This document summarizes and analyzes a speech given by anti-nuclear activist Helen Caldicott at Northern Michigan University in 1986. It notes that Caldicott was the most visible anti-nuclear activist in the 1980s, appearing frequently in media. Her trademark "bombing run" speech used shocking imagery and passion to warn of nuclear dangers but lacked practical solutions. While her style attracted many activists and media attention, her disdain for America and careless facts ultimately limited her effectiveness in influencing policy change.
Today's lecture covered Ralph Waldo Emerson's "Self Reliance" and Henry David Thoreau's "Walden", which promoted individualism and rejecting conformity to society. It also discussed the Seneca Falls Convention and Sojourner Truth, who advocated for women's rights, as well as Progressive social movements in the late 19th/early 20th century. The lecture provided textual analysis of "Self Reliance" and "Walden" and definitions of abolitionist, sojourner, and suffragette. It contrasted Thoreau's views in "Walden" with capitalist propaganda from 1949 promoting American business superiority.
This document summarizes a lecture on Western political thought and foreign policy. It discusses Upton Sinclair and muckrakers, how the masses perceive political parties, causes of war, America's biological weapons program, and the role of public opinion and legislatures in foreign policymaking. The lecture covers nationalism, ethnicity, religion, culture and natural resources as causes of war. It also describes America's secret biological weapons research program and testing on human subjects during the Cold War, and the program's later scrutiny and end under international agreements.
Jack Oughton - Science Challenges The Nation State.docJack Oughton
The document discusses how nuclear weapons have profoundly impacted politics and international relations. It argues that science's development of nuclear weapons disrupted the balance of power between nation states and introduced the threat of mutually assured destruction. This existential threat caused countries to engage in arms races, proxy wars, and develop strategies of deterrence and nonproliferation during the Cold War. The document expresses concerns that nuclear proliferation to additional states and non-state actors could undermine deterrence and increase the likelihood of nuclear conflict or terrorism in the modern era.
Francis Fukuyama published an article titled "The End of History?" in 1989 that argued the end of the Cold War marked the end point of humanity's sociocultural evolution and the victory of Western liberal democracy and free-market capitalism. He suggests history has reached its telos, or end goal. However, some argue history is more complex, as seen through events like the Srebrenica genocide in 1995, 9/11 terrorist attacks in 2001, and ongoing conflicts in areas like Ukraine and Syria. Fukuyama acknowledges his thesis requires revisions to account for ongoing challenges to liberal democracy from issues like climate change, terrorism, and new technologies that could disrupt society like artificial intelligence.
This review summarizes and critiques three books about Cold War history and American foreign policy:
1) Richard Saull's "The Cold War and after: capitalism, revolution and superpower politics" which takes a Marxist view of the Cold War but is difficult to follow due to lengthy sentences and parentheses.
2) Don Munton and David Welch's "The Cuban Missile Crisis: a concise history" which provides a clear overview of the crisis and its causes/aftermath but could be strengthened by discussing additional context points.
3) Christopher Layne's "The peace of illusions: American grand strategy from 1940 to the present" which argues US foreign policy has long been driven by economic
Screams of Revolution: Political Statements in American Horror Filmsrvrich24
1) The document discusses how American horror films from the 1950s-1970s used monsters and killers to comment on political issues and critique American government policies, especially around war and foreign relations.
2) Two iconic 1950s films, The Thing from Another World and Invasion of the Body Snatchers, used aliens and body snatchers as metaphors to express fears around communism and McCarthyism.
3) George Romero's 1968 film Night of the Living Dead depicted a chaotic world where the government fails to help citizens during a zombie attack, reflecting disillusionment with the government over the Vietnam War.
The document discusses the counterculture movement of the 1960s as a reaction against social and political conservatism. It originated on college campuses through events like the Free Speech Movement and in beatnik cafes. Key figures like Jack Kerouac and the Beat Generation popularized spontaneous writing and anti-establishment values. The 1960s also saw the rise of psychedelic drugs like LSD, promoted by figures like Timothy Leary, and their influence on music by bands like the Beatles.
The document summarizes the counterculture movement of the 1960s, its origins as a reaction to 1950s conservatism, and its evolution over the decade. Key events included the emergence of the New Left focusing on civil rights and opposing the Vietnam War, widespread student and labor protests in the US and Europe, and the rise of feminism and environmentalism. LSD played a large role in art and music but its popularity declined after the deaths of prominent figures. In 1968, protests escalated with Martin Luther King and Robert Kennedy's assassinations and riots at the Democratic National Convention. The May 1968 student strike in France had wide impacts and signified the peak of the global protest movement. New media like independent newspapers and the
Today's lecture covered Ralph Waldo Emerson's "Self Reliance" and Henry David Thoreau's "Walden", which promoted individualism and rejecting conformity to society. It also discussed the Seneca Falls Convention and Sojourner Truth, who advocated for women's rights, as well as Progressive social movements in the late 19th/early 20th century. The lecture provided textual analysis of "Self Reliance" and "Walden" and definitions of abolitionist, sojourner, and suffragette. It contrasted Thoreau's views in "Walden" with capitalist propaganda from 1949 promoting American business superiority.
This document summarizes a lecture on Western political thought and foreign policy. It discusses Upton Sinclair and muckrakers, how the masses perceive political parties, causes of war, America's biological weapons program, and the role of public opinion and legislatures in foreign policymaking. The lecture covers nationalism, ethnicity, religion, culture and natural resources as causes of war. It also describes America's secret biological weapons research program and testing on human subjects during the Cold War, and the program's later scrutiny and end under international agreements.
Jack Oughton - Science Challenges The Nation State.docJack Oughton
The document discusses how nuclear weapons have profoundly impacted politics and international relations. It argues that science's development of nuclear weapons disrupted the balance of power between nation states and introduced the threat of mutually assured destruction. This existential threat caused countries to engage in arms races, proxy wars, and develop strategies of deterrence and nonproliferation during the Cold War. The document expresses concerns that nuclear proliferation to additional states and non-state actors could undermine deterrence and increase the likelihood of nuclear conflict or terrorism in the modern era.
Francis Fukuyama published an article titled "The End of History?" in 1989 that argued the end of the Cold War marked the end point of humanity's sociocultural evolution and the victory of Western liberal democracy and free-market capitalism. He suggests history has reached its telos, or end goal. However, some argue history is more complex, as seen through events like the Srebrenica genocide in 1995, 9/11 terrorist attacks in 2001, and ongoing conflicts in areas like Ukraine and Syria. Fukuyama acknowledges his thesis requires revisions to account for ongoing challenges to liberal democracy from issues like climate change, terrorism, and new technologies that could disrupt society like artificial intelligence.
This review summarizes and critiques three books about Cold War history and American foreign policy:
1) Richard Saull's "The Cold War and after: capitalism, revolution and superpower politics" which takes a Marxist view of the Cold War but is difficult to follow due to lengthy sentences and parentheses.
2) Don Munton and David Welch's "The Cuban Missile Crisis: a concise history" which provides a clear overview of the crisis and its causes/aftermath but could be strengthened by discussing additional context points.
3) Christopher Layne's "The peace of illusions: American grand strategy from 1940 to the present" which argues US foreign policy has long been driven by economic
Screams of Revolution: Political Statements in American Horror Filmsrvrich24
1) The document discusses how American horror films from the 1950s-1970s used monsters and killers to comment on political issues and critique American government policies, especially around war and foreign relations.
2) Two iconic 1950s films, The Thing from Another World and Invasion of the Body Snatchers, used aliens and body snatchers as metaphors to express fears around communism and McCarthyism.
3) George Romero's 1968 film Night of the Living Dead depicted a chaotic world where the government fails to help citizens during a zombie attack, reflecting disillusionment with the government over the Vietnam War.
The document discusses the counterculture movement of the 1960s as a reaction against social and political conservatism. It originated on college campuses through events like the Free Speech Movement and in beatnik cafes. Key figures like Jack Kerouac and the Beat Generation popularized spontaneous writing and anti-establishment values. The 1960s also saw the rise of psychedelic drugs like LSD, promoted by figures like Timothy Leary, and their influence on music by bands like the Beatles.
The document summarizes the counterculture movement of the 1960s, its origins as a reaction to 1950s conservatism, and its evolution over the decade. Key events included the emergence of the New Left focusing on civil rights and opposing the Vietnam War, widespread student and labor protests in the US and Europe, and the rise of feminism and environmentalism. LSD played a large role in art and music but its popularity declined after the deaths of prominent figures. In 1968, protests escalated with Martin Luther King and Robert Kennedy's assassinations and riots at the Democratic National Convention. The May 1968 student strike in France had wide impacts and signified the peak of the global protest movement. New media like independent newspapers and the
This document summarizes Nicholas Lal's presentation on the melodramatic aspects of media coverage. It provides examples of how media has historically used melodramatic themes to frame political stories, such as WWI recruitment posters depicting Germans as villains. It also discusses Elizabeth Anker's analysis of Fox News coverage of 9/11 and how they presented an emotional narrative of Americans as heroes and victims versus Al-Qaeda as villains. Additional examples analyzed include McCarthyism depictions of communists as threats to America and trials like Rodney King, OJ Simpson, and George Zimmerman that addressed underlying racial tensions. The document concludes by justifying the use of melodramatic media framing for issues like congressional filibusters and protests in
This document analyzes and critiques two articles by David D. Kirkpatrick on the Egyptian protests and military response. It notes that Kirkpatrick's early January 2011 article focused more on portraying the protestors, while later articles in November 2011 seem to criticize the protestors more and align more closely with the U.S. and Egyptian military stances. The document questions whether Kirkpatrick began censoring his writing or allowing political biases over the following months.
The document discusses various topics related to reporting on war, terrorism, calamities and disasters. It covers different types of reporting including war reporting. Some key points discussed include the need for journalists to exercise care in war reporting to avoid spreading misinformation and exposing themselves to danger. It also discusses issues around covering suffering, showing appropriate images, and maintaining ethics and sensitivity when interviewing victims. Examples discussed include images from famines, earthquakes and floods in different countries.
This document discusses the anti-Islam video "Innocence of Mohammad" and the widespread violent protests it sparked across the Muslim world. It notes the video was produced by a radical Christian using a pseudonym and seems designed to provoke hardliners. The document then reviews some history of blasphemy incidents involving Islam. It outlines the global reaction and violence that followed the release of the anti-Islam video, including attacks that killed Americans in Libya and Afghanistan. Finally, it discusses debates around freedom of speech versus cultural sensitivities and possible causes of increased Islamophobia in the West.
Francis Fukuyama argues that with the end of the Cold War, Western liberal democracy may represent the final form of human government. He claims history has reached an "end point" with this ideological victory, as no alternative could now surpass liberal democracy. However, critics argue Fukuyama ignores issues within liberal democracies and the potential for new ideologies to emerge over time.
A quiz on politics marking the centenary of the October Revolution, conducted at the Karnataa Quiz Association.
A collective effort of The Gang of Four - Praveen, Hrishi, Raju & Avinash.
This document discusses the fairness of war through an analysis of World War 2 and the American bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in Japan. It argues that war is never truly fair as the decision to go to war is often made by a small group of leaders without proper consultation of citizens. Those who suffer most from the effects of war also often have little connection to the original conflict. While countries may claim victory in war establishes superiority, such victories come at tremendous human cost and long-term suffering for the losing country. The document concludes that fairness is rarely achieved in war as many factors like capitalism, humanism, and strategic beliefs influence the outcomes over human concerns.
Nathan Irvin Huggins was a historian born in 1927 who made significant contributions through his literary works and teaching focusing on illuminating important areas of Black American history. His most famous work, "Harlem Renaissance", examines the cultural movement of the 1920s and 1930s centered in Harlem that was a flowering of African American art and literature. Huggins saw the Harlem Renaissance as having a profound impact on both Black Americans and American culture as a whole by highlighting the contributions of African Americans and the emergence of jazz music.
The 1960s saw the rise of a counter-culture movement in response to social and political events of the decade. The civil rights movement achieved some successes through legislation but continued to face violent resistance from white communities. Figures like Martin Luther King Jr. advocated non-violence, though the government response was at times still brutal. Meanwhile, other groups began advocating more confrontational tactics in the fight for racial justice and social change.
MCSS 2018 "When Words Fail: Teaching War on a Human Scale"mshomakerteach
How do students define war? How do adolescents understand the complexities of war? This session, presented at the Missouri Council for the Social Studies, seeks to answer those questions, as well as pose possibilities for teachers to incorporate a broader view of war into their curriculums without relying solely on military history.
