and social unrest. It discusses how monarchs like Louis XIV of France consolidated power by limiting the influence of nobles and establishing divine right. It also summarizes the development of constitutional monarchy in England through conflicts between monarchs and Parliament that led to the English Civil War and Glorious Revolution, establishing more power for Parliament.
The Wars of Religion in France from 1560-1648 and the Thirty Years War from 1618-1648 were both devastating religious conflicts that weakened the power of royal authority in Europe and left the continent divided. The Wars of Religion in France established the Bourbon dynasty and granted Huguenots limited religious rights through the Edict of Nantes. The Thirty Years War ended with the Peace of Westphalia, which established principles of state sovereignty and religious tolerance while curtailing Habsburg power in the Holy Roman Empire. Both conflicts caused widespread death, economic ruin, and political fragmentation across Europe.
The document discusses key events and developments in early modern European history, including the growth of standing armies, the Spanish Armada, the English Civil War, the Thirty Years' War, and the French Revolution. It also covers the Enlightenment, the American Revolution, and influential rulers like King Louis XIV and Czar Peter the Great.
Henry Viii And The Reformation In Englandguest21dc84
1) Henry VIII wanted an annulment of his marriage to Catherine of Aragon so he could marry Anne Boleyn since Catherine had only produced a daughter and no male heir. 2) The Pope refused to grant the annulment since it went against Catholic doctrine. 3) This led Henry to break with Rome and declare himself Supreme Head of the Church of England through the Acts of Supremacy and Succession of 1534.
The document summarizes key events that led to the end of the Middle Ages in Europe, including famine, plague, peasant revolts, and the Hundred Years' War between England and France. It also discusses the decline of papal authority. Specific events mentioned include the Black Death plague which killed a third of Europe's population, the Peasant Revolt in England led by Wat Tyler, and the Battle of Agincourt which was a victory for the English. The war weakened the English monarchy while strengthening the French monarchy under Louis XI. It also discusses Joan of Arc and the divisions in the Catholic Church during the Great Schism.
The Peace of Prague in 1636 ended the civil war aspect of the Thirty Years' War between the Hapsburg Emperor Ferdinand II and the Electorate of Saxony, with Saxony gaining territories. The Franco-Swedish Intervention from 1635 to 1648 involved France and Sweden aiding Protestant forces against the Holy Roman Empire. The Peace of Westphalia in 1646 finally ended the Thirty Years' War, establishing religious toleration within the Holy Roman Empire and redrawing territorial boundaries.
The Thirty Years' War ended in 1648 with the Peace of Westphalia, which established new political boundaries and order in Europe. It affirmed that German princes could determine the religion of their territories and nullified the Edict of Restitution. The Peace of Westphalia also established the sovereignty of states and non-intervention in other states' internal affairs, forming the basis of the modern international system. The war left Germany fragmented politically and economically weakened, while France emerged as the dominant power in Europe.
The Peace of Augsburg in 1555 settled religious differences in Germany by allowing each prince to determine the religion of their subjects, but only permitted Catholicism or Lutheranism. Growing tensions between Catholic and Protestant states led to the formation of the Protestant Union in 1608 and the Catholic League in 1609. In 1618, Catholic Holy Roman Emperor Ferdinand II cracked down on Protestants, sparking the Thirty Years War between Catholic and Protestant states that devastated Germany and killed millions over 30 years until the Peace of Westphalia in 1648. This settlement recognized Calvinism, altered borders, and established a new system of independent states in Europe.
The document provides an overview of the rise of absolutism in 17th century Europe in response to religious and social unrest. It discusses how monarchs like Louis XIV of France consolidated power by limiting the influence of nobles and establishing divine right. It also summarizes the development of constitutional monarchy in England through conflicts between monarchs and Parliament that led to the English Civil War and Glorious Revolution, establishing more power for Parliament.
The Peasants Revolt of 1381 was a major uprising across England sparked by a poll tax and social tensions following the Black Death. The Black Death had killed millions and caused a labor shortage, which led to demands for higher wages from peasants. When the poll tax was imposed, Wat Tyler emerged to lead thousands of peasants in marching on London, where they destroyed the Savoy Palace and killed the Archbishop of Canterbury. King Richard II agreed to meet with Tyler but Tyler was killed in the negotiations, after which the king hanged 200 rebel leaders to put down the revolt.
Louis XIV ruled France from 1643 to 1715, the longest reign of any monarch in European history. He centralized power in France and pursued an aggressive foreign policy, fighting several major wars. As a young king, he faced opposition from nobles in the Fronde civil wars, but eventually consolidated absolute rule over France. He enacted important reforms in the military and legal system and pursued lavish construction projects, most notably expanding the Palace of Versailles.
Virginia was the first English colony in North America, founded at Jamestown in 1607. Key events that occurred in Virginia include the first representative assembly in the New World (1619), the first assertion of no taxation without representation (1624), and the first calls for independence and proposals of the Declaration of Independence in 1776. Figures like George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and Patrick Henry who were pivotal in the founding of the United States and shaping its government were all from Virginia. Virginia contributed greatly to Westward expansion and ideals of democracy, religious freedom, and public education that have defined America.
Under absolutism in the 1600-1700s, several European powers centralized control around powerful monarchs. France emerged as the strongest nation under kings like Louis XIV, who believed "I am the state" and weakened nobles and Protestants to assert royal authority. Prussia also grew powerful with militaristic rulers like Frederick the Great, while Russia expanded under westernizing czars like Peter the Great and Catherine the Great through conquest and serfdom.
The document provides a timeline of key events and documents in the founding of the United States, from the Magna Carta in 1215 establishing legal rights and limits on government power, to the Declaration of Independence in 1776 declaring independence from Britain and establishing the principles of inalienable rights and consent of the governed. Key events included the founding of Jamestown in 1607, various acts imposing taxes on the colonies by Britain leading to unrest, and the Revolutionary War beginning in 1775 after attempts to reconcile with Britain failed.
