International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI) is an international journal intended for professionals and researchers in all fields of Humanities and Social Science. IJHSSI publishes research articles and reviews within the whole field Humanities and Social Science, new teaching methods, assessment, validation and the impact of new technologies and it will continue to provide information on the latest trends and developments in this ever-expanding subject. The publications of papers are selected through double peer reviewed to ensure originality, relevance, and readability. The articles published in our journal can be accessed online.
The report documents the state repression of protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act in Uttar Pradesh, India's most populous state. It estimates that approximately 350 FIRs were filed against around 5000 named individuals and over 100,000 unnamed people. Around 3000 people were illegally arrested, many remaining in jail over two years later. At least 23 Muslims were killed by bullet injuries, but the state has denied responsibility and not initiated investigations. Over 500 arbitrary recovery notices were issued for damages of Rs. 3.55 crores without due process. The report highlights how fundamental rights to protest and dissent were violated and many families faced intimidation, harassment and denial of justice after the crackdown on peaceful protests. It calls for the state to make
The new Sri Lankan government has made some progress on human rights in its first 100 days, but many issues remain unresolved. Some achievements include allowing protests and singing the national anthem in Tamil, and replacing military governors with civilians. However, the draconian PTA has not been abolished, investigations into disappearances focus on compensation not justice, and military encampment continues during resettlement. Militarization remains high as troops have not withdrawn, and Tamil journalists are still disrupted. The government must repeal the PTA and ensure rights for all citizens.
The document summarizes the human rights situation in Afghanistan between 2001-2013. It outlines improvements such as the approval of a new constitution, new laws protecting human rights, and signing international conventions. However, it also notes ongoing challenges including insecurity, violence against women, and weak rule of law. Civilian casualties remain high with over 3,000 killed or injured in the first eight months of 2013 alone. The Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission was created and has helped increase public awareness, but illegal armed groups and lack of access to justice in remote areas continue to be problems.
1. The human rights situation in Haiti is characterized by a worrying security situation due to armed gangs protected by the state. These gangs regularly receive weapons and ammunition to attack opposition neighborhoods and protesters, resulting in five massacres since 2018 that killed over 100 people.
2. The judiciary system is dysfunctional due to underfunding and political interference. Over 70% of prisoners are awaiting trial and it is difficult for ordinary citizens to access justice.
3. Detention conditions are inhumane with overcrowding far exceeding capacity. Prison authorities do not protect women from gang rape by male inmates.
4. The constitutional order is breaking down as the president has been unable to establish a new government and
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2016 Burma-Bureau of Democracy,...MYO AUNG Myanmar
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2016
Burma
https://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/humanrightsreport/#wrapper
2016 Human Rights Reports – Secretary’s Preface
https://www.forbes.com/profile/rex-tillerson/
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rex_Tillerson
http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/humanrightsreport/index.htm?year=2016&dlid=265324
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2016
Burma
Burma has a quasi-parliamentary system of government in which the national parliament selects the president, and constitutional provisions grant one-quarter of national, regional, and state parliamentary seats to active duty military appointees; all other seats are open to elections. The military also has the authority to appoint the ministers of defense, home affairs, and border affairs and assume power indefinitely over all branches of the government should the president declare a national state of emergency. In November 2015 the country held nationwide parliamentary elections that the public widely accepted as a credible reflection of the will of the people. The then opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), chaired by Aung San Suu Kyi, won 390 of 491 contested seats in the bicameral parliament. Parliament elected NLD member U Htin Kyaw as president in March and created the position of State Counsellor for Aung San Suu Kyi in April, cementing her position as the country’s de facto leader.
Civilian authorities did not maintain effective control over the security forces.
http://burmese.voanews.com/a/myanmar-army-still-involving-strong-under-new-nld-government-/3752110.html?ltflags=mailer
ျမန္မာလူ႕အခြင့္အေရးအဓိကျပႆ နာ ၃ ရပ္ ၂၀၁၆ ကန္အစီရင္ခံစာေထာက္ျပ
An Insiders’ View of Electoral Politics and the Struggle for Electoral Reform...Kayode Fayemi
The document discusses electoral politics and reform in Nigeria. It notes fears about the 2011 elections given past elections organized by incumbent governments were marred by fraud and violence, leading to political instability. It argues that while elections commonly hold potential for violence, Nigeria's broken electoral system must be addressed to solve political problems. The transition to civilian rule in 1999 did not transform power structures and produced a repackaged space for militarily-controlled politics. Retired military officers dominate political parties, setting the tone for little focus on ideology. Incidents of aggression in society reflect the loss of compromise and accommodation in conflict resolution. Addressing the root causes of problems is important rather than distractions.