The Beat Generation was a group of American writers in the 1950s known for rejecting social and literary conventions. Key figures included Allen Ginsberg, William S. Burroughs, and Jack Kerouac. They met as students at Columbia University and were influenced by Eastern religion, alternative lifestyles, and experimentation with drugs. Ginsberg's poem "Howl" and Burroughs' novel "Naked Lunch" addressed taboo topics and helped liberalize publishing. Their works had an anti-establishment message and documented underground cultures, influencing the counterculture of the 1960s.
his article argues that women of colour were central to the process of the legal transition to free labour in Cuba. Through an examination of legal appeals for freedom – which were often facilitated by new opportunities created by transition legislation – it shows that women were motivated by factors such as their families and frequently by their position as urban domestic servants. They could also make use of gendered understandings of slavery and freedom, which were socially prevalent although not legally enshrined. The paper argues that a focus on women and gender may have important implications for our understanding of Cuba's transition to free labour and of some of the constructions of citizenship and nationhood with which it was entwined.
RBG on the History of Black August: Concept and ProgramRBG Communiversity
FROM RBG-BLACK PANTHER PARTY HISTORICAL-POLITICAL STUDIES COLLECTION http://www.scribd.com/collections/3699837/RBG-BLACK-PANTHER-PARTY-HISTORICAL-POLITICAL-STUDIES-COLLECTION
The document discusses the use of propaganda through imagery and its power to influence political views. Propaganda uses exaggerated or sometimes false information to help promote an idea or cause. Wartime is a prime example, using posters and other visuals to encourage support on the home front and influence enemies. During World Wars I and II, posters aimed to reduce venereal diseases among troops and promote war bond sales. Political cartoons also played a role in exposing issues and shaping views before radio and TV. Overall, the document examines how visual propaganda and art have historically shaped political narratives and navigation of the political world.
The document provides context on the origins and development of the Cold War between the United States and Soviet Union following World War II. It discusses key events like the Potsdam Conference, Winston Churchill's "Iron Curtain" speech, and George Kennan's "Long Telegram" that increased tensions. It also covers the creation of institutions and adoption of policies like NATO and containment that characterized the emerging conflict between the two superpowers.
The document discusses David Farber's thesis in his book The Age of Great Dreams about interpreting the 1960s in context of the "American Century" and as a result of emerging new ideas and values in the "human marketplace." It also discusses themes of the 1960s like change, self-expression, and responsibility. The author believes the turbulence of the 1960s was a "perfect storm" brought on by simmering social issues, the assassination of JFK, the Vietnam War, and the rise of mass media and television news, which psychologically impacted Americans and prevented a return to normalcy after traumatic events.
RBG On the History of Black August with Concept and Program-IN COMMEMORATION ...RBG Communiversity
The document discusses the history and concept of Black August, which originated in California prisons in the 1970s. It commemorates significant events in August related to the Black liberation struggle, including attempts at liberation and sacrifices made by Black freedom fighters. Events chronicled include the deaths of Jonathan Jackson, George Jackson, and Jeffery Gualden in August 1970, 1971, and 1978 respectively. The document outlines the five tenets of the Black August program, which include fasting, abstaining from intoxicants, political/cultural study, and wearing a black armband as symbols of resistance and tribute to those who died fighting for Black liberation.
Hello..!! its my first presentation...please keep support me ..i will provide your subjects related meterial..i want to teach or understand each and basic knowledge of our world ..
The Beat Generation were a group of American writers who emerged in the 1950s in response to World War II and rejection of prevailing middle-class values. Key members included Allen Ginsberg, whose poem Howl criticized restrictive American assumptions, and Gary Snyder, whose work resisted cultural authority. The Beat poets wrote in a spontaneous style with free verse and sought to bring poetry to the streets. Their work was influenced by Romantic poets and jazz music and explored themes of politics, Buddhism, and social commentary.
The Anon+ Project Plan outlines the development of an anonymous social network called Anon+. Key points include:
- A team has been established to develop the platform using open source code. Management roles have been assigned.
- Near term goals include establishing a secure server, forming a financial committee, releasing progress updates, and setting a date for the first beta release.
- The network aims to allow anonymous participation and censorship-resistant communication, especially for activists. Development is ongoing for features like anonymous profiles, decentralized hosting, and alternative currency support.
This document summarizes a study on global food losses and waste. The study found that approximately one-third of all food produced for human consumption is lost or wasted, amounting to about 1.3 billion tons per year. Food is lost at various stages of the supply chain from production to consumption. In developing countries, food is mostly lost early in the supply chain during harvesting, storage, and transport due to financial and infrastructure limitations. In developed countries, more food is wasted at the consumer level due to quality standards, overpurchasing, and consumer behavior. Reducing food losses has potential to increase the efficiency of the food system and help address hunger. However, more research is still needed to better understand the issue of global food
This document summarizes Nicholas Lal's presentation on the melodramatic aspects of media coverage. It provides examples of how media has historically used melodramatic themes to frame political stories, such as WWI recruitment posters depicting Germans as villains. It also discusses Elizabeth Anker's analysis of Fox News coverage of 9/11 and how they presented an emotional narrative of Americans as heroes and victims versus Al-Qaeda as villains. Additional examples analyzed include McCarthyism depictions of communists as threats to America and trials like Rodney King, OJ Simpson, and George Zimmerman that addressed underlying racial tensions. The document concludes by justifying the use of melodramatic media framing for issues like congressional filibusters and protests in
This document analyzes and critiques two articles by David D. Kirkpatrick on the Egyptian protests and military response. It notes that Kirkpatrick's early January 2011 article focused more on portraying the protestors, while later articles in November 2011 seem to criticize the protestors more and align more closely with the U.S. and Egyptian military stances. The document questions whether Kirkpatrick began censoring his writing or allowing political biases over the following months.
The document discusses various topics related to reporting on war, terrorism, calamities and disasters. It covers different types of reporting including war reporting. Some key points discussed include the need for journalists to exercise care in war reporting to avoid spreading misinformation and exposing themselves to danger. It also discusses issues around covering suffering, showing appropriate images, and maintaining ethics and sensitivity when interviewing victims. Examples discussed include images from famines, earthquakes and floods in different countries.
This document discusses the anti-Islam video "Innocence of Mohammad" and the widespread violent protests it sparked across the Muslim world. It notes the video was produced by a radical Christian using a pseudonym and seems designed to provoke hardliners. The document then reviews some history of blasphemy incidents involving Islam. It outlines the global reaction and violence that followed the release of the anti-Islam video, including attacks that killed Americans in Libya and Afghanistan. Finally, it discusses debates around freedom of speech versus cultural sensitivities and possible causes of increased Islamophobia in the West.
Francis Fukuyama argues that with the end of the Cold War, Western liberal democracy may represent the final form of human government. He claims history has reached an "end point" with this ideological victory, as no alternative could now surpass liberal democracy. However, critics argue Fukuyama ignores issues within liberal democracies and the potential for new ideologies to emerge over time.
A quiz on politics marking the centenary of the October Revolution, conducted at the Karnataa Quiz Association.
A collective effort of The Gang of Four - Praveen, Hrishi, Raju & Avinash.
This document discusses the fairness of war through an analysis of World War 2 and the American bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in Japan. It argues that war is never truly fair as the decision to go to war is often made by a small group of leaders without proper consultation of citizens. Those who suffer most from the effects of war also often have little connection to the original conflict. While countries may claim victory in war establishes superiority, such victories come at tremendous human cost and long-term suffering for the losing country. The document concludes that fairness is rarely achieved in war as many factors like capitalism, humanism, and strategic beliefs influence the outcomes over human concerns.
Nathan Irvin Huggins was a historian born in 1927 who made significant contributions through his literary works and teaching focusing on illuminating important areas of Black American history. His most famous work, "Harlem Renaissance", examines the cultural movement of the 1920s and 1930s centered in Harlem that was a flowering of African American art and literature. Huggins saw the Harlem Renaissance as having a profound impact on both Black Americans and American culture as a whole by highlighting the contributions of African Americans and the emergence of jazz music.
The 1960s saw the rise of a counter-culture movement in response to social and political events of the decade. The civil rights movement achieved some successes through legislation but continued to face violent resistance from white communities. Figures like Martin Luther King Jr. advocated non-violence, though the government response was at times still brutal. Meanwhile, other groups began advocating more confrontational tactics in the fight for racial justice and social change.
MCSS 2018 "When Words Fail: Teaching War on a Human Scale"mshomakerteach
How do students define war? How do adolescents understand the complexities of war? This session, presented at the Missouri Council for the Social Studies, seeks to answer those questions, as well as pose possibilities for teachers to incorporate a broader view of war into their curriculums without relying solely on military history.
The Beat Generation was a group of American writers in the 1950s known for rejecting social and literary conventions. Key figures included Allen Ginsberg, William S. Burroughs, and Jack Kerouac. They met as students at Columbia University and were influenced by Eastern religion, alternative lifestyles, and experimentation with drugs. Ginsberg's poem "Howl" and Burroughs' novel "Naked Lunch" addressed taboo topics and helped liberalize publishing. Their works had an anti-establishment message and documented underground cultures, influencing the counterculture of the 1960s.
his article argues that women of colour were central to the process of the legal transition to free labour in Cuba. Through an examination of legal appeals for freedom – which were often facilitated by new opportunities created by transition legislation – it shows that women were motivated by factors such as their families and frequently by their position as urban domestic servants. They could also make use of gendered understandings of slavery and freedom, which were socially prevalent although not legally enshrined. The paper argues that a focus on women and gender may have important implications for our understanding of Cuba's transition to free labour and of some of the constructions of citizenship and nationhood with which it was entwined.
RBG on the History of Black August: Concept and ProgramRBG Communiversity
FROM RBG-BLACK PANTHER PARTY HISTORICAL-POLITICAL STUDIES COLLECTION http://www.scribd.com/collections/3699837/RBG-BLACK-PANTHER-PARTY-HISTORICAL-POLITICAL-STUDIES-COLLECTION
The document discusses the use of propaganda through imagery and its power to influence political views. Propaganda uses exaggerated or sometimes false information to help promote an idea or cause. Wartime is a prime example, using posters and other visuals to encourage support on the home front and influence enemies. During World Wars I and II, posters aimed to reduce venereal diseases among troops and promote war bond sales. Political cartoons also played a role in exposing issues and shaping views before radio and TV. Overall, the document examines how visual propaganda and art have historically shaped political narratives and navigation of the political world.
The document provides context on the origins and development of the Cold War between the United States and Soviet Union following World War II. It discusses key events like the Potsdam Conference, Winston Churchill's "Iron Curtain" speech, and George Kennan's "Long Telegram" that increased tensions. It also covers the creation of institutions and adoption of policies like NATO and containment that characterized the emerging conflict between the two superpowers.
The document discusses David Farber's thesis in his book The Age of Great Dreams about interpreting the 1960s in context of the "American Century" and as a result of emerging new ideas and values in the "human marketplace." It also discusses themes of the 1960s like change, self-expression, and responsibility. The author believes the turbulence of the 1960s was a "perfect storm" brought on by simmering social issues, the assassination of JFK, the Vietnam War, and the rise of mass media and television news, which psychologically impacted Americans and prevented a return to normalcy after traumatic events.
RBG On the History of Black August with Concept and Program-IN COMMEMORATION ...RBG Communiversity
The document discusses the history and concept of Black August, which originated in California prisons in the 1970s. It commemorates significant events in August related to the Black liberation struggle, including attempts at liberation and sacrifices made by Black freedom fighters. Events chronicled include the deaths of Jonathan Jackson, George Jackson, and Jeffery Gualden in August 1970, 1971, and 1978 respectively. The document outlines the five tenets of the Black August program, which include fasting, abstaining from intoxicants, political/cultural study, and wearing a black armband as symbols of resistance and tribute to those who died fighting for Black liberation.
Hello..!! its my first presentation...please keep support me ..i will provide your subjects related meterial..i want to teach or understand each and basic knowledge of our world ..
The Beat Generation were a group of American writers who emerged in the 1950s in response to World War II and rejection of prevailing middle-class values. Key members included Allen Ginsberg, whose poem Howl criticized restrictive American assumptions, and Gary Snyder, whose work resisted cultural authority. The Beat poets wrote in a spontaneous style with free verse and sought to bring poetry to the streets. Their work was influenced by Romantic poets and jazz music and explored themes of politics, Buddhism, and social commentary.
The Anon+ Project Plan outlines the development of an anonymous social network called Anon+. Key points include:
- A team has been established to develop the platform using open source code. Management roles have been assigned.
- Near term goals include establishing a secure server, forming a financial committee, releasing progress updates, and setting a date for the first beta release.
- The network aims to allow anonymous participation and censorship-resistant communication, especially for activists. Development is ongoing for features like anonymous profiles, decentralized hosting, and alternative currency support.