William I was succeeded by his sons William Rufus and Henry I in England. Henry I's daughter Matilda claimed the throne but faced opposition, leading to conflict between Matilda and her cousin Stephen. Henry II later succeeded Stephen and restored law and order, introducing traveling judges. He appointed Thomas Becket as Archbishop of Canterbury but they later disagreed and Becket was killed. Richard I spent little time ruling England, preferring battles abroad. His brother John faced a baron revolt over taxes and signed the Magna Carta in 1215 to limit royal power and establish rights. After John's death, Henry III confirmed the Magna Carta's terms.
The Glorious Revolution of 1688-1689 in England involved William of Orange, the Dutch leader, landing in England with an army after he was contacted by supporters of James II. James II had faced opposition from the Anglican Church and Parliament for his pro-Catholic policies and plans to repeal anti-Catholic laws. Rather than face civil war, James II fled the country in December 1688. William and Mary were then offered the English throne on the condition they agree to a Declaration of Rights that would limit the monarch's powers and strengthen Parliament's authority over taxation, succession, and war. The Revolution established constitutional monarchy and Parliament as the ruling power in England.
19 c Europe, session 2.9; The German Question, 1850-66Jim Powers
Now we look at the question which had faced Germans since the great upheaval of 1848, should Germany be unified with or without the Austrian Empire. It will be decided in the Seven Weeks War.
The document summarizes the key causes and events of the French Revolution. The social structure under the Old Regime, economic troubles due to war debts and spending, and political issues like taxation without representation of the Third Estate were long-term causes. The immediate cause was King Louis XVI calling the Estates General in 1789 due to bankruptcy. This led to the formation of the National Assembly and the storming of the Bastille, sparking the Revolution.
This document summarizes the complex legal history surrounding sovereignty over Jerusalem. It discusses the claims of Jordan, Israel, and Palestine to Jerusalem from the late Ottoman period through the 1990s. Key points include: Jordan administered East Jerusalem from 1948-1967 after capturing it from Israel in the 1948 Arab-Israeli War; Israel gained control of all of Jerusalem after the 1967 Six-Day War and unified the city, though the international community did not recognize this action; permanent status negotiations over sovereignty have been postponed but are intended to address the issue. The legal status of Jerusalem remains unresolved and hotly contested.
Napoleon Bonaparte rose to power during the French Revolution as a military leader. He later staged a coup and became the leader of France, crowning himself Emperor in 1804. Napoleon conquered much of Europe and created a vast empire, but his invasion of Russia in 1812 led to his downfall as his military forces were decimated by the harsh Russian winter.
Henry VIII wanted to divorce his first wife Catherine of Aragon due to her inability to produce a male heir, but the Catholic Church denied his request for annulment. This caused Henry to break with Rome and declare himself the head of the Church of England through the Acts of Supremacy and Succession. He married Anne Boleyn and had her executed for treason after she failed to provide a son. Under Henry and his successors England established a Protestant national church, though Elizabeth I's settlement combined Protestant and Catholic elements, making the monarch the supreme governor.
This document lists 100 facts about American history from the colonial period through the Civil War. It covers key events like the founding of Jamestown in 1607, the signing of the Declaration of Independence in 1776, the writing of the Constitution in 1787, and the Civil War from 1861-1865. Important figures discussed include George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, and Abraham Lincoln. Major documents and agreements summarized include the Declaration of Independence, Constitution, and Emancipation Proclamation.
The Magna Carta was a charter signed by King John of England in 1215 that limited the power of the monarchy and established basic legal rights. It forced the king to respect the rights of nobles and commoners by preventing him from raising taxes or disrupting the church without permission. The Magna Carta came about due to King John's unpopularity from military defeats and imposition of new taxes, which angered the nobles. They forced him to sign the Magna Carta establishing constitutional principles that still influence legal systems today.
Why did henry viii break away from the catholic churchralphhalliwell
Henry VIII broke away from the Catholic Church in 1534 for political, financial, and personal reasons rather than religious ones. He needed to annul his marriage to Catherine of Aragon so he could marry Anne Boleyn and try to produce a male heir, as all his children with Catherine had been daughters or died. Henry also wanted more power over the English church rather than being subject to the Pope's authority. Finally, dissolving the monasteries allowed Henry to seize their wealth and properties, greatly increasing his power and income.
The American Revolution inspired the French to revolt against British rule. The French allied with the Americans and declared war on Britain, beginning the chain of events that led to the French Revolution. As tensions rose between the French classes over taxation and representation, the Third Estate took an oath to write a new constitution. This sparked the Storming of the Bastille and widespread fear and unrest across France. The monarchy was overthrown and Louis XVI was executed, ending the French Revolution.
Various acts strengthen the role of british parliamentMuhammad Amir Raza
The various acts strengthened the role of the British Parliament in 3 ways:
1) Magna Carta in 1215 established limitations on the power of kings and affirmed rights and liberties.
2) The Petition of Rights in 1628 and Habeas Corpus Act in 1679 further protected individual liberties and limited imprisonment without cause.
3) The Glorious Revolution of 1688 and subsequent Bill of Rights affirmed Parliament's power over taxation and raised armies, limiting the monarch's authority.
more relevant – a people’s” Honours List, theopening of Buc.docxmoirarandell
more relevant – a “people’s” Honours List, the
opening of Buckingham Palace to the public and
greater oversight of royal finances – seemingly
served only to drain whatever substance re-
mained from the beleaguered institution.
Yet, in spite of Charles’s messy divorce, the
death of Diana and Prince Harry’s poor taste in
fancy dress, the monarchy has survived. But the
recovery of its fortunes does not indicate that
Britain is a nation of ardent royalists, unques-
tioning in their loyalty to the Windsor dynasty.
Rather, the persistence of the monarchy in 21st-
century Britain has been achieved only by the
near-complete submission of the Crown to the
popular will.
The mistake that commentators in the mid-
1990s made was to assume that the royal family’s
then poor reputation reflected deeper changes in
society. Conservative and republican writers alike
believed that the Crown had been fundamen-
tally undermined by a decade of Thatcherism,
both as a political institution and as a cultural ral-
lying point. Respect for the monarchy, it was said,
had rested on a class-riven society dominated by
codes of deference, a society that Thatcher’s gov-
ernment had torn asunder.