Nchr egypt upr20_egy_Relation Sandro Suzart SUZART GOOGLE INC United S...Sandro Suzart
The National Council for Human Rights (NCHR) submitted a report on the human rights situation in Egypt between 2010-2014 to the Universal Periodic Review Mechanism. The report summarized that Egypt witnessed political upheaval during this period including a revolution in 2011, transitional periods, and a new constitution in 2014. It noted both improvements in rights protections in new laws and constitution as well as ongoing rights issues such as torture, freedom of assembly, and fair trials. The NCHR called on the government to further amend laws to fully comply with the new constitution and international human rights standards.
Prepared by Nehemia Jonas Ngumba
Sokoine university of Agriculture , Morogoro Tanzania
TITLE:POLITICAL CONFLICT RESOLUTION BY USING COMPROMISING APPROACH TECHNIQUE
Last updated 8th January 2017
Contanct nehemiahngumba@gmail.com/0758089184
The report documents the state repression of protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act in Uttar Pradesh, India's most populous state. It estimates that approximately 350 FIRs were filed against around 5000 named individuals and over 100,000 unnamed people. Around 3000 people were illegally arrested, many remaining in jail over two years later. At least 23 Muslims were killed by bullet injuries, but the state has denied responsibility and not initiated investigations. Over 500 arbitrary recovery notices were issued for damages of Rs. 3.55 crores without due process. The report highlights how fundamental rights to protest and dissent were violated and many families faced intimidation, harassment and denial of justice after the crackdown on peaceful protests. It calls for the state to make
The new Sri Lankan government has made some progress on human rights in its first 100 days, but many issues remain unresolved. Some achievements include allowing protests and singing the national anthem in Tamil, and replacing military governors with civilians. However, the draconian PTA has not been abolished, investigations into disappearances focus on compensation not justice, and military encampment continues during resettlement. Militarization remains high as troops have not withdrawn, and Tamil journalists are still disrupted. The government must repeal the PTA and ensure rights for all citizens.
The document summarizes the human rights situation in Afghanistan between 2001-2013. It outlines improvements such as the approval of a new constitution, new laws protecting human rights, and signing international conventions. However, it also notes ongoing challenges including insecurity, violence against women, and weak rule of law. Civilian casualties remain high with over 3,000 killed or injured in the first eight months of 2013 alone. The Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission was created and has helped increase public awareness, but illegal armed groups and lack of access to justice in remote areas continue to be problems.
1. The human rights situation in Haiti is characterized by a worrying security situation due to armed gangs protected by the state. These gangs regularly receive weapons and ammunition to attack opposition neighborhoods and protesters, resulting in five massacres since 2018 that killed over 100 people.
2. The judiciary system is dysfunctional due to underfunding and political interference. Over 70% of prisoners are awaiting trial and it is difficult for ordinary citizens to access justice.
3. Detention conditions are inhumane with overcrowding far exceeding capacity. Prison authorities do not protect women from gang rape by male inmates.
4. The constitutional order is breaking down as the president has been unable to establish a new government and
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2016 Burma-Bureau of Democracy,...MYO AUNG Myanmar
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2016
Burma
https://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/humanrightsreport/#wrapper
2016 Human Rights Reports – Secretary’s Preface
https://www.forbes.com/profile/rex-tillerson/
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rex_Tillerson
http://www.state.gov/j/drl/rls/hrrpt/humanrightsreport/index.htm?year=2016&dlid=265324
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 2016
Burma
Burma has a quasi-parliamentary system of government in which the national parliament selects the president, and constitutional provisions grant one-quarter of national, regional, and state parliamentary seats to active duty military appointees; all other seats are open to elections. The military also has the authority to appoint the ministers of defense, home affairs, and border affairs and assume power indefinitely over all branches of the government should the president declare a national state of emergency. In November 2015 the country held nationwide parliamentary elections that the public widely accepted as a credible reflection of the will of the people. The then opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), chaired by Aung San Suu Kyi, won 390 of 491 contested seats in the bicameral parliament. Parliament elected NLD member U Htin Kyaw as president in March and created the position of State Counsellor for Aung San Suu Kyi in April, cementing her position as the country’s de facto leader.