This document summarizes a study on global food losses and waste. The study found that approximately one-third of all food produced for human consumption is lost or wasted, amounting to about 1.3 billion tons per year. Food is lost at various stages of the supply chain from production to consumption. In developing countries, food is mostly lost early in the supply chain during harvesting, storage, and transport due to financial and infrastructure limitations. In developed countries, more food is wasted at the consumer level due to quality standards, overpurchasing, and consumer behavior. Reducing food losses has potential to increase the efficiency of the food system and help address hunger. However, more research is still needed to better understand the issue of global food
This document summarizes the results of a survey of 494 doner kebab samples collected from 76 councils across the UK. It finds that only 34% of kebabs contained exclusively sheep meat, indicating some inaccuracies in meat labeling. It also finds that the average doner kebab contains over 1000 calories, over half the recommended daily intake for women and 40% for men. Some kebabs contained up to 80% of the daily calorie recommendation for men and over 200% of the recommended daily salt intake. While doner kebabs are not usually a main part of diets, this survey provides consumers with valuable information about the nutritional contents to make informed choices.
1) In 1946-1948, Dr. John C. Cutler conducted a syphilis experiment in Guatemala sponsored by several US and Guatemalan organizations, including the PHS. Over 600 men in prisons and mental hospitals were deliberately infected with syphilis through prostitutes, inoculation, or spinal taps in order to study the disease and effects of penicillin.
2) Unlike the Tuskegee study where men were not treated, in Guatemala subjects were given penicillin after becoming infected, though it is unclear if all received adequate treatment.
3) The study demonstrated connections between research in developing countries and the US, and helped disprove myths that men in Tuskegee were deliberately infected
The document summarizes key findings from Reporters Without Borders' 2010 World Press Freedom Index. The main points are:
1) Several European Union countries fell in the rankings, risking the EU's position as a leader in press freedom and human rights.
2) Northern European countries like Finland, Iceland, and Norway remained at the top of the index for respecting journalists.
3) The bottom 10 countries saw increased persecution of the media through censorship and imprisonment of journalists, including Eritrea, North Korea, and Turkmenistan.
The document outlines the United States' international strategy for cyberspace, which aims to promote prosperity, security, and openness in cyberspace. The strategy seeks to build partnerships to establish norms of responsible state behavior and multi-stakeholder governance. It takes a strategic approach of combining diplomacy, defense, and development to enhance prosperity and security while safeguarding fundamental freedoms. The strategy identifies seven priority areas of activity to achieve this vision, including protecting networks, law enforcement collaboration, and supporting internet freedom.
The document analyzes McDonald's charitable activities and finds that they primarily serve to promote the McDonald's brand and deflect criticism of its business practices, rather than substantially contributing to philanthropic causes. It details that McDonald's gives a relatively small percentage of revenue and profits to charity compared to other major corporations, spends much more on advertising than donations, and exaggerates the value of its charitable activities. A significant portion of the report examines McDonald's relationship with Ronald McDonald House Charities, finding that McDonald's contributes a small fraction of RMHC's revenues but enjoys all the branded benefits, and that RMHC effectively functions as a PR vehicle for McDonald's more than an independent charity.
This document is a list of participants for the 2011 Bilderberg Meeting held in St. Moritz, Switzerland from June 9-12, 2011. It includes over 130 attendees from 21 countries, mostly from Europe and North America. The attendees span government, business, media, academia and international organizations.
Natural Disasters Essays. Natural disasters in Australia and their effects - ...Kari Wilson
Impact and Result of Natural Disasters Essay Example | StudyHippo.com. Natural disasters in Australia and their effects - A-Level Geography .... Natural Disaster Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words. Essay Natural Disasters Spm – Telegraph. Essay on Disaster Management | Disaster Management Essay for Students .... Natural Disaster Essay - Natures Fury: The Science of Natural Disasters ....
This document summarizes the development of the environmental movement in the United States from the 1940s through the 1970s. It discusses how concerns about nuclear weapons and pesticides in the 1940s-1960s laid the groundwork for the modern environmental movement. The 1960s saw the beginning of environmental legislation and activism. The 1970s are characterized as a time of "practical maturation" where the environmental movement achieved significant political successes, including the creation of the EPA and passage of major environmental laws and regulations that addressed issues like air and water pollution. Scientific understanding of environmental issues also advanced in the 1970s.
This document provides an analysis of the ideological underpinnings of the AIDS Memorial Quilt. It began in 1987 as a way to memorialize those who had died of AIDS, mainly gay men, but has since expanded to represent over 91,000 people from all demographics affected by the disease. The quilt challenged the dominant ideology at the time that viewed AIDS as only a "gay disease" and used the traditional symbolism of quilts to transform the understanding of AIDS in American society and demand greater political recognition and support for all people affected.
Charles Drew discovered techniques for long-term blood plasma storage, allowing plasma to be transfused regardless of the recipient's blood type. J. Robert Oppenheimer was the scientific director of the Manhattan Project that developed the first nuclear weapons. Ray Kroc recognized McDonald brothers' efficient production system and convinced them to let him franchise the concept, founding McDonald's Corporation.
≫ Legalization of Abortion Free Essay Sample on Samploon.com. Abortion Essay Writing Guide with Examples | HandMadeWriting. How To Create A Best Abortion Argumentative Essay? | Grademiners.com. Abortion Essay - GCSE Religious Studies (Philosophy & Ethics) - Marked .... Abortion Essay - Document in A Level and IB Religious Studies. A Discursive Essay on Abortion - GCSE Religious Studies (Philosophy .... Abortion essay - A-Level Modern Foreign Languages - Marked by Teachers.com. I had an abortion. Why is none of your business. - The Washington Post. The majority of Americans support abortion access.. Want to reduce abortion rates? Give parents money. - The Washington Post. Strict Abortion Law Forced Woman to Give Birth to Baby Without a Brain .... Trump pushes anti-abortion agenda to build culture that 'cherishes innocent life'. Missouri latest state to move to restrict abortion laws. Questions surface as states pass abortion laws. Abortion laws: How different states use 'heartbeat' bills, Roe v. Wade. With Abortion in Spotlight, States Seek to Pass New Laws - The New York .... Abortion rate at lowest level since 1973. 635711897809053841-AP-Abortion-Restrictions.jpg?width=2382&height=1346 .... Group launches site to help women self-induce abortions at home, citing .... Online Essay Help | amazonia.fiocruz.br. Why Abortion Should Be Legalized: Argumentative Essay: [Essay Example .... Abortion Essay | Essay on Abortion for Students and Children in English .... Abortion Argumentative Essay | Essay on Abortion Argumentative for .... Essay Writer for All Kinds of Papers - good thesis statement for being .... Abortion essays against - writefiction581.web.fc2.com. Essay For Abortion. Abortion Ethics Essays – jaqaqozuq. abortion intro paragraph. Argument essay about abortion facts - writersdoubt.web.fc2.com. Abortion Essays Free. People against abortion essays - writinggroups319.web.fc2.com. The relevancy of abortion essay - articlehealthkart.x.fc2.com. Research essay on abortion For Abortion Essay
Slide 7 WestCal Political Science 5 Western Political Thought 2016WestCal Academy
Political Science 5 - Western Political Thought provides an overall perspective of major political movements of history from the rising of Egyptian, Greek and Roman Empires to Fascism and Communism as seen by great political thinkers from Plato, Aristotle, and St. Augustine, Machiavelli, Marx, and Lenin. Students will analyze the most important ideas and theories that have been developed from the time of the ancient Greeks to the present day. Students will learn that the American Founding Fathers designed a viable representative government by first dedicating themselves to careful study of the political philosophy of Europeans, with particular attention given to British political thinkers from the 16th and 17th century. The founding fathers focused primarily on the natural rights of man, which in turn varied according to the individual philosopher studied. Over the course of their study, the founding fathers openly discussed their opinions with one another so as to properly bring forth differing views in order to prudently construct a government that would protect individual liberty, as well as determine what was required of government to protect civil liberties. The class is taught from the perspective of industry professionals with knowledge of how classical and modern political continues to influence American government. Students will learn of multiple career options relating to the field of political science.
Myth, history and environmental journalism Bill Kovarik
+ Environmental issues and journalism have a long history dating back to the 1700s. Benjamin Franklin wrote about waste dumping and pollution in Philadelphia in 1739. In the 1850s, John Snow reported on cholera in London. In the 1920s, Walter Lippmann covered the debate around leaded gasoline. Throughout history, partisan media have reflected disagreements on environmental issues, with some siding with industry and others advocating for public health. Recent trends show declining environmental news coverage amid increased threats to journalists investigating environmental conflicts.
Environmental Pollution Essay for Students and Children in English - A .... Write an Essay on Environmental Pollution In 300 words || Environment Pollution Essay In English. Essay on environmental pollution / a written essay. Environmental Pollution Essay – Telegraph.
This article examines The Simpsons, one of the most globally successful American television exports, and argues that contrary to assumptions of cultural imperialism theory, it may circulate a satirical criticism of America rather than promote American values. Through textual analysis of the show and research on international viewers, the author finds The Simpsons parodies and satirizes the American suburb and dream. While acknowledging American cultural dominance, the author argues cultural imperialism theories inadequately analyze the complexity of cultural texts and meanings that global audiences can derive. Examining popular cultural exports like The Simpsons in more depth can provide a more nuanced understanding of global cultural flows than assumptions of monolithic Americanization.
The Problematic of Eating Disorders Essay Example | StudyHippo.com. Binge Eating Disorder Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays .... Eating Disorders - A-Level Psychology - Marked by Teachers.com. Psychology in Eating Disorder Essay Sample. Eating disorders. Eating Disorders Essay - Eating Disorders: Causes, Symptoms, Signs .... A Case of Eating Disorder Essay Example | Topics and Well Written .... Eating Disorder Expository Essay - Eating Disorders And Adolescents. 003 Eating Disorder Essay Example ~ Thatsnotus. Persuasive Essay: Eating disorder college essay. Eating disorder essay introduction. Eating Disorders in the USA Essay Example | Topics and Well Written .... Discuss one or more biological explanations of eating disorders examp…. Eating Disorder Essay Paper - Introduction To Eating Disorders. Eating Disorder Research Paper Outline - PHDessay.com. ⭐ Eating disorders essay. College Eating Disorders Essay Essay Example .... Tips for Writing a Captivating Eating Disorders Essay - Academeter.com. Teenagers with Eating Disorders Essay Example | Topics and Well Written .... ️ Reflective essay on eating disorders. Adolescents and eating .... Welcome to CDCT. Eating disorder Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays .... presentation essay | Eating Disorder | Body Image. Psychology Of Eating Disorders Essay Example | Topics and Well Written .... ⇉Eating Disorders and Culture Essay Essay Example | GraduateWay. Eating Disorders - University Biological Sciences - Marked by Teachers.com. Eating disorders essay example, Annotated Bibliography on Eating Disorders Essays On Eating Disorders
Declaration of Independence Essay | Essay on Declaration of .... Research paper: Declaration of independence essay. 007 Declaration Of Independence Essay Better2b4 ~ Thatsnotus. The Declaration of Independence And The U.S. Constitution - Free Essay .... 020 Essay Example Declaration Of Independence Reflective ~ Thatsnotus. Essay On The Declaration Of
Declaration of Independence Essay | Essay on Declaration of .... Research paper: Declaration of independence essay. 007 Declaration Of Independence Essay Better2b4 ~ Thatsnotus. The Declaration of Independence And The U.S. Constitution - Free Essay .... 020 Essay Example Declaration Of Independence Reflective ~ Thatsnotus. Essay On The Declaration Of Independence – Telegraph. ᐅ Essays On Declaration of Independence
Religion And Politics Essay. Christianitys Contributions with two other relig...Susan Neal
(DOC) Politics and Religion – Essay | Dennis Singh - Academia.edu. ⚡ Politics and religion should not mix essay. Essay on religion should .... Introduction to Politics Essay 1 | Legitimacy (Political) | Liberty. Political Essay Writing from Professional Academic Writers for You. 012 008578321 1 Religion Essay ~ Thatsnotus. Religion Essay- Discuss The Ways in Which Religion Has Contributed to .... Religion And Politics Essay Example | StudyHippo.com. Write an essay what is religion ? || Essay writing on what is religion .... ⇉Should Religion and Politic Be Kept Separated? Essay Example | GraduateWay. Rare Essay On Religion ~ Thatsnotus. Religion, Politics, and Development Essays in Development Economics a…. ⛔ How to write a politics essay. How to Structure an A Level Politics ....