However, the problem is that throughout
British history due public deference to the Crown
has often seemed in short supply. From Wat
Tyler swilling his beer in front of Richard II in
June 1381 to the Kentish fishermen who accom-
panied the captured James II to the privy in De-
cember 1688, British subjects have often failed to
observe the niceties of royal protocol. High-pro-
file instances of this kind can be accompanied by
the thousands of cases of seditious speech and
writing found in British legal records, demon-
strating a plebeian hostility to the monarchy.
Denunciations of individual monarchs, such as
the one by William Pennington in 1690 (he was
accused of calling King William a “Dutch dog”
and Queen Mary a “Dutch bitch”), or by John
18 | NEW STATESMAN | 13 JULY 2009
From Wat Tyler swilling beer in front of Richard II to slogans of “God save the
poor and down with George III”, the British have a long history of hostility
towards the Crown. Can it survive the coronation of King Charles III?
By Ted Vallance
W
IR
EI
M
A
G
E
Off with their heads
I
n a recent poll conducted by Republic, the
campaign for an elected head of state, 62
per cent of respondents wanted royal fi-
nances to be open to full public scrutiny.
At the very least, the renewed focus on
royal expenses, with its obvious parallels to the
furore over MPs’ claims, could stymie requests
for an increase to the civil list. At worst, the tim-
ing of this debate, in the middle of a recession and
in the wake of a serious crisis of confidence in our
political institutions, threatens a repeat of the
Queen’s “annus horribilis” of 1992.
The toe-curling (or rather toe-sucking) reve -
lations of that year brought public respect for
the monarchy to its lowest ebb for a century; the
fire that engulfed Windsor Castl ...
The document provides a detailed timeline and overview of the legacy of Magna Carta from its signing in 1215 through to the present day. It traces how Magna Carta became a powerful political symbol used by various groups throughout history in struggles for rights and justice. Key events discussed include its influence on the American Revolution and founding documents, its use in justifying British imperialism and challenging it, and how it became associated with the fight for parliamentary reform in Britain.
This book will teach your students the foundations of responsible citizenship and the constitutional heritage of our nation as well as the fascinating details of Colorado history.
The Magna Carta was a legal document signed in 1215 between King John of England and rebel barons. It established that the king was not above the law and guaranteed certain legal rights and protections for barons, free men, and the Church in England. Some of its key provisions included limiting taxation without consent, establishing due process including trial by jury, and ensuring certain rights and freedoms for London citizens. While most of its original clauses have been repealed, the Magna Carta established important principles of constitutional law that influenced the development of legal systems around the world.
The Peasants Revolt of 1381 was a major uprising across England sparked by a poll tax and social tensions following the Black Death. The Black Death had killed millions and caused a labor shortage, which led to demands for higher wages from peasants. When the poll tax was imposed, Wat Tyler emerged to lead thousands of peasants in marching on London, where they destroyed the Savoy Palace and killed the Archbishop of Canterbury. King Richard II agreed to meet with Tyler but Tyler was killed in the negotiations, after which the king hanged 200 rebel leaders to put down the revolt.
Louis XIV ruled France from 1643 to 1715, the longest reign of any monarch in European history. He centralized power in France and pursued an aggressive foreign policy, fighting several major wars. As a young king, he faced opposition from nobles in the Fronde civil wars, but eventually consolidated absolute rule over France. He enacted important reforms in the military and legal system and pursued lavish construction projects, most notably expanding the Palace of Versailles.
Virginia was the first English colony in North America, founded at Jamestown in 1607. Key events that occurred in Virginia include the first representative assembly in the New World (1619), the first assertion of no taxation without representation (1624), and the first calls for independence and proposals of the Declaration of Independence in 1776. Figures like George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and Patrick Henry who were pivotal in the founding of the United States and shaping its government were all from Virginia. Virginia contributed greatly to Westward expansion and ideals of democracy, religious freedom, and public education that have defined America.
Under absolutism in the 1600-1700s, several European powers centralized control around powerful monarchs. France emerged as the strongest nation under kings like Louis XIV, who believed "I am the state" and weakened nobles and Protestants to assert royal authority. Prussia also grew powerful with militaristic rulers like Frederick the Great, while Russia expanded under westernizing czars like Peter the Great and Catherine the Great through conquest and serfdom.
The document provides a timeline of key events and documents in the founding of the United States, from the Magna Carta in 1215 establishing legal rights and limits on government power, to the Declaration of Independence in 1776 declaring independence from Britain and establishing the principles of inalienable rights and consent of the governed. Key events included the founding of Jamestown in 1607, various acts imposing taxes on the colonies by Britain leading to unrest, and the Revolutionary War beginning in 1775 after attempts to reconcile with Britain failed.
William I was succeeded by his sons William Rufus and Henry I in England. Henry I's daughter Matilda claimed the throne but faced opposition, leading to conflict between Matilda and her cousin Stephen. Henry II later succeeded Stephen and restored law and order, introducing traveling judges. He appointed Thomas Becket as Archbishop of Canterbury but they later disagreed and Becket was killed. Richard I spent little time ruling England, preferring battles abroad. His brother John faced a baron revolt over taxes and signed the Magna Carta in 1215 to limit royal power and establish rights. After John's death, Henry III confirmed the Magna Carta's terms.
The Glorious Revolution of 1688-1689 in England involved William of Orange, the Dutch leader, landing in England with an army after he was contacted by supporters of James II. James II had faced opposition from the Anglican Church and Parliament for his pro-Catholic policies and plans to repeal anti-Catholic laws. Rather than face civil war, James II fled the country in December 1688. William and Mary were then offered the English throne on the condition they agree to a Declaration of Rights that would limit the monarch's powers and strengthen Parliament's authority over taxation, succession, and war. The Revolution established constitutional monarchy and Parliament as the ruling power in England.
19 c Europe, session 2.9; The German Question, 1850-66Jim Powers
Now we look at the question which had faced Germans since the great upheaval of 1848, should Germany be unified with or without the Austrian Empire. It will be decided in the Seven Weeks War.