Civilian authorities did not maintain effective control over the security forces.
http://burmese.voanews.com/a/myanmar-army-still-involving-strong-under-new-nld-government-/3752110.html?ltflags=mailer
ျမန္မာလူ႕အခြင့္အေရးအဓိကျပႆ နာ ၃ ရပ္ ၂၀၁၆ ကန္အစီရင္ခံစာေထာက္ျပ
An Insiders’ View of Electoral Politics and the Struggle for Electoral Reform...Kayode Fayemi
The document discusses electoral politics and reform in Nigeria. It notes fears about the 2011 elections given past elections organized by incumbent governments were marred by fraud and violence, leading to political instability. It argues that while elections commonly hold potential for violence, Nigeria's broken electoral system must be addressed to solve political problems. The transition to civilian rule in 1999 did not transform power structures and produced a repackaged space for militarily-controlled politics. Retired military officers dominate political parties, setting the tone for little focus on ideology. Incidents of aggression in society reflect the loss of compromise and accommodation in conflict resolution. Addressing the root causes of problems is important rather than distractions.
Nchr egypt upr20_egy_Relation Sandro Suzart SUZART GOOGLE INC United S...Sandro Suzart
The National Council for Human Rights (NCHR) submitted a report on the human rights situation in Egypt between 2010-2014 to the Universal Periodic Review Mechanism. The report summarized that Egypt witnessed political upheaval during this period including a revolution in 2011, transitional periods, and a new constitution in 2014. It noted both improvements in rights protections in new laws and constitution as well as ongoing rights issues such as torture, freedom of assembly, and fair trials. The NCHR called on the government to further amend laws to fully comply with the new constitution and international human rights standards.
Prepared by Nehemia Jonas Ngumba
Sokoine university of Agriculture , Morogoro Tanzania
TITLE:POLITICAL CONFLICT RESOLUTION BY USING COMPROMISING APPROACH TECHNIQUE
Last updated 8th January 2017
Contanct nehemiahngumba@gmail.com/0758089184
This document summarizes the constitutional development in Nigeria from 1914 to 1999. It discusses the various constitutions introduced during the colonial period by the British to consolidate imperial control, which Nigerians had little involvement in drafting. Post-independence, military regimes utilized constitution drafting to consolidate and prolong their rule. The 1999 constitution is considered a hasty product of the departing military junta. It retains aspects of centralized power from the military era, contributing to calls for its amendment.
This document provides an overview of crimes against women in India. It discusses the meaning and types of crimes and violence against women, as well as constitutional provisions and national initiatives to curb gender violence. The key points are:
1. Crimes against women are classified under the Indian Penal Code and special/local laws, and include rape, kidnapping, dowry deaths, torture, molestation, sexual harassment, and importation of girls.
2. The Indian constitution guarantees women equal rights and opportunities, while legal provisions include laws against dowry, sexual harassment, domestic violence, and more.
3. National initiatives aim to curb gender violence through committees, commissions, and laws, while international initiatives provide definitions
The document provides a global update on key human rights events and issues from January to May 2010. It summarizes developments in different regions of the world, including progress and setbacks in accountability, threats to civilian protection from conflicts and natural disasters, concerns over the death penalty, and restrictions on civil and political rights in several countries.
Development in Nigeria Politics: Challenges of Federalism and Resource Contro...Paradise
The paper delves into issues that have plunged Nigeria into what she is today. Pertinent to note that resource problem contingent on federalism needs a redress. Solutions were however postulated.
The document discusses the history and political system of Vietnam. It covers 3 key periods: 1) The independent Democratic Republic of Vietnam led by Ho Chi Minh from 1945-1975. 2) Reunification under a socialist regime from 1975-1986. 3) Vietnam as a one-party state led by the Communist Party of Vietnam from 1986 onward, with prospects for democratization. The Communist Party maintains a monopoly on political power and cracks down on dissent, though some reforms have expanded social and economic freedoms.