This document provides context for analyzing representations of queer identity in the TV show Seinfeld. It introduces the topic and discusses how media impacts public understanding of queer identities. It then summarizes Michel Foucault's theory on how societies define sexuality. Next, it outlines the social and political climate around queer issues in the 1990s when Seinfeld aired. Specifically, it discusses events like Don't Ask Don't Tell and increasing visibility and debates around queer identities. It also cites a study showing rising tolerance for same-sex relations during this decade. In closing, it sets up an analysis of Seinfeld's representations within this historical and theoretical framework.
This document provides an introduction and overview of the relationship between the American news media and the government in the aftermath of the September 11th attacks. It discusses how the news media largely accepted and disseminated the government's framing of the attacks and calls for military intervention without sufficient independent scrutiny or consideration of alternative viewpoints. The document traces how objectivity became an ideal of American journalism and how this limits the news media's ability to fulfill its watchdog role over the government, particularly during times of crisis when patriotism runs high. It argues the news coverage of 9/11 revealed the news media acting more as a lapdog than watchdog to the government.
This document contains summaries of multiple academic papers presented at a conference. The first paper discusses Alan Lomax's 1933 recordings of prison inmates in the American South in search of "authentic" African American folk music. It argues that Lomax reinforced stereotypes and helped appropriate Southern folk culture for urban audiences. The second paper explores conceptualizations of "ecological thinking" in various cultures and traditions throughout history that emphasized human interconnectedness. The third paper investigates how models of science communication can inform criteria for analyzing and improving science journalism practice.
This document provides an overview and introduction to a book titled "The Philosophy of The X-Files". It discusses the goal of exploring philosophical themes and ideas found in popular culture works. It notes that the book contains chapters analyzing philosophical concepts in The X-Files through examples from the TV show. It also lists some other books in the series on the philosophy of works like Stanley Kubrick films, neo-noir, and Martin Scorsese films.
- Hadley Cantril was a psychologist born in Utah who received his PhD from Harvard and joined the faculty of Princeton University, where he later became chairman of the psychology department. Some of his most influential works included research on public opinion and mass communication.
- Orson Welles was an American actor, director and producer best known for his films Citizen Kane and The Magnificent Ambersons. His 1938 radio broadcast of The War of the Worlds, presented as a news bulletin, caused widespread panic among listeners who thought the fictional Martian invasion was real.
- The broadcast was so believable and frightening because it played on the anxieties and vulnerabilities of Americans during the Great Depression as war loomed in Europe
5Vanishing PointsArt, AIDS, and the Problem of Vis.docxblondellchancy
5
Vanishing Points
Art, AIDS, and the Problem of Visibility
In March 1986, the conservative writer William F. Buckley called for the manda
tory tattooing of people with AIDS. “Everyone detected with AIDS," he wrote in
a widely cited op-ed piece in the New York Times, “should he tattooed in the upper
forearm, to protect common-needle users, and on the buttocks, to prevent the
victimization of other homosexuals.”1 As Buckley saw it, people with AIDS had
to be indelibly marked as such, their bodies imprinted with a literal sign ol the
danger they posed to others. Buckley’s tattoo proposal was fueled by the fear
that people infected with HIV would not be clearly differentiated from the rest
of the public, that their infection would not be risible enough.2
In November 1987, approximately thirty members of a newly formed activist
organization called the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP) created a
site-specific artwork for the window of the New Museum of Contemporary Art
in New York. 3The work, entitled Let the Record Show ..., featured a pink neon
sign that declared “Silence Death,” an LED signboard, a photomural of the
Nuremberg trials, and a series of six cardboard cutouts representing public fig
ures who had, in the view of ACT UP, aggravated the AIDS crisis (figures 5.1,
5.2). Directly beneath each cardboard silhouette was a concrete slab that was
inscribed, headstone-like, with a quote relating to the epidemic. The filth card
board cutout bore a likeness of William F. Buckley. The accompanying slab was
inscribed with these words: “Everyone detected with AIDS should be tattooed in
the upper forearm, to protect common-needle users, and on the buttocks, to
prevent the victimization of other homosexuals.”
FACING PAGE: Figure 5.1. ACT UP, Let the Record Show.... 1987. Mixed media,
installed in New Museum window, detail. Courtesy New Museum of
Contemporary Art, New York.
Figure 5.2.
ACT UP, Let the
Record Show....
1987. Mixed
media, installed in
New Museum win
dow, detail. Cour
tesy New Museum
of Contemporary
Art, New York.
Image digitally
enhanced by
Christiane Robbins.
In one sense, Let the Record Show ... reversed the logic of Buckley’s proposal.
Rather than rendering the person with AIDS visible as a threat to others, ACT
UP portrayed Buckley himself as part of the crisis, the social anti political disas
ter, that AIDS had become by 1987. In setting a cardboard likeness of the colum
nist against a photomural of the Nuremberg trials, ACT UP drew out the link
between Buckley’s proposal and the compulsory tattooing of inmates in the Nazi
death camps. ACT UP challenged Buckley’s regulatory scheme by forcing the
regulator—rather than his targets—into visibility.4
Although the LED signboard in let the Record Show ... offered statistics about
AIDS fatalities (e.g., “By Thanksgiving 1987, 25,644 known dead”), the work
included no image of a person with AIDS. This visual absence was in ...
This document describes the methodology used by Reporters Without Borders to compile their annual World Press Freedom Index. They measure press freedom in 180 countries based on a questionnaire sent to partner organizations and a network of correspondents. Countries are assigned a score and ranking based on six criteria related to media pluralism, independence, censorship environment, legal framework, transparency, and infrastructure. A violence score is also incorporated based on monitoring of attacks on journalists. Armed conflicts have had a negative impact on several countries' rankings in the 2014 index due to increased dangers for journalists and media censorship.
This document summarizes a report on the impacts of waste incinerators on human health. It finds that incinerators emit numerous toxic substances like dioxins, heavy metals, and particulate matter through stack gases, ashes, and other residues. Several epidemiological studies have associated living or working near incinerators with various health effects, including increased cancer rates, respiratory impacts, and birth defects. While modern incinerators have lower emissions of some chemicals, they still release many toxic substances through multiple pathways. Given the uncertainties around health impacts, a precautionary approach and policies prioritizing waste prevention and recycling over incineration are recommended.
Informe del Relator Especial sobre los derechos de los pueblos indígenas, Ja...bueno buono good
Este documento presenta el informe del Relator Especial de las Naciones Unidas sobre los derechos de los pueblos indígenas tras su visita a Argentina en 2011. Resalta los avances legales en el reconocimiento de los derechos indígenas, pero señala brechas entre la ley y su implementación. Hace recomendaciones sobre temas como la tenencia de tierras, recursos, acceso a justicia y condiciones sociales y económicas de los pueblos indígenas.
This document provides an executive summary of the report "Charting Our Water Future" which was created by the 2030 Water Resources Group to analyze solutions to increasing water scarcity. The group consisted of private companies and organizations who worked with experts to develop frameworks to inform decision-making. The report found that by 2030, over a third of the world's population will live in areas facing water stress, and that current rates of increasing supply and efficiency will not meet rising demand. However, the report also finds that through measures like improving agricultural efficiency, augmenting supply, and reducing water intensity in economies, water needs can potentially be met at an affordable cost even in rapidly developing areas.
This document provides a biographical introduction to Nikola Tesla, the famous inventor. It describes how Tesla was born in 1857 in modern-day Croatia and showed an early aptitude for invention, experimenting with electricity from a young age. After studying engineering, Tesla moved to Paris and then to the United States in 1884. There, he worked for Thomas Edison before striking out on his own. The document highlights Tesla's pioneering work developing alternating current motors and polyphase systems in the late 1880s. It also discusses his groundbreaking experiments with high frequency, high voltage currents in the early 1890s. In summary, the document introduces Nikola Tesla, tracing his life and career, and provides an overview
This document describes a collection of Nikola Tesla's patents that are freely available from the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office. The patents were assembled into a PDF document using PdfEdit995 software and are available on the website The Bipolar Planet.
This document contains the confidential draft intellectual property chapter from negotiations of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) agreement between 12 countries, including the US, Japan, Canada, and Australia. It covers proposed international obligations and enforcement mechanisms for copyright, trademark, and patent law. The document combines the negotiating positions of all parties as of August 30, 2013 and was distributed to the chief negotiators after the 19th round of negotiations in Brunei. It includes proposed provisions on objectives of the chapter, definitions, national treatment, enforcement, technological protection measures, geographical indications, patents, trademarks, copyright, and other issues.
The document outlines draft provisions for an agreement on trade in services, investment, and e-commerce between the EU and US. It includes 7 chapters covering general provisions, investment, cross-border supply of services, temporary entry of natural persons, regulatory framework, electronic commerce, and exceptions. The key points are:
1. It seeks to progressively liberalize trade in services, investment, and e-commerce cooperation between the EU and US while maintaining the ability to regulate in the public interest.
2. It defines terms like natural/juridical persons, investments, cross-border supply of services, and establishes scope and coverage rules.
3. It includes provisions on market access and national treatment for investments
The Corruption Perceptions Index 2013 report by Transparency International summarizes corruption levels in 177 countries based on expert opinions. No country received a perfect score of 100, indicating completely clean government. Over two-thirds of countries scored below 50, suggesting high levels of public sector corruption. While a few countries performed well, widespread corruption remains a major global problem according to the index.
The document lists pharmaceutical drugs and their batches that were involved in illegal trafficking. It includes the brand, batch number, expiry date, quantity, illegal supplier, final location, and member state for each entry. There are over 200 entries listing various drugs such as Abilify, Afiniotor, Alimta, and Avastin that were trafficked to countries including Germany, the UK, Italy, and the Netherlands by suppliers like Avimax Health and Trade KFT and Mars Distributions KFT.
This document provides a summary of the 2013 Country Reports on Terrorism published by the United States Department of State. It discusses key trends in terrorism in 2013, including the evolving threat posed by al-Qa'ida affiliates in regions like Yemen, Syria, Iraq, Northwest Africa and the Sahel, as well as the rise of increasingly violent groups like the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant. It also summarizes terrorism trends and issues in other regions like South Asia, North Africa, East Africa, and assesses the ongoing threats posed by various terrorist groups around the world.
The document summarizes key trends and uncertainties in global affairs expected between now and 2020, including:
- The rise of China and India as major global economic powers, with their GDPs projected to surpass many Western countries. How their growing influence is exercised internationally is uncertain.
- Other developing countries like Brazil and Indonesia may also become important economic players.
- Europe will remain influential if it addresses issues like aging populations and immigration, but its role is uncertain.
- Russia has potential due to energy exports but faces demographic and instability challenges limiting its global role.
- Traditional geopolitical categories may become obsolete as new global actors emerge and the world becomes less state-bound.
The document summarizes the SIPRI Yearbook 2013. It covers topics such as armed conflicts, peace operations, military spending, arms production, nuclear forces, and arms control efforts. In 2012, the total number of peace operations was 53 while the number of personnel serving in these operations fell by over 10% due to withdrawals from Afghanistan. World military spending in 2012 was estimated at $1756 billion, about 0.4% lower than 2011 but still higher than any year prior to 2008 due to the global economic crisis. The largest military spenders were the US, China, UK, Russia and Japan.
This document provides a detailed summary of the Cremation of Care ceremony, a ritual performed at the annual encampment of the Bohemian Grove in Northern California. The ritual involves a procession led by hooded figures carrying an effigy of "Dull Care" to be burned. Several speeches are given attempting to burn Care, but he refuses, saying he cannot be destroyed. The ceremony's climax comes when the Owl, symbol of the Bohemian Grove, declares that only the "flame of fellowship" can overcome Care.
2. Voices of Democracy 3 (2008): 103‐121 Hogan & Mehltretter 104
Few would dispute Caldicott's claim that she recruited the majority of all people
who responded to the appeals of peace organizations in the early 1980s.8 Many of those
recruits themselves became influential activists, imitating both Caldicott's persona and
her rhetorical style. Her trademark stump speech, dubbed the "bombing run" speech by
movement insiders,9 became a popular attraction, particularly on college campuses.
Meanwhile, her books served as briefing papers for scores of other activists, providing
argumentative themes, facts and figures, testimony, and anecdotes. Videos featuring
Caldicott provided the focal point for many a freeze meeting.
Caldicott was the archetypal, even stereotypical freeze activist: well‐educated,
professionally successful, and economically secure. She epitomized the sort of activist
that led Robert Coles to dub the freeze movement "the crusade of the leisure class."10
She also symbolized the special role of highly visible professionals—not only physicians
but lawyers, teachers, musicians, and others—in the nuclear freeze campaign. Her
personal crusade most directly inspired the resurrection of Physicians for Social
Responsibility (PSR)—an organization of medical professionals dormant since the
1960s—and its sister group, the International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear
War (IPPNW).11 Yet PSR in turn inspired a number of copy‐cat groups, including
Educators for Social Responsibility and even Architects, Designers, and Planners for
Social Responsibility.