The document summarizes the key causes and events of the French Revolution. The social structure under the Old Regime, economic troubles due to war debts and spending, and political issues like taxation without representation of the Third Estate were long-term causes. The immediate cause was King Louis XVI calling the Estates General in 1789 due to bankruptcy. This led to the formation of the National Assembly and the storming of the Bastille, sparking the Revolution.
This document summarizes the complex legal history surrounding sovereignty over Jerusalem. It discusses the claims of Jordan, Israel, and Palestine to Jerusalem from the late Ottoman period through the 1990s. Key points include: Jordan administered East Jerusalem from 1948-1967 after capturing it from Israel in the 1948 Arab-Israeli War; Israel gained control of all of Jerusalem after the 1967 Six-Day War and unified the city, though the international community did not recognize this action; permanent status negotiations over sovereignty have been postponed but are intended to address the issue. The legal status of Jerusalem remains unresolved and hotly contested.
Napoleon Bonaparte rose to power during the French Revolution as a military leader. He later staged a coup and became the leader of France, crowning himself Emperor in 1804. Napoleon conquered much of Europe and created a vast empire, but his invasion of Russia in 1812 led to his downfall as his military forces were decimated by the harsh Russian winter.
Henry VIII wanted to divorce his first wife Catherine of Aragon due to her inability to produce a male heir, but the Catholic Church denied his request for annulment. This caused Henry to break with Rome and declare himself the head of the Church of England through the Acts of Supremacy and Succession. He married Anne Boleyn and had her executed for treason after she failed to provide a son. Under Henry and his successors England established a Protestant national church, though Elizabeth I's settlement combined Protestant and Catholic elements, making the monarch the supreme governor.
This document lists 100 facts about American history from the colonial period through the Civil War. It covers key events like the founding of Jamestown in 1607, the signing of the Declaration of Independence in 1776, the writing of the Constitution in 1787, and the Civil War from 1861-1865. Important figures discussed include George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, and Abraham Lincoln. Major documents and agreements summarized include the Declaration of Independence, Constitution, and Emancipation Proclamation.
The Magna Carta was a charter signed by King John of England in 1215 that limited the power of the monarchy and established basic legal rights. It forced the king to respect the rights of nobles and commoners by preventing him from raising taxes or disrupting the church without permission. The Magna Carta came about due to King John's unpopularity from military defeats and imposition of new taxes, which angered the nobles. They forced him to sign the Magna Carta establishing constitutional principles that still influence legal systems today.
Why did henry viii break away from the catholic churchralphhalliwell
Henry VIII broke away from the Catholic Church in 1534 for political, financial, and personal reasons rather than religious ones. He needed to annul his marriage to Catherine of Aragon so he could marry Anne Boleyn and try to produce a male heir, as all his children with Catherine had been daughters or died. Henry also wanted more power over the English church rather than being subject to the Pope's authority. Finally, dissolving the monasteries allowed Henry to seize their wealth and properties, greatly increasing his power and income.
The American Revolution inspired the French to revolt against British rule. The French allied with the Americans and declared war on Britain, beginning the chain of events that led to the French Revolution. As tensions rose between the French classes over taxation and representation, the Third Estate took an oath to write a new constitution. This sparked the Storming of the Bastille and widespread fear and unrest across France. The monarchy was overthrown and Louis XVI was executed, ending the French Revolution.
Various acts strengthen the role of british parliamentMuhammad Amir Raza
The various acts strengthened the role of the British Parliament in 3 ways:
1) Magna Carta in 1215 established limitations on the power of kings and affirmed rights and liberties.
2) The Petition of Rights in 1628 and Habeas Corpus Act in 1679 further protected individual liberties and limited imprisonment without cause.
3) The Glorious Revolution of 1688 and subsequent Bill of Rights affirmed Parliament's power over taxation and raised armies, limiting the monarch's authority.
more relevant – a people’s” Honours List, theopening of Buc.docxmoirarandell
more relevant – a “people’s” Honours List, the
opening of Buckingham Palace to the public and
greater oversight of royal finances – seemingly
served only to drain whatever substance re-
mained from the beleaguered institution.
Yet, in spite of Charles’s messy divorce, the
death of Diana and Prince Harry’s poor taste in
fancy dress, the monarchy has survived. But the
recovery of its fortunes does not indicate that
Britain is a nation of ardent royalists, unques-
tioning in their loyalty to the Windsor dynasty.
Rather, the persistence of the monarchy in 21st-
century Britain has been achieved only by the
near-complete submission of the Crown to the
popular will.
The mistake that commentators in the mid-
1990s made was to assume that the royal family’s
then poor reputation reflected deeper changes in
society. Conservative and republican writers alike
believed that the Crown had been fundamen-
tally undermined by a decade of Thatcherism,
both as a political institution and as a cultural ral-
lying point. Respect for the monarchy, it was said,
had rested on a class-riven society dominated by
codes of deference, a society that Thatcher’s gov-
ernment had torn asunder.
However, the problem is that throughout
British history due public deference to the Crown
has often seemed in short supply. From Wat
Tyler swilling his beer in front of Richard II in
June 1381 to the Kentish fishermen who accom-
panied the captured James II to the privy in De-
cember 1688, British subjects have often failed to
observe the niceties of royal protocol. High-pro-
file instances of this kind can be accompanied by
the thousands of cases of seditious speech and
writing found in British legal records, demon-
strating a plebeian hostility to the monarchy.
Denunciations of individual monarchs, such as
the one by William Pennington in 1690 (he was
accused of calling King William a “Dutch dog”
and Queen Mary a “Dutch bitch”), or by John
18 | NEW STATESMAN | 13 JULY 2009
From Wat Tyler swilling beer in front of Richard II to slogans of “God save the
poor and down with George III”, the British have a long history of hostility
towards the Crown. Can it survive the coronation of King Charles III?
By Ted Vallance
W
IR
EI
M
A
G
E
Off with their heads
I
n a recent poll conducted by Republic, the
campaign for an elected head of state, 62
per cent of respondents wanted royal fi-
nances to be open to full public scrutiny.