Seri Webinar: Memahami dan Mengurai Impunitas di Indonesia
Memahami Impunitas di Indonesia: Suatu Pengantar
Impunitas – secara singkat didefinisikan sebagai 'pembebasan dari hukuman' - mewabah di Indonesia. Artinya, pelanggaran hak asasi manusia pada umumnya dibiarkan begitu saja dan tidak berusaha dibenahi oleh negara dan institusi-institusi hukumnya. Di Indonesia, situasi ini telah ada selama beberapa dekade, dengan konsekuensi bencana bagi supremasi hukum dan masyarakat pada umumnya.
Banyak individu maupun organisasi yang terlibat aktif dalam upaya penguatan rule of law di Indonesia melihat fenomena ini sebagai masalah yang mendesak dan kompleks. Dengan latar belakang ini, Sekolah Tinggi Hukum Indonesia Jentera, Amnesty International Indonesia, Kelompok Kerja Indonesia-Belanda untuk Keadilan dan Pembangunan, dan Institut Van Vollenhoven dari Leiden Law School berinisiatif untuk menyelenggarakan lima seri webinar berjudul: Memahami dan Mengurai Impunitas di Indonesia.
Untuk mendiskusikan hal tersebut, mari bergabung dalam seri webinar pertama bertajuk “Memahami Impunitas di Indonesia: Suatu Pengantar”. Pada agenda ini, para pemateri akan berdiskusi secara interaktif perihal bagaimana akademisi hukum dan aktivis HAM mendefinisikan apa itu impunitas, serta menjelaskan bagaimana konteks sosial, politik, dan sejarah berkelindan di dalamnya.
Pembicara
Adriaan Bedner - Head of Department of the Van Vollenhoven Institute for Law, Leiden University
Usman Hamid - Direktur Eksekutif Amnesty International Indonesia dan Pengajar STH Indonesia Jentera
Moderator
Dian Rositawati - Peneliti Lembaga Kajian dan Advokasi untuk Independensi Peradilan dan Pengajar STH Indonesia Jentera
Acara diselenggarakan pada:
Kamis, 27 Januari 2022
Pukul 16.00-18.00 WIB
The document provides responses from various Haitian civil society leaders and experts to questions regarding the political situation in Haiti and the feasibility of elections. They argue that:
1) Prime Minister Ariel Henry lacks legitimacy and his government allows impunity, while gang violence has worsened under his leadership, making elections implausible.
2) Establishing a transitional government as proposed by the Montana Accord is more likely to stabilize the country and rebuild trust before elections can be held.
3) The international community, led by the US, is interfering in Haiti's internal affairs by supporting Henry despite his lack of legitimacy and alleged involvement in the president's assassination. Their insistence on imminent elections ignores the reality of
This document summarizes the condition of women in India. It discusses how women have achieved high political offices but still face many social issues and gender crimes. Constitutionally, women have equality and protections, but culturally and economically they face disadvantages like gender roles, expectations within relationships, and limited economic opportunities. Issues discussed include the declining sex ratio, child marriage, trafficking, violence, dowry practices, and acid attacks. It calls for changes in laws, education, mindsets, and the empowerment of women.
The document summarizes a report by the International Bar Association on human rights conditions in Equatorial Guinea. It finds that there is little respect for the rule of law, lack of political pluralism or viable opposition, and strong restrictions on freedom of speech, press, and civil society. The delegation concluded that the executive exercises control over the legislature and judiciary without sufficient checks and balances.
The document discusses human rights in Pakistan, outlining the basis of human rights as standards that accord to humans based on their humanity. It notes several issues regarding human rights violations in Pakistan, including healthcare access, women's rights, and child labor. The document concludes by discussing various methods that could help protect human rights, such as education, police/military training, independent judiciary, and work by international organizations.
The document discusses the expansion of democracy in Libya and Myanmar. In Libya, Muammar Gaddafi led a coup that overthrew the monarchy in 1969 and established a socialist government. However, Gaddafi maintained authoritarian rule and suppressed opposition. In 2011, a popular uprising began as part of the Arab Spring, leading to a civil war and Gaddafi's overthrow. In Myanmar, the military seized power in 1962 and canceled democratic elections despite an elected party winning in 1990. Aung San Suu Kyi emerged as a leader for democracy and spent years under house arrest. Protests continued demanding democracy and greater freedoms.
1. Pakistan has a poor human rights record and high levels of violations against minorities, women, and children. While Pakistan is signatory to international human rights declarations and covenants, domestic implementation and enforcement of these protections is lacking.