Caldicott's rhetoric—and her style of rhetoric—received much of the credit for
the early successes of the freeze campaign. When the movement began to falter in
1983‐1984, it was only natural that she also got some of the blame, with critics
questioning both the ethics and the effectiveness of her personal, highly emotional style
of public advocacy. Like apocalyptic speakers throughout history, Caldicott tried to scare
people into action with gruesome scenes of atomic death and destruction, yet she did
little to channel that fear into support for the freeze or any other arms control policy. By
the middle 1980s, even many anti‐nuclear activists began to conclude that shock
therapy may not be the best therapy, as it only seemed to promote "psychic numbing"
and political "paralysis."12 Indeed, some worried that such rhetoric might only increase
support for building more bombs. As Paul Boyer concluded in his historical study of the
anti‐nuclear movement, "Once fear is unleashed, the direction of its political expression
is wholly unpredictable. . . . [I]t is easier to terrify the public than it is to channel that
terror into sustained and constructive political action."13
Yet the roots of Caldicott's rhetorical failure reach deeper than this. Unlike
earlier anti‐nuclear advocates, Caldicott did not ground her apocalyptic rhetoric in
religious imagery, but in a secular, progressivist philosophy embraced by but a small
minority of the American people.14 Grounding her ethical judgments in humanistic
principles, Caldicott rejected the cultural myth of America as God's chosen people,
replacing it with a revisionist interpretation of history that cast America as the global
villain of the modern era. Borrowing from New Left revisionist historians, Caldicott
blamed all violence and suffering in the world on the greed of America's ruling class,
while completely absolving the Soviet Union of any responsibility. To some within the
peace movement, Caldicott preached a fundamental faith. But to the vast majority of
Americans, Caldicott not only seemed naïve about the Soviet threat but hateful and
3. Voices of Democracy 3 (2008): 103‐121 Hogan & Mehltretter 105
insulting toward the American people. Criticizing virtually every aspect of American
politics and culture, she came across as radical, irrational, and condescending.
This essay takes a close look at Caldicott's "bombing run" speech, focusing on a
long version of that speech delivered at Northern Michigan University in 1986. Caldicott
delivered the rambling, hour‐and‐a‐half speech more than a year after the freeze
debate ended, but as an example of her classic stump speech, it illustrates both the
strengths and weaknesses of her rhetorical style. On the one hand, the speech displayed
the passion, the shocking and dramatic "news," and the powerful visual imagery that
made Caldicott a media star. Along with her trademark depiction of a nuclear attack on
the hometown of her audience, the speech echoed many of Caldicott's usual themes,
including her medical "diagnosis" of the arms race and her passionate calls to action. On
the other hand, the speech reflected Caldicott's recklessness with facts, her dubious
interpretations of American politics and history, and her disdain for all things American.
It also shows how she vacillated between practical calls to action and vague, utopian
visions of revolutionary change. In short, Caldicott's speech at Northern Michigan sheds
light on both her early appeal and her ultimate failure. It also illustrates some of the
more troubling trends in our public discourse, most notably the substitution of passion
and ideological cant for reasoned deliberation.
The Nuclear Freeze Campaign and the Rhetoric of Televisual Politics
In March 1980, a young arms control activist name Randall Forsberg first
proposed a bilateral freeze on the testing, production, and deployment of new nuclear
weapons.15 Conceived as a mechanism for reuniting and reinvigorating the peace
movement,16 the freeze quickly attracted support from a broad array of mainstream
politicians and political groups as well.17 By January 1982, more than two dozen city
councils, 300 towns, and six New England state legislatures had endorsed the freeze,
and by November the list of freeze resolutions had grown to include 275 city
governments, 12 state legislatures, and 446 New England town meetings. In the fall of
1882, freeze referenda won in eight states, the District of Columbia, and over two dozen
cities. Meanwhile, Congress began a two‐year debate over various versions of a nuclear
freeze resolution.18
The freeze campaign drew its political momentum, in large measure, from news
media depictions of public support for the initiative. Describing support for the freeze as
broad‐based and rapidly growing, news commentators spoke about public opinion rising
up with "with a singular message, as if a great revelation had come to the common
imagination."19 In 1982, Newsweek reported that "a cross section" of Americans,
including "homemakers and businessmen, clerks and doctors, clergymen, teachers,
scientists and even military men," had "suddenly enlisted" in this "loosely linked,
burgeoning campaign to end the nuclear arms race." Their numbers were
"mushrooming," the newsmagazine reported, growing faster than "even their own
leaders ever expected."20 Similarly, Time reported that the freeze had attracted "broad‐
based support" from "across the socioeconomic spectrum."21 In March 1982, the
newsmagazine declared the freeze movement "far more broadly based" than the anti‐
4. Voices of Democracy 3 (2008): 103‐121 Hogan & Mehltretter 106
war movement of the 1960s and began a cover story on the phenomenon under the
Victor Hugo quotation, "No army can stop an idea whose time has come":
An idea whose moment may have arrived is sweeping the U.S—for better or for
worse. From the halls of Congress to Vermont hamlets to the posh living rooms
of Beverly Hills, Americans are not only thinking about the unthinkable, they are
opening a national dialogue on ways to control and reduce the awesome and
frightening arsenals of the superpowers.22
The polling industry provided empirical support for such stories. Between 1980
and 1984, pollsters asked hundreds of questions about nuclear weapons and strategic
arms policy, marveling at the strong, often overwhelming support for the freeze. Some
polls showed upwards of 90 percent of the public supporting the initiative,23 creating
the curious spectacle of a "radical" idea that almost everybody supported. For years, the
pollsters had reported that Americans did not pay much attention to the nuclear threat.
Now, according to pollster Lou Harris, the public was not only "genuinely frightened"
but "frightened in an activated as opposed to a passive way."24
All this was not lost on the politicians. In Congress, supporters of a freeze
resolution echoed the journalist and the pollsters, warning their colleagues that they
could ignore the freeze movement "only at political peril for themselves and for their
political parties."25 Convinced that millions of Americans had sent them a powerful
message,26 the House of Representatives twice debated the issue, finally passing a
freeze resolution in the spring of 1983 by nearly a two‐to‐one margin.27
The freeze assumed even great political prominence on the presidential
campaign trail. In February 1984, the CBS Evening News reported that Democratic
presidential hopefuls were "falling all over each other, trying to court the freeze
movement," because polls had identified nuclear war as "the number one concern on
the minds of the voters."28 Right up through the fall, the news media continued to insist
that nuclear war was "high on the list" of voter concerns, with polls showing that most
Americans wanted more action on arms control than they had seen from Ronald
Reagan.29 With freeze activists threatening to "organize millions upon millions of freeze
voters" in 1984,30 even seasoned political observers predicted that the freeze just might
"do to Ronald Reagan what Vietnam did to Lyndon Johnson."31
Reagan's landslide reelection, of course, put an end to such talk. In 1984, the
movement that promised to revolutionize American politics "not only failed to defeat
the President," it failed even to make "the peace issue a major campaign topic." For
freeze activists, the 1984 elections proved a "demoralizing flop."32 Nor did the nuclear
freeze campaign leave a legacy of new strategic arms policies. Even supporters admitted
that the House freeze resolution was more symbolic than substantive; in any case the
Senate refused to go along. Shortly after the resolution passed, it was back to business
as usual, with the House voting to fund the MX missile just 20 days after the freeze
vote.33 As Caldicott herself conceded in retrospect: "In terms of pragmatic results, we
haven't gotten rid of one weapon. . . . We haven't had any impact on Congress."34
5. Voices of Democracy 3 (2008): 103‐121 Hogan & Mehltretter 107
The nuclear freeze campaign thus remains a political paradox. How does one
account for such a powerful, grass‐roots movement having so little impact? How could it
have disappeared so suddenly without a trace? And why did it have so little impact on
electoral politics and strategic arms policy? One answer might lie in the rhetoric of the
freeze activists themselves. The very rhetorical strategies that won them abundant and
sympathetic news coverage doomed them to failure in institutional political contexts
and generated only superficial and transitory public support. By pandering to journalistic
conventions, freeze activists attracted headlines and managed to create the illusion of a
powerful grass‐roots movement. But that movement proved a political mirage, as
fleeting as the images and sound bites of TV news.
Helen Caldicott and the Rhetoric of Political Medicine
Questions about nuclear weapons and strategic policy historically have posed
significant obstacles to public deliberation. Citizens attending to the nuclear debate
must grapple with complex issues, made all the more difficult by technical jargon and a
"jungle of mysterious acronyms."35 Talk of "telemetry encryption" or "throw weight"
hardly invites public participation. Even the best informed citizen may retreat from
discussions of ICBMs, IRBMs, SLBMs, MIRVs, and MARVs. No wonder polls have shown
that most Americans consider nuclear issues too complicated for the public to decide.
Rhetorical scholars have long sensed an Orwellian conspiracy behind the nuclear
debate. Treating nuclear jargon as some sort of anti‐democratic plot to obfuscate the
issues, Edward Schiappa, among others, has argued that the "rhetoric of nukespeak"
allows politicians "to avoid and to constrain" public deliberation over nuclear defense
strategy.36 Similarly, Walter R. Fisher has suggested that the powers‐that‐be discredit
popular discourse about nuclear issues with a "subversive pattern of ideological,
bureaucratic, and technical arguments." In the nuclear debate, Fisher concludes, public
argument is "overwhelmed by privileged argument," reducing the public to spectators
rather than participants in the democratic process.37
Helen Caldicott presumably changed all that. Speaking in a passionate, anecdotal
style, Caldicott supposedly "democratized" the nuclear debate by talking about nuclear
weapons in "human" rather than technical terms. Calling it "therapeutic" to induce
intense fear and feelings of severe discomfort in people, Caldicott aimed to break
through the "psychic numbing" that, according to psychologist Robert Jay Lifton,
buffered the American people from the reality of the nuclear threat.38 Focusing on what
she characterized as the "medical effects" of nuclear war, she set out to shock people
into political action to prevent the "final epidemic"—her metaphor for nuclear war.39
Caldicott's speech at Northern Michigan University in 1986 was a classic example
of her "bombing run" speech, as well as an unusually detailed and revealing reflection of
her views on American politics and culture. Delivered shortly before she announced her
retirement as an anti‐nuclear activist, the speech included arguments and anecdotes
that she had repeated many times before. At one point in the speech, she even joked
about skipping over her usual "bombing run" scenario, since everybody in the audience
had heard it so many times before. In the end, however, she not only consented to do
6. Voices of Democracy 3 (2008): 103‐121 Hogan & Mehltretter 108
her usual schtick—which she acknowledged had become "quite controversial"—but
even explained the rationale behind it: "Well, this is called the bombing run, and it is to
shock you into reality . . . " (39).40
Caldicott typically set up her "bombing run" with a return to Hiroshima, where
thousands were "vaporized" by the first atomic bomb ever dropped on a civilian
population. Describing the scene in what Caldicott called "clinical" terms, she told of
how victims simply "disappeared" or left behind nothing but their "shadows on the
pavement." In an anecdote repeated many times over the years, Caldicott told of one
woman "running, holding her baby," only to be "charcoalized, like on a broiler, turned
into a charcoal statue" (26). Even far away from the blast, people's "eyes were melted as
they watched the bomb explode; they just ran down their cheeks" (27). Today, people
were still dying in Hiroshima, Caldicott noted, due to their "exposure to massive doses
of radiation" after the blast (27).
Given that the bombs dropped on Japan were small and relatively crude by
today's standards, Caldicott conceded that the effects of a nuclear war today were
hardly imaginable. But imagine them she did, using the example of Hiroshima as a
springboard for predicting the effects of just a single nuclear bomb dropped on the
hometown of her audience—the trademark of the "bombing run" speech. At Northern
Michigan, she first asked her listeners to "shut your eyes for a minute" and imagine that
"you've got ten minutes left" (45) before the bomb hit their hometown of Marquette,
Michigan. She then described the same sequence of events that she had described in
hundreds of "bombing run" speeches in cities and towns across the nation:
Now it's going to come in twenty times the speed of the sound, and land here
and explode in the fraction of the millionth of a second, with the heat of the sun.
And it's gonna dig a hole three‐quarters‐of‐a‐mile wide and eight hundred feet
deep right here, turning all of us, and the buildings, and millions of tons of earth
below to pulverized radioactive fallout shot up in a mushroom cloud. Six miles
from here in all directions—think of where you live—every building destroyed,
concrete and steel melt, every person killed, most vaporized. Twenty miles from
here in all directions people killed or lethally injured, so they'll soon die shortly.