At the very least, the renewed focus on
royal expenses, with its obvious parallels to the
furore over MPs’ claims, could stymie requests
for an increase to the civil list. At worst, the tim-
ing of this debate, in the middle of a recession and
in the wake of a serious crisis of confidence in our
political institutions, threatens a repeat of the
Queen’s “annus horribilis” of 1992.
The toe-curling (or rather toe-sucking) reve -
lations of that year brought public respect for
the monarchy to its lowest ebb for a century; the
fire that engulfed Windsor Castl ...
The document provides a detailed timeline and overview of the legacy of Magna Carta from its signing in 1215 through to the present day. It traces how Magna Carta became a powerful political symbol used by various groups throughout history in struggles for rights and justice. Key events discussed include its influence on the American Revolution and founding documents, its use in justifying British imperialism and challenging it, and how it became associated with the fight for parliamentary reform in Britain.
This book will teach your students the foundations of responsible citizenship and the constitutional heritage of our nation as well as the fascinating details of Colorado history.
The Magna Carta was a legal document signed in 1215 between King John of England and rebel barons. It established that the king was not above the law and guaranteed certain legal rights and protections for barons, free men, and the Church in England. Some of its key provisions included limiting taxation without consent, establishing due process including trial by jury, and ensuring certain rights and freedoms for London citizens. While most of its original clauses have been repealed, the Magna Carta established important principles of constitutional law that influenced the development of legal systems around the world.
The Magna Carta was a legal document signed in 1215 between King John of England and rebel barons. It established that the king was not above the law and guaranteed certain legal rights and protections for barons, free men, and the Church in England. Some of its key provisions included limiting taxation without consent, establishing due process including trial by jury, and protecting the Church's freedom from royal interference. The document influenced the development of constitutional law in England and limited the absolute power of the monarchy.
The Impact of the French and Indian WarTo get to the point of .docxcherry686017
The Impact of the French and Indian War
To get to the point of revolution took a few years and several actions on the part of the British. To begin, we must look back to 1763 and the end of the French and Indian War. This was the first true world war in human history and made England a truly great empire. In truth, the sun never set on the British Empire.
But wars cost money, lots and lots of money. The treasury of Great Britain was in dire need of a large infusion of funds. Since the taxpayers in England thought they were already too burdened to accept more taxes, the only logical place to look for money was in the colonies.
After all, reasoned the governing circles in London, was not this war fought for the benefit of those colonies? They have never been burdened like we have, it is time they pay their fair share of taxes to pay off this huge debt. There is only one hitch in this scenario. The colonists had no representation in Parliament. According to English law and tradition, no one can be taxed unless they have representation in Parliament.
The British government sought to use “virtual representation” to argue that the colonists were indeed represented. Leaders on both sides of the Atlantic knew this fiction for what it was. In 1763, American colonists were proud to call themselves "Englishmen", but as the years rolled by, they began to realize that Englishmen in England did not see them as anything more than subjects of the crown, not brothers in citizenship.
The American colonists continually resisted attempts by the government in London to tax them. They recognized the truth in the words of the Commonwealthmen, that liberty must be zealously guarded and that it can never compromise with power. The acceptance of even one tax, however small and innocuous, would have started them on the dark road to doom. Acceptance of a small tax would make it easier to accept another and another and another until their liberty had been lost to tyranny.
The efforts of the British to enforce payment of taxes only further reinforced the tenets of liberty in the minds of the colonists. The British knew that Boston was the center of resistance so they began stationing regular British troops there after several taxes had been repealed due to colonial boycotts. These troops were quartered in the homes of the colonists. Imagine a situation where three or four or five Redcoats are sent to live in your house. They are armed while you most likely are not. They will sleep in your bed, eat your food, use your facilities, and you will not receive one shilling in compensation. This is a direct assault on liberty.
Formation of the Continental Congress
As events continued, both sides stiffened their necks. The British were determined to put the colonists in their place while the colonists were equally determined to resist. The point-of-no-return loomed ever nearer. In 1774, a Continental Congress met to decide what to do in response to British provocations. Th ...
The British legal system has evolved over many centuries, incorporating influences from the Romans, Normans, and other groups. Key developments include the Magna Carta in 1215 establishing due process rights, the English Civil War in 1651 increasing Parliament's power over the monarchy, and the formation of the Supreme Court in 2009 replacing the House of Lords as the highest court. The legal profession also took shape between the 17th-18th centuries, adopting traditions like powdered wigs that remain part of formal court attire today. Over time, the British legal system has adapted while retaining influences from its long history.
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Madness And The Monarchy: How Two States Dealt with Two Mad Kings
1. FALL 2020
MADNESS AND
THE MONARCHY
How Two States Dealt with Two Mad Kings
1YALE HISTORICAL REVIEW
by Lica Porcile
Edited by Isabella Yang
Struensee's execution: An Accurate View of the Execution of the Counts Struensee and Brandt’. The Fourth Quarter
of Struensee’s Body Is Being Carried up to Its Display Wheel. 1772. Drawing. British Library.
2. ueen Caroline Matilda of Denmark realized
her marriage was doomed when King Chris-
tian VII, whom she married in 1766, de-
clared it “unfashionable to love one’s wife,”
but it is difficult to determine when the Queen rea-
lized her husband was no ordinary philanderer.1
The
initiator of their marriage, King George III of Great
Britain and Caroline’s brother, was remarked by cour-
tiers to have a great deal in common with Christian
VII: they were first cousins and both rose to their res-
pective thrones in the early 1760s. An additional com-
monality unbeknown to many at the time, although
intuited by Queen Caroline sometime in her first year
of marriage, was that the kinsmen were both plagued
by bouts of mental illness that would mark their rei-
gn.2
Despite the cousins’ similarities, the ways in which
their kingdoms dealt with their mental illnesses was
markedly different, with Denmark experiencing far
greater political turmoil than Britain. While Britain
set up a formal system of regency where the transi-
tion of power from father to son occurred smoothly,
Denmark had a series of de facto regents. For decades
the Danish court was beset by intrigue as people inclu-
ding Queen Dowager Juliana Maria, conservative aris-
tocrats, and Enlightenment-minded nobles vied for
power. Most dramatically, German doctor Johannes
Struensee gained total control of the government in
1769, passed a series of revolutionary bills, and fathe-
red an illegitimate child with the Queen before being
executed by a conservative palace coup led by Queen
Dowager Juliane Maria.3
The dramatic difference in the two nations’ stability
was largely a result of their differing institutions. Briti-
sh institutions, comparatively more flexible and parti-
cipatory, were better suited to deal with an ill monarch
than Denmark’s. This difference was a result of Britain
having a common law system while Denmark had a
civil law system, which made Britain better equipped
1 Catherine Curzon, The Scandal of George III's Court, 2018, p.20.
2 Johan Schioldann, “‘Struensée’s Memoir on the Situation of the King’ (1772): Christian VII of Denmark,” History
of Psychiatry 24, no. 2 (2013): pp. 227-247.