2. Factors contributing to human rights issues include prolonged periods of authoritarian rule hindering democratic development, discriminatory laws against religious minorities and women, widespread poverty, and more recently increased militant violence.
3. While some progress has been made through expanded civil society and media advocacy, strengthening the rule of law, democratic institutions, and government commitment to rights are still needed to better protect Pakistanis from human rights abuses.
Un declaration on the rights of indigenous people and the uyghurs of east tur...Dr Lendy Spires
This document discusses the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and how China violates the rights of the Uyghur people, who are indigenous to the Xinjiang region. It provides an overview of the UN declaration and outlines how Uyghurs meet the definition of indigenous people. The report then examines how China contravenes the declaration by restricting Uyghurs' fundamental rights, culture, religion, land and resources. It concludes that China must implement policies to protect Uyghur rights and participation in accordance with the UN declaration.
Elections and the political transition in egyptcmi-norway
The document discusses elections in Egypt during the transitional period following the 2011 revolution. It provides background on why the revolution occurred, with economic, social, and political grievances fueling public discontent. It then analyzes features of elections held under military rule, including high voter turnout but some logistical issues. International election observers were allowed for the first time. Subsequent elections saw inconsistencies in turnout and some campaigning violations. Recommendations include improving civic education, electoral laws and procedures.
The document summarizes key findings from the 2011 Indian census:
- India's population increased by over 181 million from 2001-2011 to a total of 1.21 billion, a lower growth rate than the previous decade.
- Uttar Pradesh remains the most populous state while Delhi is the most densely populated. Literacy rates have increased nationally but some states still have very low rates.
- Sex ratios have improved nationally and in many states from the previous census in 2001, though a few states saw declines. The census also collected additional data on topics like transportation ownership and communication access.
The document discusses several issues related to women's rights and gender discrimination in India. It notes that while the Indian constitution guarantees equality, in practice there remains a large gulf in gender justice. Successive governments have done little to improve the situation. India ranks poorly on gender equality indices and crimes against women such as rape are still common. While some laws have been strengthened after recent reforms, women remain reluctant to report crimes due to security, social and other barriers. The document argues that more needs to be done to protect women's rights and remove barriers to justice in India.
The document is the text of a speech delivered by Her Excellency Mrs. ‘Funmi Olayinka, Deputy Governor of Ekiti State, Nigeria, at the annual lecture of Women in Management and Business. [1] It discusses the low level of participation of women in Nigerian politics despite constitutional protections guaranteeing political participation and international agreements ratified by Nigeria. [2] It notes that women constitute about 49% of Nigeria's population but hold less than 5% of important decision making positions, with an average of only 0.05% representation in the national assembly. [3] The speech aims to analyze the causes of this situation and propose ways to increase women's political participation in Nigeria.
Every Act of the Parliament commences with a preamble which consists of the introductory words “An Act to……†followed by words briefly describing its objects. The preamble of a statute may be relied upon as aid to the understanding of the meaning thereof or for determining general object and intention of the Parliament in passing the enactment, but the preamble cannot control the express clear language and sweep of the operating provisions of such an instrument. When the language, object and the scope of the Act are not open to doubt, the enacting part cannot be restricted, extended or modified, by reference either to the title or preamble. Preamble is evidence of thought process of representatives. The practice of inserting elaborate preambles in Acts of the parliament has not disappeared and it is now regarded as well settled law that a preamble neither cuts down nor restricts, nor extends, nor enlarges the enacting part, when the language, scope and objf such part are clear and unambiguous. According to the preamble, this is an act to provide for more effective protection of the rights of women. Geetika Sood | Avrida Jan ""Object and Reasons of Domestic Violence Act"" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-3 | Issue-4 , June 2019,
URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd24052.pdf
Paper URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/management/law-and-management/24052/object-and-reasons-of-domestic-violence-act/geetika-sood
Human rights movement in india vibhuti patelVIBHUTI PATEL
The document summarizes the history and key issues of the human rights movement in India. It discusses (1) the emergence of human rights organizations in response to the Emergency Rule of 1975-1977, (2) the various social issues and populations they advocate for including women, Dalits, farmers, and religious minorities, and (3) the major campaigns around rights to information, displacement, communalism, and prison reforms.