Winds of five hundred miles an hour from the shock effect turn people into
missiles traveling at a hundred miles an hour. And then of course you're traveling
at a hundred miles an hour and you hit a solid object and you're dead from
compound fractures, internal organ injuries, you can imagine, pulverized. The
shock wave enters the nose and mouth producing acute pneumothoractic, an
instant death, ruptures the lungs, it ruptures the tympanic membranes, the
windows popcorn and shards of glass flying at a hundred miles an hour
decapitate people and enter the human flesh. (46)
Given all this, of course, there could be little hope of survival: "Everyone will be burnt,
some vaporized, some charcoalized, some just third degree burns. And everyone will
die." Most would die "immediately," Cadicott assured her listeners in perversely
7. Voices of Democracy 3 (2008): 103‐121 Hogan & Mehltretter 109
optimistic fashion, but others would die slowly over the next few days, "in the most
extraordinary agony" (47).
Next imagining the effects of a nuclear war on a larger scale, Caldicott claimed
that even a limited nuclear exchange would destroy all life on the planet. Citing a World
Health Organization study, Caldicott predicted that a nuclear war involving just half of
the world's arsenals would kill something on the order of a billion people in "the first
hour alone," with another billion dying over the next two weeks from the bomb's
delayed effects. That's "half of the world population," Caldicott exclaimed, and that told
only part of the story (50). Citing other effects that had only "recently been discovered,"
Caldicott added the effects of "nuclear winter" to her doomsday scenario, predicting
that all who did not die from the initial blasts would soon "freeze to death in the dark"
(51). With cities and forests in flames, a "huge cloud of toxic black radioactive smoke"
would rise up and "envelope the earth," shutting out the sun "for up to a year" and
rendering it "dark in the middle of the day" (51). Once again, Caldicott imagined the
results in frightening detail: "Well, all the plants will die 'cause they have to have the sun
for photosynthesis and glucose production and oxygen. The temperatures will fall to
minus forty degrees centigrade, maybe in the middle of the summer. With snow storms,
blinding snow storms, and hurricanes across the face of the earth, in the dark" (51).
According to Caldicott, only a thousand of the thirty thousand nuclear bombs in the
superpower arsenals would be enough to trigger a nuclear winter, and the result would
be the end of "all life on earth" (37). And "it could happen tomorrow" (49), Caldicott
added.
Caldicott's "bombing run" speech rested on a host of technical assumptions, and
even her supporters acknowledged that she was "a little casual with the facts." As
Harvard physicist Richard Wilson commented: "The people that I trust think she's
exaggerating [the effects of nuclear war] by about a factor of five or ten. . . . She's
completely stopped a lot of technical people from being able to support her."41 Yet
Caldicott worried little about the "facts" or "technical people." Calling technical
questions trivial and irrelevant,42 she explained: "I'm a teacher, and you can't give the
public a lecture in physics . . . because they'd go to sleep."43 On other occasions, she
invoked medical metaphors, comparing her approach to how a doctor might explain a
disease to a patient—as if doctors routinely lied to patients about the severity of their
illnesses.44 Liberally sprinkling her speeches with medical jargon, she metaphorically
sustained an aura of expertise by describing nuclear war as "the final epidemic" and
presenting her "bombing run" as a discussion of the "medical consequences" of nuclear
war. The planet is "terminally ill," Caldicott declared; the entire human race was faced
with an "acute clinical emergency" (44).
Caldicott frequently told the story of her face‐to‐face meeting with Ronald
Reagan in 1982, arranged by the president's own daughter Patti. Disguising a bizarre ad
hominem attack on Reagan as some sort of medical or psychiatric diagnosis, Caldicott
recalled the president referring to the Russians "evil godless communists," even as he
admitted that he had never met a Russian—a sure "sign of clinical paranoia," according
to Caldicott (18). In Missile Envy, Caldicott speculated that Reagan might have been
suffering from "obstruction of cerebral vessels by atheromatous plaques," which
8. Voices of Democracy 3 (2008): 103‐121 Hogan & Mehltretter 110
produced "small strokes" that cause no obvious damage but "may affect the thinking
process."45 In her speech at Northern Michigan, Caldicott also repeated an accusation,
first made in Missile Envy, that Reagan confused facts from an article in Reader's Digest
with information from his "intelligence files" (21). When Reagan's own daughter
produced a Pentagon document supposedly supporting Caldicott's views, Reagan
allegedly dismissed it as a "forgery" (21). Leaving the meeting in "a state of deep shock,"
Caldicott summarized Reagan's apparent mental problems by comparing him to a
cancer victim in denial:
He's ignorant. He's obstinate. He won't read his briefing papers. He sees his
presidency as acting, so he'll read a little bit before his press conference, period.
He makes decisions off the top of the head with no background knowledge at all,
like Star Wars and everything else; that he has no friends, his only real friend is
Nancy—he's even ostracized from his kids. And it was like you know, you have a
lump in your neck and you think, "Oh, it's a bit scary, I won't go and see the
doctor." And after six months you do and they take a biopsy and they ring you up
and say, "Well, it's Hogkin's disease‐which is cancer." It was the same sort of
feeling, of deep and profound shock to've [sic] actually seen it (22).
As commentator Richard Grenier observed, "Caldicott tried to assure us as a
doctor that it was "medically contra‐indicated to do anything that might alarm those
poor, fearful, old men in the Kremlin."46 Yet rarely did she offer a specific prescription or
hope for a cure. Occasionally she paid lip service to the freeze, but only as a first step in
"rapid bilateral disarmament."47 More commonly, she soared untethered into political
weightlessness, advocating immediate and unilateral disarmament by the United States
and a wholesale reconstitution of the human spirit. If the United States were simply to
dismantle its nuclear arsenal tomorrow, Caldicott assured readers of Nuclear Madness,
the Russians would "heave a momentous sigh of relief" and somehow compel their own
leaders to "follow America's moral initiative toward nuclear disarmament."48 Eventually
such an initiative would lead to a world free of national distinctions and based on
fundamental changes in the whole psychology of the human race. "Humankind" must
learn that "they can't fight anymore," Caldicott declared in articulating her solution to
the nuclear arms race.49
As Taylor Branch observed in the New York Times Book Review, Caldicott
fluctuated between such utopian and desperate cries for "a wholesale transformation of
human nature" and a "politician's call" for the nation to elect more women and
Democrats.50 Yet while she occasionally urged audiences to vote or run for political
office, she almost never argued for a specific arms control measure like the nuclear
freeze. Moreover, her conspiratorial view of history and her disdain for American
politics and culture undermined whatever credibility she might have had as an advocate
of specific candidates or policies. Grounding her critique of American politics in New Left
revisionist history and barely able to restrain her hostility toward the American public,
Caldicott limited her appeal to only to the most cynical and alienated of Americans.
9. Voices of Democracy 3 (2008): 103‐121 Hogan & Mehltretter 111
In many of her speeches and published works, Caldicott invoked a respectable
albeit controversial school of New Left revisionist history—the so‐called Wisconsin
School of diplomatic history. Specifically, she took as a matter of faith historian Gar
Alperovitz's controversial thesis that the atomic bombing of Japan was unnecessary to
end the war, and she especially questioned the need for the second bomb on the
"Christian city, Nagasaki"—an act she labeled "genocide" in her speech at Northern
Michigan (28). More generally, the Wisconsin revisionists informed Caldicott's portrait
of the United States as a "big global bully," driven to a belligerent foreign policy by the
pursuit of open markets. Blaming the Cold War and the arms race entirely on the United
States, Caldicott outdid even Pravda in rewriting history to render Soviet actions
legitimate and defensive. In her revisionist portrait of history, the Soviet Union was
simply "the victim of America's craziness."51
Before her sympathetic audience at Northern Michigan, Caldicott abandoned all
pretense of scholarly respectability and became lost in a world of simplistic historical
analogies and bizarre conspiracy theories. The speech was dominated by analogies to
Hitler and Nazi Germany, and the economic determinism of the Wisconsin School gave
way to unrestrained paranoia over the political influence of the Radical Right. Caldicott's
analogies to Nazi Germany began early in the speech, when she explained how a sort of
"Rambo mentality" accounted for the success of both Hitler and Reagan. It was the
"same dynamic" that drove both the German and the American people to accept
leaders and policies that threatened the lives of millions: the attitude that "We're the
greatest! We're the best!" (8). The German people "totally stood behind" Hitler and
believed him "like a father," Caldicott noted (8), and the same phenomenon supposedly
accounted for the American people's support for Ronald Reagan: "And what they're
looking for is a Daddy to comfort them and make them feel better" (10). A bit later in
the speech, Caldicott returned to the analogy, labeling Reagan a "hypnotist" who, like
Hitler, had duped the public with flattery and fear appeals. The Germans "felt insecure"
after World War I, Caldicott explained, and "here this man rose up and said, 'You're the
greatest, they're the evil ones, and we got to kill all of them, but you're the greatest.'
And they all said yes to him and off they went" (23). "The same thing's happening now,"
Caldicott declared, only now—in the nuclear age—it was "much more dangerous" (23).
Caldicott returned again and again to her Hitler analogies, presumably quoting
from Der Fuehrer's propaganda minister, Joseph Goebbels, on the need to keep the
people "frightened" so they wouldn't ask too many questions (72). She even implied
that Reagan and the Religious Right took their appeals to "family values" straight out of
Hitler's political play book. Hitler was for "family values" too, she declared: "Kirch,
Küchen and Kinder. Church—Kirch, Church, kitchen and children. Keep the women in
the home, anti‐ERA, anti‐equal rights, because when women get out, they ask too many
embarrassing questions . . . So keep the women locked up in the home" (85).
Caldicott's references to Hitler framed her portrait of a post‐war America that
had displaced Nazi Germany as the preeminent threat to world peace. Beginning with
the observation that Hitler killed "only" about fifty million people, Caldicott claimed
that, in the 1960s, the Kennedy administration planned on killing 100 million Russians—
one third of the entire country—in a retaliatory nuclear strike. "Now I want you to
10. Voices of Democracy 3 (2008): 103‐121 Hogan & Mehltretter 112
ponder that, briefly," Caldicott interjected. America was "prepared if necessary to kill a
hundred million people. Twenty years after Hitler died. A country with a Judeo‐Christian
Constitution: 'Thou Shalt Not Kill!" (34). That was when "America lost her soul" (34), and
right wing propaganda subsequently fueled an even more insane nuclear build‐up. "So
now we've got thirty thousand bombs," Caldicott observed, "when two hundred was
enough to kill a hundred million sons and daughters of God. And Reagan says he is not
strong enough!" (36) Returning once again to the Hitler analogy, Caldicott declared that
one simply could not believe Ronald Reagan when he said he wanted to eliminate
nuclear weapons. "That's called the 'big lie,'" she exclaimed, adding that big lies were
harder to "see through" than "little lies" (36). She concluded by quoting from Der
Fuehrer himself: "Do you know what Hitler said? I read it the other day: 'It's a very
fortunate thing for leaders that people don't think.' Isn't that so true?" (36).
Caldicott's history lessons complemented her theories about American politics
and culture. Barely able to restrain her disdain for the American people and their
leaders, she resorted to a theory of "psychic numbing" to account for why most
Americans rejected her views, and she justified her apocalyptic and emotional rhetoric
as necessary to break through the public's psychological denial. "Diagnosing" the
public's support for a strong nuclear deterrent as the product of both propaganda and
ignorance, Caldicott not only justified her disturbing and exaggerated scenarios of
nuclear Armageddon but also insulated herself against ordinary standards of reasoning
and evidence.
Caldicott's explanation for the American public's apathy toward the nuclear
threat was simple: "I think it's hard to invoke an active democracy when people's
tummies are full and when they feel comfortable and they're warm and not cold, et
cetera. And when there are so many things on television you can buy and there are so
many choices that you don't have time to think about anything else" (11). The American
people's support for Reagan, she insisted, was equally lazy and illogical, for "even
though people don't agree with his policies, they all follow him" (23). In an interesting
twist on her "diagnosis" of the public's denial of the nuclear threat, she also pointed the
finger at religion, asserting that fully half of the American people had fallen under the
spell of right‐wing televangelists. Speculating that people had turned to the "aberrant"
religion of the "fundamentalists" to escape their nuclear fears (77), Caldicott accused TV
evangelists Jerry Falwell, Jimmy Swaggert, and Pat Robertson of preaching that nuclear
war was a "good thing" and labeled Christianity a religion of "hatred, not love" (78).