3 Catherine Curzon, The Scandal of George III's Court, 2018, p.22.
4 J Ridgway, Regency; and the Use and Abuse of the Great Seal (London, 1788), p.398.
5 Denis O'Bryen, The Prospect before Us. Being a Series of Papers upon the Great Question Which Now Agitates
the Public Mind. To Which Is Added a New Postscript., 1788, p.3.
6 Ibid.
7 Ibid.
8 A Hamilton, Critical Review or Annals of Literature, 1789, p.72.
to solve a problem neither country’s statues had fore-
seen: the possibility of a mad king. The comparatively
participatory nature of British government, the result
of a relatively independent and powerful Parliament,
made it relatively resilient during the monarch’s mad-
ness. While in Denmark court intrigue brewed ins-
tability, in Britain political competition was produc-
tively channeled through Parliamentary debates.
Although neither Denmark nor Great Britain had
laws addressing the possibility of monarchical incapa-
city, Britain’s common law system allowed Parliament
to improvise.4
In 1789, during the King’s first bout
of insanity, prime minister William Pitt the Younger
proposed a Regency Bill, which appointed the King’s
son, the Prince of Wales, as regent. Pitt argued that
the bill abided by earlier precedents and was thus legi-
timized by English common law. Pitts’ arguments are
perhaps most eloquently put by Denis O’Bryen, who
in his 1789 pamphlet points out that it had historically
been Parliament’s role to appoint as a regent, and cited
the regency following Henry V’s death as a historical
precedent.5
Henry V chose “the Duke of Gloucester
for the Regency of England” in his will, but “his will,
in this instance, was directly set aside and the Duke
of Bedford, the elder brother, presumptive heir to the
crown named to that office by Parliament.”6
O'Brien's
account supports Pitt’s assertion that Parliament tradi-
tionally had the right to appoint a regent, even in di-
rect contradiction to the Sovereign’s will. Yet, O’Bryen
also pointed out that Parliament’s power in the matter
was not arbitrary, but rather also bound to the tradi-
tional line of succession: Parliament always appointed
“the next heir to the crown, capable of executing its
duties.”7
O’Bryen was not the only writer pointing to prece-
dents. In fact, there is a whole literature of pamphle-
teers who, in 1789, recounted often the same historical
episodes as evidence of Parliament’s right to nominate
a regent.8
O'Brien's contemporaries, John Debrett
2 MADNESS AND THE MONARCHY
Q
3. King Chirstian VII's drawing of Struensee and Brandt in which he writes "I wish I could have saved them
both". King Christian VII. Portraits of Stuensee and Brandt. 1775.
3YALE HISTORICAL REVIEW
4. and John Stockdale, for example, likewise pointed to
the episode of Henry V when arguing that the ques-
tion of regency was within Parliament’s prerogative.
These arguments were not merely propagandistic, a
power-grabbing move by Pitt supported by a handful
of pamphleteers; rather, the narrative of a precedented
Parliamentary prerogative was accepted by the King
himself, who, having recovered from his bout of insa-
nity before the Regency Bill could pass, commended
Pitt for its contents.9
When the King eventually fell
permanently ill in 1810, a Regency Act modeled on
the 1789 bill was passed.
Debrett best elucidated the importance of common
law during the Regency Crisis: after providing a long
list of historical regencies determined by Parliament,
he concluded that “the first corollary that arises from
this catalogue of examples is, that the English consti-
tution, if its principles are to be inferred from the prac-
tice of former times, has made a sufficient provision
for cases of emergency.”10
Common law made British
institutions flexible, as it allowed politicians to derive
from historical precedent legitimate solutions to novel
problems. On the question of regency, the effect of the
doctrine of precedent is clear. Despite being personal-
ly unpopular, the Prince of Wales faced no challenge
to his legitimacy – no coup, no insurrection and no
attempt by Parliament to overturn him – during the
nearly ten years when he was regent, indicating that
Parliament’s ability to appoint a regent according to
defined rules helped maintain legitimacy and order.
Denmark, on the other hand, lacked Britain’s insti-
tutional flexibility. When faced with an unprecedented
situation, it was ill equipped to effectively handle the
crisis. Not only was there no statute to deal with a mad
King and no doctrine of precedent to offer guidance,
Denmark’s extreme absolutism also limited politicians’
freedom to even discuss, much less address, the King’s
madness. While Britain had an unwritten constitution
9 The History of the Reign of George the Third, King of Great Britain, &c. from the Conclusion of the Sixth Session
of the Fourteenth Parliament, in 1780, to the End of the Seventh Session of the Sixteenth Parliament or Great Britain, in
1790. Vol.III. (London, 1794), p.398.
10 John Debrett, The Law of the Parliament in the Present Situation of Great Britain Considered, 1788, p.11.
11 Robert N Bain, Scandinavia: A Political History of Denmark, Norway and Sweden from 1513 to 1900, 1905,
p.267.