This document provides a production portfolio for Melyssa Hall, summarizing several plays she directed. It includes summaries of Aria Da Capo performed at Writers and Books in January 2015, which featured original banners and music. It also discusses Cow Town performed at MuCCC in July 2014, focusing on an intimate scene requiring nudity. Finally, it briefly outlines productions of Gruesome Playground Injuries at the Rochester Fringe Festival in 2013 and The Importance of Being Earnest at SUNY Geneseo in 2013, which took a camp aesthetic approach.
Self-driving cars have made significant progress but still face many challenges before being ready for widespread use. While companies are testing autonomous vehicles on public roads, they still require human backup drivers and operate mostly on simple highway drives. Major technological and regulatory hurdles must still be cleared, including how to program vehicles to handle unexpected situations and gaining public trust, before driverless cars can operate independently in all environments.
This document summarizes the constitutional development in Nigeria from 1914 to 1999. It discusses the various constitutions introduced during the colonial period by the British to consolidate imperial control, which Nigerians had little involvement in drafting. Post-independence, military regimes utilized constitution drafting to consolidate and prolong their rule. The 1999 constitution is considered a hasty product of the departing military junta. It retains aspects of centralized power from the military era, contributing to calls for its amendment.
This document provides an overview of crimes against women in India. It discusses the meaning and types of crimes and violence against women, as well as constitutional provisions and national initiatives to curb gender violence. The key points are:
1. Crimes against women are classified under the Indian Penal Code and special/local laws, and include rape, kidnapping, dowry deaths, torture, molestation, sexual harassment, and importation of girls.
2. The Indian constitution guarantees women equal rights and opportunities, while legal provisions include laws against dowry, sexual harassment, domestic violence, and more.
3. National initiatives aim to curb gender violence through committees, commissions, and laws, while international initiatives provide definitions
The document provides a global update on key human rights events and issues from January to May 2010. It summarizes developments in different regions of the world, including progress and setbacks in accountability, threats to civilian protection from conflicts and natural disasters, concerns over the death penalty, and restrictions on civil and political rights in several countries.
Development in Nigeria Politics: Challenges of Federalism and Resource Contro...Paradise
The paper delves into issues that have plunged Nigeria into what she is today. Pertinent to note that resource problem contingent on federalism needs a redress. Solutions were however postulated.
The document discusses the history and political system of Vietnam. It covers 3 key periods: 1) The independent Democratic Republic of Vietnam led by Ho Chi Minh from 1945-1975. 2) Reunification under a socialist regime from 1975-1986. 3) Vietnam as a one-party state led by the Communist Party of Vietnam from 1986 onward, with prospects for democratization. The Communist Party maintains a monopoly on political power and cracks down on dissent, though some reforms have expanded social and economic freedoms.
Seri Webinar: Memahami dan Mengurai Impunitas di Indonesia
Memahami Impunitas di Indonesia: Suatu Pengantar
Impunitas – secara singkat didefinisikan sebagai 'pembebasan dari hukuman' - mewabah di Indonesia. Artinya, pelanggaran hak asasi manusia pada umumnya dibiarkan begitu saja dan tidak berusaha dibenahi oleh negara dan institusi-institusi hukumnya. Di Indonesia, situasi ini telah ada selama beberapa dekade, dengan konsekuensi bencana bagi supremasi hukum dan masyarakat pada umumnya.
Banyak individu maupun organisasi yang terlibat aktif dalam upaya penguatan rule of law di Indonesia melihat fenomena ini sebagai masalah yang mendesak dan kompleks. Dengan latar belakang ini, Sekolah Tinggi Hukum Indonesia Jentera, Amnesty International Indonesia, Kelompok Kerja Indonesia-Belanda untuk Keadilan dan Pembangunan, dan Institut Van Vollenhoven dari Leiden Law School berinisiatif untuk menyelenggarakan lima seri webinar berjudul: Memahami dan Mengurai Impunitas di Indonesia.
Untuk mendiskusikan hal tersebut, mari bergabung dalam seri webinar pertama bertajuk “Memahami Impunitas di Indonesia: Suatu Pengantar”. Pada agenda ini, para pemateri akan berdiskusi secara interaktif perihal bagaimana akademisi hukum dan aktivis HAM mendefinisikan apa itu impunitas, serta menjelaskan bagaimana konteks sosial, politik, dan sejarah berkelindan di dalamnya.