Accusing the TV preachers of promoting "right‐wing politics disguised behind the cross
and the flag" (78), she blamed them for virtually every form of bigotry and backwards
thinking: "They're talking about Nicaragua, and the Contras. They're talking about
capital punishment. They're talking about abortion. About homosexuality. About blacks.
And about nuclear war and the evil empire. . . . And up to a hundred million Americans
watch them or listen to them every single week, which is about half of the population"
(79).
So "this is the culture of this country now," Caldicott said in summarizing her
critique of American society; "I kid you not" (80). Exempting her immediate audience
from criticism, she assured them that they were all intelligent enough to "see through"
11. Voices of Democracy 3 (2008): 103‐121 Hogan & Mehltretter 113
the lies and deceptions, "but a hundred million don't" (80). In effect, Caldicott labeled
the very people she hoped to persuade—the American people—too gullible,
materialistic, and/or brainwashed by political and religious propaganda to govern
themselves democratically. Caldicott's attack on American politics and culture led, in
turn, to a contradiction, even a sort of fatalism, which ultimately undermined her
appeal.
What could her listeners do to help prevent nuclear war? And why bother if, as
Caldicott suggested, the political system was corrupt and nuclear war had become
inevitable? These questions undoubtedly troubled at least some of Caldicott's listeners,
as she conceded that the freeze movement hadn't accomplished "a damn thing" (92).
She also fantasized about a "revolution" (93) in which 5 million anti‐nuclear activists
marched on Washington and simply took over Congress: "Just take it over. Move in, it's
ours. We pay for it. It's our House of Congress. We take it over, there aren't enough
lavatories for five million people, it'll be a big mess" (94). If all that were not enough to
raise doubts about the practicality of her "solutions," Caldicott called upon her listeners
to drop everything, quit their jobs, and devote themselves full‐time to political activism.
Why worry about jobs and money, she asked? "The money's going to be vaporized!"
(95). And why worry about your health? "It's manic denial," she insisted. "Jogging? Oh,
jogging! Getting our bodies fit, what for? To get vaporized!" (98). For Caldicott, nothing
mattered except the nuclear threat, and anybody who thought otherwise was in denial:
"Psychic numbing! Don't want to think about it, it's too scary" (98).
Caldicott's mixed messages about the American people and democratic politics
were not lost on her listeners. Some reacted not with the indifference, but with
resentment, even hostility toward Cadicott's whole crusade. After witnessing Cadicott
speak at his son's graduation at Salem State College, for example, one working‐class
Bostonian interviewed by Robert Coles released this telling "torrent of outrage" against
Caldicott:
We come to see our son get a college degree—the first person in our family to
get one—and she's telling us the world is sick, sick. She said it's "terminal," I
remember. And she said we're sticking our heads in the sand—she didn't say
that, she said something that meant that, that we're all numbed out, I
remember. Everyone but her and her friends! How does she know? What gives
her the right to think every single person in the hall isn't as worried as she is
about a nuclear war? She talks down to you! She's telling us we should be like
her in our ideas and what we do, or she'll call us "sick," and the whole earth
dying. Then she talked about these kids who think the world is coming to an end
soon, because of a nuclear war, and how that's might good and smart of them,
and if we aren't thinking the same way, we're a bunch of saps! And if we had the
god‐damned gall to want some other kind of message on the day our kid was
getting his diploma, and getting ready to have the first office job of anyone in
this family, I'll tell you, then tough luck for us—and aren't we the dopes and the
blind fools to expect that, when any day now the nukes will go off and that'll be
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the end, and here we are, whistling Dixie! . . . Will you tell me who in hell is in
favor of those goddamned bombs?52
As Coles observed, "this man's rage was not that of someone whose
complacency had been abruptly undermined." To the contrary, this was a man who
"knew quite well what was happening in the world. He prided himself always on the
careful attention he gave to the daily newspaper and to the CBS Evening News."53 He
resented being called "sick" because he blocked the nuclear threat out of his mind and
tried to lead a normal life. He suspected that it was Caldicott and her followers—those
obsessed with the remote possibility of nuclear annihilation—who had mental
problems. Above all, he sensed Caldicott's disdain for American culture and her attitude
of self‐righteous superiority. Helen Caldicott did not address a public whose "consent is
requested," providing "knowledge sufficient for informed decisions by those urged to
act or suffer the consequences of choices."54 Rather, she lectured the American people
as if they were children, denying their capacity for "knowledgeable choice and active
participation."55
Helen Caldicott's rhetoric was not a public but an anti‐public rhetoric. It was the
rhetoric of a privileged elite with serious doubts about the ordinary citizen's capacity for
intelligent choice and democratic self‐governance. Assaulting the emotions, Caldicott
tried to rhetorically bully Americans into agreeing with her political views, and when
that did not work, she dismissed them as ignorant, deluded, or "numb." Americans may
not have understood all the technical issues involved in the nuclear debate. But most
could tell the difference between an argument and an insult.
The Legacy of Helen Caldicott
In a rambling, bitter speech to a women's group six months after her speech at
Northern Michigan University, Helen Caldicott announced her retirement from the anti‐
nuclear movement, declaring—startlingly—that "we've achieved nothing." Blaming her
own demise on "a male coup, a palace overthrow" at Physicians for Social
Responsibility, she offered an even more surprising explanation for the failure of the
freeze movement. "It failed because the media killed it," declared the media darling of
the early 1980s.56 Depressed over the failure of her crusade, Caldicott returned to her
native Australia for a time, claiming that she was "emotionally depleted" and "lacked
the strength to effectively fight back."57
Many freeze activists shared Caldicott's frustrations. Angered by the failure of
their initiative, some turned to "direct action," employing "clandestine" or even "mildly
destructive" tactics in their efforts to disrupt the military‐industrial complex. 58 In just
the first eleven months of 1987, for example, some 3,000 protesters were arrested for
anti‐nuclear civil disobedience at weapons facilities or military bases, compared to only
1,056 in all of 1984. Most of these protests involved pouring blood on missile silos or
using hammers and other tools to damage aircraft and other equipment.59
While some freeze activists turned to direct action, others simply claimed victory
and moved on to other issues. Insisting that they had "won" the freeze debate, some
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even took credit for Reagan's subsequent willingness to negotiate a new arms control
treaty with the Soviets. According to Douglas C. Waller, a legislative assistant to
congressional freeze supporter Edward J. Markey, for example, Reagan finally agreed to
negotiate with the Soviets only because of the public pressure created by the freeze
campaign. In other words, Reagan moved "in the direction in which the movement had
been pushing him."60
Why would Reagan bow to public pressure after his landslide reelection? And did
the public really support the freeze, as Waller suggests? A close analysis of the polling
data casts doubt upon Waller's argument, for while many Americans apparently
embraced the concept or metaphor of a freeze, few took it seriously as an arms control
policy. Most Americans doubted that the Soviets would abide by a freeze agreement,
nor did they have faith that such an agreement could be verified. Indeed, most did not
trust the Soviet Union to "uphold the spirit and letter" of any sort of "arms limitation
agreement."61 In other words, support for a nuclear freeze was superficial and came
"heavily qualified," with only a small minority of Americans endorsing the freeze in all its
details.62
Reagan's embrace of arms control is better explained by changes in the broader
political climate. On March 11, 1985, Mikhail Gorbachev took office as the General
Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, pledging to open channels of
communication between the Soviets and the United States. At age fifty‐four, Gorbachev
represented a new generation of Soviet leaders—less ideological, less driven by Cold
War doctrine, and less suspicious of the West. In his first official reception as General
Secretary, Gorbachev welcomed Vice President George Bush and declared that the
Soviet Union was no longer "interested in confrontations."63 As historian John Lewis
Gaddis has explained, "For the first time since the Cold War began, the U.S.S.R. had a
ruler who did not seem sinister, boorish, unresponsive, senile—or dangerous."64
With this change in Soviet leadership, arms control talks resumed in 1985‐1986,
with Reagan and Gorbachev first meeting in Geneva, Switzerland, then in Reykjavik,
Iceland. Deadlocked over Soviet opposition to the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), or
"Star Wars,"65 the initial meetings ended in anger and frustration. In December of 1987,
however, Reagan and Gorbachev signed an agreement on short‐ and intermediate‐
range nuclear missiles in Europe. Ratified by the U.S. Senate in 1988, the Intermediate‐
Range Nuclear Forces Treaty (INF) provided for the elimination of ground‐launched
ballistic and cruise missiles within the range of 300 to 3,400 miles. By 1991, more than
2,600 of these weapons had been dismantled under this unprecedented arms control
agreement.66
Gorbachev's reforms, of course, extended well beyond his willingness to
negotiate with Reagan. Ushering in a new era of social and economic reform, he also
fundamentally changed the character of the Soviet state and ended its political and
military dominance of Eastern Europe.67 In 1989, the Berlin Wall—one of the great
symbols of the Cold War—came down, and the communist governments of Eastern
Europe gradually began to lift travel restrictions. That same year, the "Velvet
Revolution" in Czechoslovakia overthrew that nation's Communist regime, and a non‐
communist government was freely elected in Poland.68 All across Europe, communism
14. Voices of Democracy 3 (2008): 103‐121 Hogan & Mehltretter 116
was in retreat. Freeze activists may have claimed credit for Reagan's new attitude
toward the Soviets, but Reagan himself got the credit for ending the Cold War.
Not surprisingly, Helen Caldicott refused to join in the celebration of Reagan's
victory over communism. Crediting Gorbachev with dissolving the "ever‐present
tension" between the nuclear superpowers,69 she continued to denounce Reagan and
American foreign policy, even as the membership of the two groups she led, WAND and
PSR, dramatically declined.70 By the end of Reagan's presidency, the anti‐nuclear
movement had shrunk to a politically insignificant group of hard‐core activists, and the
freeze debate had become a historical memory. Other issues—welfare reform, the AIDs
epidemic, and the emerging threat of Islamic terrorism, among others—would soon
displace the threat of nuclear war at the top of the nation's political agenda.
In the early 1990s, Helen Caldicott returned to the United States in a new
incarnation—as an "eco‐feminist." Promoting her 1992 book, If You Love This Planet: A
Plan to Heal the Earth, Caldicott began addressing a wide range of environmental issues,
ranging from ozone depletion and the greenhouse effect to disappearing forests,
species extinction, and overpopulation. Describing the earth as a "dying planet," she
"diagnosed" the "signs and symptoms" of the earth's "illness" in typically apocalyptic
terms and offered her "prescription for a cure."71 On the practical side, she joined with
other reformers in calling for legislation that would prohibit the "funding of political
campaigns by special‐interest groups and corporations." Yet she also championed a
variety of utopian schemes, including the elimination of all political advertising,
compulsory voting, and even a constitutional amendment "mandating that half the
members of Congress be women."72
In just the past five years, Caldicott has tried to revive the nuclear debate. In a
new book attacking President George W. Bush, The New Nuclear Danger: George W.
Bush's Military‐Industrial Complex, Caldicott argues that "unreconstructed, Reagan‐era
cold warriors" have taken over the Defense Department,73 and that these government
officials—or "death merchants," as she prefers to call them—take their orders directly
from military contractors. Decisions about U.S. foreign policy are thus no longer made
by the "administration in power and Congress," according to Caldicott, but instead are
"orchestrated by the weapons industry."74 The book has largely been "ignored by the
New York Times' Book Review and other major publications."75 Yet Oprah featured it on
an episode of her popular talk show,76 and in November of 2002, Caldicott was a special
guest on the Cambridge Forum, one of the oldest public affairs radio programs on
NPR.77 Caldicott also has traveled to a number of college campuses promoting the book,
including UC‐Berkeley, the University of Oregon, and Rutgers University, to name just a
few.
Today, Caldicott heads the Washington, D.C.‐based anti‐nuclear think tank, the
Nuclear Policy Research Institute.78 She also has published two more books: Nuclear
Power is Not the Answer (focusing on the environmental and health dangers of nuclear
power),79 and War in Heaven, which accuses the Bush administration of planning to
fight a nuclear war in outer space.80 Neither has revived Caldicott's stature as a media
celebrity, yet she remains a popular speaker on college campuses and before groups like
the International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW).81 In 2003, the
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Lannan Foundation, a family foundation devoted to "cultural freedom, diversity and
creativity," awarded Caldicott their Prize for Cultural Freedom in recognition of her
"extraordinary and courageous work" celebrating "the human right to freedom of
imagination, inquiry, and expression."82 For some, Caldicott thus remains an
inspirational voice of prophetic wisdom. For others, however, she symbolizes all that is
wrong with politics and public deliberation in the modern age.