12 Ernst Ekman, “The Danish Royal Law of 1665,” The Journal of Modern History 29, no. 2 (June 1957), p.106.
13 Ibid.
14 Ibid.
15 Ibid.
16 Ibid.
based on precedent and common law that limited the
King’s power, Denmark had a rigid absolutist consti-
tution since 1665 – the Danish Royal Law or Konge-
lov. The Kongelov abolished the Rigsraad, Denmark’s
traditional legislature, and established the King as the
sole source of law.11
The King could “make laws and
ordinances according to his own good will and plea-
sure,” but he was also able to “to expound, to alter, to
add to and take from, indeed simply to abrogate laws
previously made by himself or by his forefathers.”12
While the Kongelov did make provisions for a regency
minority in paragraphs IX-XV, stating that there must
be “regents and tutors, (selected by the royal family),”
these provisions were only in the event of a king’s mi-
nority.13
Not only was there no legal mechanism to de-
clare a King unfit to rule, the Danish monarchy was
also unfit to come up with an ad hoc solution to this
problem. Declaring a King unfit to rule was in itself a
crime, with penury of death. Part C, Article C of the
Kongelov specified that “whosoever who, either by
word or deed, is found to desire to bring about any
change in the king's absolute hereditary rule is to be
punished.”14
Moreover, even discussing the King’s in-
sanity was a crime, as Article 9 stated that “If someone
speaks ill of the king's reign, he shall forfeit honor and
property.”15
It seems impossible, then, to suggest the
King is mad without forfeiting “honor and property,”
and even proposing a formal regency was to be fol-
lowed by “penury of death.”16
Thus, the Danish Royal
Law lacking in provisions for a regency not only res-
tricted statesmen’s ability to react effectively to the
mad king, but also made openly discussing a regency
perilous.
This legal rigidity created an environment ripe for
intrigue, in which regents were always informal. Wi-
thout legally established roles, the regent’s position
was inherently unstable: dangers faced by the de facto
regent were most evident in Struensee’s downfall. Al-
4 MADNESS AND THE MONARCHY
5. though Struensee never held a position the King did
not directly appoint him to, and the King’s personal
affection for his doctor was evident even years after
his execution, Struensee was nevertheless convicted
of lese majeste – attempting to usurp royal autho-
rity.17
The King’s mental illness made him so vulne-
rable that he signed Struensee’s arrest order against
his will when the Queen Dowager pressured him to
do so. Thus, within Denmark’s rigid legal system the
de facto regent was always in peril, as neither the law
nor the King could protect them. The fact that there
were three regents who quite forcefully ousted one
another in the span of fifteen years – first Struensee,
then the Queen Dowager and her favorites, and finally
the Crown Prince – strongly suggests the extent Den-
mark’s institutional rigidity posed a serious challenge
to the country’s political stability.18
The Danish government was further beset by insta-
bility, because its institutions were strikingly non-par-
ticipatory.19
Whereas in England individuals and
factions competed for power through parliamenta-
ry elections and public debate, in Denmark political
competition focused on access to and favor from the
King instead. Consequently, the conservative and re-
form-minded factions of the Danish court disputed
power not through Parliamentary debate, but through
court intrigue.
The beginning of Christopher VII’s reign was mar-
ked by conflict, as “sections of the urban middle class
were dissatisfied with the… aristocratic, landed go-
vernment.”20
These tensions resulted from Christian
VII’s father, Frederick V, delegating nearly “all his
authority to... his life-long confidant Adam Gottlob
Moltke.”21
Moltke represented the conservative, aris-
tocratic faction at court, and controlled “access to the
17 Peter Olov Enquist, The Royal Physician's Visit, 2001, p.17.
18 Clarissa Campbell Orr, Queenship in Europe, 1660-1815: The Role of the Consort, 2004, p.353.
19 Mette Frisk Jensen, “THE QUESTION OF HOW DENMARK GOT TO BE DENMARK - ESTABLISHING RULE OF
LAW AND FIGHTING CORRUPTION IN THE STATE OF DENMARK 1660 – 1900,” Gutenberg University, 2014, p.19.
20 Clarissa Campbell Orr, Queenship in Europe, 1660-1815: The Role of the Consort, 2004, p.351.
21 Thomas Munk, “Absolute Monarchy in Later Eighteenth-Century Denmark: Centralized Reform, Public Expecta-
tions, and the Copenhagen Press ,” The Historical Journal, 1998, pp. 201-224, p.207.
22 Ibid.
23 Bain, Scandinavia, p.267.
24 Michael Bregnsbo, Scandinavia in the Age of Revolution: Nordic Political Cultures, 1740-1820, 2011, p.59.
25 Ibid.
26 Ibid and Orr, Queenship in Europe, p.351.
27 Orr, Queenship in Europe, p.351.
28 Ibid.
29 Bregnsbo, Scandinavia in the Age of Revolution, p.59.
king, and through close and daily personal collabora-
tion with Frederik he was in effect first minister until
the king's death.”22
Thus, at the time of Christopher
VII’s ascension, political power was already largely de-
termined by the degree to which a given individual had
access to the King.23
The destabilizing effects of this
system when coupled with a mad ruler were evident
in the “numerous power struggles” that “took place
during the first years of” Christopher VII’s reign.24
Membership to the privy council was coveted preci-
sely because it provided access to the King, hence “the
King’s favorites sought to drive out existing members
of the privy council and enter it themselves.”25
The
King’s illness exacerbated the destabilizing effects of
this competition, as Christopher was so feeble minded
that he could give in to pressure from any courtier.