________________________
J. Michael Hogan is Professor of Communication Arts and Sciences and Co‐Director of
the Center for Democratic Deliberation at the Pennsylvania State University. Sara Ann
Mehltretter is a graduate student at the same institution. They would like to thank
Lubov Zeifman for her assistance in transcribing the text and the staff at the Northern
Michigan University library archives.
Notes
1 This essay is based, in large part, on the first author's book, The Nuclear Freeze
Campaign: Rhetoric and Foreign Policy in the Telepolitical Age (East Lansing: Michigan
State University Press, 1994).
2 David Meyer, A Winter of Discontent: The Nuclear Freeze and American Politics
(Greenwood, CT: Praeger, 1990), 128.
3 If You Love This Planet (National Film Board of Canada, 1982) was one of three
films distributed by the National Film Board of Canada labeled "political propaganda" by
the U.S. Department of Justice in February 1983. See Robert D. McFadden, "3 Canadian
Films Called 'Propaganda' by the U.S.," New York Times, February 25, 1983, C4.
4 Helen Caldicott, Nuclear Madness: What You Can Do! (New York: Bantam,
1980); Helen Caldicott, Missile Envy: The Arms Race and Nuclear War (New York:
Bantam, 1985).
5 Tom Ricks, "Dr. Caldicott Goes to War," Washington Journalism Review
(October 1982): 36.
6 Caldicott, Nuclear Madness, 73.
7 Helen Caldicott, "Introduction," in The Final Epidemic: Physicians and Scientists
on Nuclear War, edited by Ruth Adams and Susan Cullen (Chicago, IL: Educational
Foundation for Nuclear Science, 1981), 1, 3.
8 "Helen Caldicott on Tactics," Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 42 (May 1986):
45.
9 Peter M. Sandman and JoAnn M. Valenti, "Scared Stiff—Or Scared Into Action,"
Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 42 (January 1986): 12.
10 Robert Coles, "The Freeze: Crusade of the Leisure Class," Harper's, March
1985, 21‐23. For analyses of other New Class peace campaigns, see Elizabeth Walker
Mechling and Jay Mechling, "Hot Pacifism and Cold War: The American Friends Service
Committee's Witness for Peace in 1950s America," Quarterly Journal of Speech 78 (May
16. Voices of Democracy 3 (2008): 103‐121 Hogan & Mehltretter 118
1992): esp. 187‐191; and Elizabeth Walker Mechling and Gale Auletta, "Beyond War: A
Socio‐Rhetorical Analysis of a New Class Revitalization Movement," Western Journal of
Speech Communication 50 (Fall 1986): 388‐404.
11 IPPNW, founded by American cardiologist Bernard Lown and Soviet
cardiologist Evgueni Chazov, won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1985. Not surprisingly,
Chazov's official positions as Kremlin cardiologist and Soviet Minister of Health clouded
the award in controversy. Critics called it ironic that a Soviet official who once helped
discredit Nobel Prize winner Andrei Sakharov should himself receive the Peace Prize
some twelve years later. See Anthony Lewis, "The Neglected Question," New York
Times, July 30, 1981, A19.
12 Sandman and Valenti, "Scared Stiff—or Scared into Action," 12‐13.
13 Paul Boyer, "A Historical View of Scare Tactics," Bulletin of the Atomic
Scientists (January 1986): 19.
14 As James Davison Hunter has observed, the secularist community in America
has grown rather dramatically since the 1950s and 1960s, but by 1990 it still constituted
only about 11 percent of the population. And not all of that 11 percent shared the
"progressivist" views of people like Helen Caldicott. While most secularists are drawn to
the "progressive impulse" in American culture, a few (neo‐conservative intellectuals, for
example) are drawn toward the "orthodox impulse." See James David Hunter, Culture
Wars: The Struggle to Define America (New York: Basic Books, 1991), 45‐46, 75‐76.
15 Randall Forsberg, Call to Halt the Nuclear Arms Race (St. Louis, MO: Nuclear
Weapons Freeze Campaign, 1980).
16 Randall Forsberg, "The Shared Origins of the Directory and the Nuclear Freeze
Movement," in American Peace Directory, 1984, edited by Melinda Fine and Peter M.
Stevens (Cambridge: Ballinger, 1984), vii‐viii.
17 Adam M. Garfinkle, The Politics of the Nuclear Freeze (Philadelphia, PA:
Foreign Policy Research Institute, 1984), 77‐121.
18 Douglas C. Waller, Congress and the Nuclear Freeze: An Inside Look at the
Politics of a Mass Movement (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1987).
19 CBS News, CBS Evening News, March 22, 1982, microfiche transcript, 8‐9.
20 David M. Alpern, et al. "A Matter of Life and Death," Newsweek, April 26,
1982, 20.
21 "Freeze March," Time, June 14, 1982, 24.
22 James Kelly, "Thinking about the Unthinkable," Time, March 29, 1982, 10.
23 See "Americans Assess the Nuclear Option," Public Opinion 5
(August/September 1982): 39.
24 Jamie Kalven, "A Talk with Louis Harris," Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists 38
(August/September 1982): 3‐4.
25 U.S. Congress, House, "Providing for Consideration of House Joint Resolution
138, Calling for a Mutual and Verifiable Freeze on and Reductions in Nuclear Weapons,"
98th Cong., 1st sess., Congressional Record, daily ed., vol. 129, no. 33 (March 16, 1983),
H1218.
17. Voices of Democracy 3 (2008): 103‐121 Hogan & Mehltretter 119
26 U.S. Congress, House, "Providing for Consideration of House Joint Resolution
138," H1274.
27 See "House OKs, Senate Rejects Nuclear Freeze," in 1983 Congressional
Quarterly Almanac, ed. Mary Cohn (Washington, D.C.: Congressional Quarterly, 1983):
205‐211.
28 CBS News, CBS Evening News, February 13, 1984, microfiche transcript, 3.
29 CBS News, CBS Evening News, July 2, 1984, microfiche transcript, 1.
30 CBS News, CBS Evening News, December 3, 1984, microfiche transcript, 5.
31 Midge Costanza quoted in Alpern, et al. "A Matter of Life and Death," 21.
32 Steve L. Hawkins and John W. Mashek, "Anti‐nuclear Campaign Reawakens,"
U.S. News and World Report, January 27, 1986, 22.
33 Waller, Congress and the Nuclear Freeze, 290.
34 Quoted in "Disarmament Groups Seek Rallying Point After Faltering on Atom
Freeze," New York Times, August 18, 1985, 22.
35 Albert Carnesale, et al., Living with Nuclear Weapons (New York: Bantam,
1983), 11.
36 Edward Schiappa, "The Rhetoric of Nukespeak," Communication Monographs
56 (September 1989): 254. See also Steven Hilgartner, Richard C. Bell, and Rory
O'Connor, Nukespeak: Nuclear Language, Visions, and Mindset (San Francisco, CA: Sierra
Club Books, 1982); Sam Totten, "Orwellian Language in the Nuclear Age," Curriculum
Review 23 (April 1984): 43‐46.
37 Walter R. Fisher, "Narration as a Human Communication Paradigm: The Case
of Public Moral Argument," Communication Monographs 51 (March 1984): 11‐12.
38 Robert Jay Lifton, "Psychological Effects of the Atomic Bombings," in Last Aid:
The Medical Dimensions of Nuclear War, edited by Eric Chivian, et al. (San Francisco: H.
Freeman, 1982), 67. See also Robert Jay Lifton, Death in Life: Survivors of Hiroshima
(New York: Random House, 1968); and Robert Jay Lifton and Richard Falk, Indefensible
Weapons: The Political and Psychological Case Against Nuclearism (New York: Basic
Books, 1982).
39 Caldicott, Missile Envy, 291.
40 All of the passages from Caldicott's April 17, 1986, speech are cited with
reference to paragraph numbers in the text of the speech that accompanies this essay.
41 Ricks, "Dr. Caldicott Goes to War," 38.
42 "Helen Caldicott on Tactics," 45.
43 Ricks, "Dr. Caldicott Goes to War," 38.
44 Ricks, "Dr. Caldicott Goes to War," 38.
45 Caldicott, Missile Envy, 15‐22.
46 Richard Grenier, "The Politicized Oscar," Commentary, June 1983, 70.
47 Caldicott, Missile Envy, 358.
48 Caldicott, Nuclear Madness, 78.
49 Helen Caldicott, "A Commitment to Life," The Humanist, September/October
1982, 7.
18. Voices of Democracy 3 (2008): 103‐121 Hogan & Mehltretter 120
50 Taylor Branch, Review of Missile Envy, by Helen Caldicott, New York Times
Book Review, July 29, 1984, 13.
51 Robert L. Ivie, "Metaphor and the Rhetorical Invention of Cold War
'Idealists,'" Communication Monographs 54 (June 1987): 177.
52 Coles, "The Freeze: Crusade of the Leisure Class," 21‐22.
53 Coles, "The Freeze: Crusade of the Leisure Class," 21‐22.
54 G. Thomas Goodnight, "Public Discourse," Critical Studies in Mass
Communication 4 (December 1987): 431.
55 G. Thomas Goodnight, "The Personal, Technical, and Public Spheres of
Argument: A Speculative Inquiry in the Art of Public Deliberation," Journal of American
Forensic Association 18 (Spring 1982): 215.
56 Helen Caldicott, "Nuclear Madness: Helen Caldicott's Farewell Speech," in
Exposing Nuclear Fallacies, ed. Diana E. H. Russell (New York: Pergamon Press, 1989),
12.
57 Helen Caldicott, A Desperate Passion (New York: W. W. Norton & Company,
1996), 314.
58 Elizabeth Heneghan Ondaatje, Trends in Anti‐Nuclear Protests in the United
States, 1984‐1987 (Santa Monica, CA: Rand Corporation, 1989), 19.
59 Ondaatje, Trends in Anti‐Nuclear Protests, 46‐48.
60 Waller, Congress and the Nuclear Freeze, 299‐301.
61 Carl Everett Ladd, "The Freeze Framework," Public Opinion 5
(August/September 1982): 21, 41.
62 See J. Michael Hogan and Ted J. Smith III, "Polling on the Issues: Public
Opinion and the Nuclear Freeze," Public Opinion Quarterly 55 (1991): 534‐569.
63 Don Oberdorfer, From the Cold War to a New Era: The United States and the
Soviet Union, 1983‐1991 (Baltimore, MD: John Hopkins University Press, 1998), 110.
64 John Lewis Gaddis, The Cold War: A New History (New York: Penguin Press,
2005), 229‐231.
65 Oberdorfer, From the Cold War to a New Era, 204‐205.
66 Haralambos Athanasopulos, Nuclear Disarmament in International Law
(Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Company, Inc., 2000), 90.
67 Oberdorfer, From the Cold War to a New Era, 274‐276.
68 Coit D. Blacker, Hostage to Revolution: Gorbachev and Soviet Security Policy,
1985‐1991 (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 1993), xiii‐xv.
69 Caldicott, A Desperate Passion, 354.
70 Herman Wong, "The Anti‐Nukes Live: Physicians for Social Responsibility
Rebuilding, Taking on Environmental Woes," Los Angeles Times, October 31, 1990, 1.
71 Helen Caldicott, If You Love this Planet: A Plan to Heal the Earth (New York:
W. W. Norton & Company, 1992), 14.
72 Caldicott, If You Love this Planet, 195‐202.
73 Helen Caldicott, The New Nuclear Danger: George W. Bush's Military‐
Industrial Complex (New York: The New Press, 2002), ix‐xvi.
74 Caldicott, The New Nuclear Danger, 37.
19. Voices of Democracy 3 (2008): 103‐121 Hogan & Mehltretter 121
75 Jonathan Curiel, "Helen Caldicott, Up Close and Personal," The San Francisco
Chronicle, May 20, 2005, E3.
76 Oprah Winfrey, "Is War the Only Answer?" The Oprah Winfrey Show, October
22, 2002, online at: http://www2.oprah.com/tows/pastshows/tows_2002/
tows_past_20021022.jhtml.
77 Helen Caldicott, "The New Nuclear Danger," speech to the Cambridge Forum,
November 13, 2002, available at http://forum.wgbh.org/wgbh/forum.php?
lecture_id=1064.
78 Julia C. Mead, "My Aunt, the Nuclear Activist," New York Times, May 8, 2005,
L14.
79 Helen Caldicott, Nuclear Power is Not the Answer (New York: The New Press,
2006).
80 Helen Caldicott and Craig Eisendrath, War in Heaven (New York: The New
Press, 2007).
81 "About Helen Caldicott," available at http://www.helencaldicott.com/
about.htm.
82 "2003 Lannan Cultural Freedom Prize Awarded to Helen Caldicott," available
at http://www.lannan.org/lf/cf/detail/2003‐prize‐for‐cultural‐freedom.