Moltke, for example, was “dismissed but later read-
mitted” and “neither the… aristocratic landlords, nor
the middle class supporters of reforms were able to
dominate the king fully and completely; consequently
the leadership of the state became unstable, volatile,
and unpredictable.”26
It was to this “kind of anarchy” that Struensee ar-
rived in 1769.27
Struensee’s initial champion at court
wasCountSchackCarlRantazau-Ascheberg,who,des-
pite being a nobleman, subscribed to Enlightenment
values and championed the interests of the middle
class, therefore becoming Moltke’s sworn enemy.28
It
was Count Schack Carl Rantazau-Ascheberg who got
Struense a position as the royal doctor in 1769, expec-
ting the physician to use his influence on the King on
his behalf.29
Thus, Struensee was at first a pawn of a
factional struggle at court fueled by the fact that there
were no other venues for political participation other
than access to the King. This lack of checks and ba-
5YALE HISTORICAL REVIEW
6. lances allowed Struensee “crucial access to the only
technically indisputable source of authority,” which
he used to push his radical political agenda, which in-
cluded deeply destabilizing policies.30
Between 1770
and 1772 Struensee passed over 2,000 decrees, many
of them radically reformist.31
Some of his reforms,
such as the abolition of chateau slavery and the abo-
lition of the system “adscription” under which “all
male peasants were forbidden to move from their na-
tive estate without the permission of their landlord”
were popular.32
Yet when he passed a decree ensuring
freedom of speech, he was surprised to find that the
newly free press was overwhelmingly against him.33
Public opinion was thoroughly anti-Struensee in part
because his affair with the Queen was scandalous,
but also in part because his policies were rushed and
unfit for Danish realities.34
His reforms regarding the
army, for instance, were so unpopular that they led
to mutiny among detached sailors in Copenhagen.35
These misguided policies and the unrest they caused
directly resulted from the non-participatory nature
of Denmark’s government coupled with a mad King,
as “Struensee’s reforms were planned and imple-
mented in a hurry and were ill prepared.”36
The lack
of extended discussion an independent legislature
would have afforded significantly hindered Struensee’s
ability to govern. This lack of institutional venues for
dialogue and compromise contributed to the mutinies
and social discontent that characterized the troubled
Struensee era.
In Britain, the King’s indisposition did not create
the vacuum of power it did in Denmark because the
participatory nature of British institutions meant
discussions regarding the regency occurred in Par-
liament, as did political competition. Parliament was
30 Munk, “Absolute Monarchy in Later Eighteenth-Century Denmark,” p.209.
31 Vincenza Rico, “Johann Friedrich Struensee,” Guided History (Boston University, n.d.)
32 Orr, Queenship in Europe, p.353.
33 “‘Proto-Internet Trolls’: Johann Friedrich Struensee and Freedom of Expression in 18th Century Denmark,” Brit-
ish Library, June 25, 2018.
34 John Christian Laursen, “Spinoza in Denmark and the Fall of Struensee,” Journal of the History of Ideas 61, no. 2
(April 2000): pp. 189-202, p.190 and Orr, Queenship in Europe, p.353.
35 Baldwin, Cradock, and Joy, “The London Magazine,” 2 (1820), p.177.
36 Bregnsbo, Scandinavia in the Age of Revolution, p.61.
37 “The Struggle for Democracy,” The National Archives, n.d.
38 The History of the Reign of George the Third, King of Great Britain, &c. from the Conclusion of the Sixth Session
of the Fourteenth Parliament, in 1780, to the End of the Seventh Session of the Sixteenth Parliament or Great Britain, in
1790. Vol.III. (London, 1794), p.398.
39 Ibid.
40 T. C. Hansard, The Parliamentary History of England, vol. XXVII, 1816, p.1048.
able to be regarded as a representative body insofar as,
albeit suffrage was restricted, it was elected by hun-
dreds of thousands of men.37
The effects of British par-
ticipatory institutions in the Regency crisis were most
evident in the debate between Prime Minister William
Pitt the Younger and his rival Charles James Fox in
1789, transcribed by contemporaries. While the Foxite
faction argued “that the Prince of Wales had an abso-
lute right to succeed to the regency,” the Peelite faction
contended that he had only “an irresistible claim” to
the regency.38
The difference is not merely a seman-
tic one: both factions agreed that the Prince of Wales
ought to be regent, but disagreed on whether his right
to be regent was contingent on Parliament’s nomina-
tion. Fox believed that “the Prince of Wales had as
clear a right to exercise the power of sovereignty as if
the king were actually dead.”39
Pitt, on the other hand,
argued that Parliament ought to adjudicate on who
was to be regent, so much so that he allegedly said that
“the Prince of Wales has no more right to the regen-
cy, previous to the designation of the two Houses of
Parliament… than any other person.”40
Fox yielded
at least partially to Pitt, having realized that “he had
pressed his doctrine of right beyond its constitutional
limits,” and that indeed it was within Parliament’s pur-
view to proclaim and determine the duties of a Regent.
This recorded event demonstrates the participa-
tory nature of British institutions in two ways. First,
members of Parliament having the freedom to de-
bate the issue of regency in the first place reveals a
policy-making situation that, in sharp contrast with
Struensee’s decrees, was based on debate and collabo-
ration. Second, the fact that even Fox conceded that
Parliament indeed had the power and responsibility
to nominate the regent further indicates how Britain
6 MADNESS AND THE MONARCHY
7. possessed key checks and balances. While the power
to make decisions during Denmark’s regencies was li-
mited to courtiers with access to the King, in Britain it
remained with elected officials.
The stabilizing effects of this representation are
evident in the degree to which political competition
in England remained civil, as the country did not ex-
perience Denmark’s anarchy during the King’s indis-
position. In fact, Prime Minister Pitt remained prime
minister throughout the Regency Crisis and was again
Prime Minister following the 1790 general election,
revealing a high degree of popular approval for his
Whig government and a great deal of continuity in the
government despite the crisis.41
The institutional factors stated above, the presence
of a strong Parliament and the importance of prece-
dent under common law, made Britain more able to
effectively handle a mad monarch than Denmark.
The relative stability Britain enjoyed despite George
III’s insanity can be attributed to the country’s com-
paratively flexible and participatory institutions. Den-
mark, in contrast, lacked these institutional features:
while Britain possessed a system of common law and
a Parliament with a robust political role, Denmark
had instead an absolutist monarchy within a civil law
system. While order was largely restored in Denmark
after Christian VII’s death, the long-term effects of the
Danish regency crisis deserves future scholarly atten-
tion. In particular, Denmark attained universal male
suffrage in 1848, before Britain, and the role of Danish
experiences under Christian VII’s reign in these 19th
century democratizing reforms can be a subject deser-
ving more future scrutiny.42
41 “The Struggle for Democracy,” The National Ar-
chives, n.d.
42 Ibid.
LICA PORCILE is a senior double majoring
in History and Political Science interested
in political and legal history, as well as the
history of social movements. She was born
in Brazil, but lived many years with her
family in Chile before coming to Yale.
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