Pembicara
Adriaan Bedner - Head of Department of the Van Vollenhoven Institute for Law, Leiden University
Usman Hamid - Direktur Eksekutif Amnesty International Indonesia dan Pengajar STH Indonesia Jentera
Moderator
Dian Rositawati - Peneliti Lembaga Kajian dan Advokasi untuk Independensi Peradilan dan Pengajar STH Indonesia Jentera
Acara diselenggarakan pada:
Kamis, 27 Januari 2022
Pukul 16.00-18.00 WIB
The document provides responses from various Haitian civil society leaders and experts to questions regarding the political situation in Haiti and the feasibility of elections. They argue that:
1) Prime Minister Ariel Henry lacks legitimacy and his government allows impunity, while gang violence has worsened under his leadership, making elections implausible.
2) Establishing a transitional government as proposed by the Montana Accord is more likely to stabilize the country and rebuild trust before elections can be held.
3) The international community, led by the US, is interfering in Haiti's internal affairs by supporting Henry despite his lack of legitimacy and alleged involvement in the president's assassination. Their insistence on imminent elections ignores the reality of
This document summarizes the condition of women in India. It discusses how women have achieved high political offices but still face many social issues and gender crimes. Constitutionally, women have equality and protections, but culturally and economically they face disadvantages like gender roles, expectations within relationships, and limited economic opportunities. Issues discussed include the declining sex ratio, child marriage, trafficking, violence, dowry practices, and acid attacks. It calls for changes in laws, education, mindsets, and the empowerment of women.
The document summarizes a report by the International Bar Association on human rights conditions in Equatorial Guinea. It finds that there is little respect for the rule of law, lack of political pluralism or viable opposition, and strong restrictions on freedom of speech, press, and civil society. The delegation concluded that the executive exercises control over the legislature and judiciary without sufficient checks and balances.
The document discusses human rights in Pakistan, outlining the basis of human rights as standards that accord to humans based on their humanity. It notes several issues regarding human rights violations in Pakistan, including healthcare access, women's rights, and child labor. The document concludes by discussing various methods that could help protect human rights, such as education, police/military training, independent judiciary, and work by international organizations.
The document discusses the expansion of democracy in Libya and Myanmar. In Libya, Muammar Gaddafi led a coup that overthrew the monarchy in 1969 and established a socialist government. However, Gaddafi maintained authoritarian rule and suppressed opposition. In 2011, a popular uprising began as part of the Arab Spring, leading to a civil war and Gaddafi's overthrow. In Myanmar, the military seized power in 1962 and canceled democratic elections despite an elected party winning in 1990. Aung San Suu Kyi emerged as a leader for democracy and spent years under house arrest. Protests continued demanding democracy and greater freedoms.
1. Pakistan has a poor human rights record and high levels of violations against minorities, women, and children. While Pakistan is signatory to international human rights declarations and covenants, domestic implementation and enforcement of these protections is lacking.
2. Factors contributing to human rights issues include prolonged periods of authoritarian rule hindering democratic development, discriminatory laws against religious minorities and women, widespread poverty, and more recently increased militant violence.
3. While some progress has been made through expanded civil society and media advocacy, strengthening the rule of law, democratic institutions, and government commitment to rights are still needed to better protect Pakistanis from human rights abuses.
Un declaration on the rights of indigenous people and the uyghurs of east tur...Dr Lendy Spires
This document discusses the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and how China violates the rights of the Uyghur people, who are indigenous to the Xinjiang region. It provides an overview of the UN declaration and outlines how Uyghurs meet the definition of indigenous people. The report then examines how China contravenes the declaration by restricting Uyghurs' fundamental rights, culture, religion, land and resources. It concludes that China must implement policies to protect Uyghur rights and participation in accordance with the UN declaration.
Elections and the political transition in egyptcmi-norway
The document discusses elections in Egypt during the transitional period following the 2011 revolution. It provides background on why the revolution occurred, with economic, social, and political grievances fueling public discontent. It then analyzes features of elections held under military rule, including high voter turnout but some logistical issues. International election observers were allowed for the first time. Subsequent elections saw inconsistencies in turnout and some campaigning violations. Recommendations include improving civic education, electoral laws and procedures.
The document summarizes key findings from the 2011 Indian census:
- India's population increased by over 181 million from 2001-2011 to a total of 1.21 billion, a lower growth rate than the previous decade.
- Uttar Pradesh remains the most populous state while Delhi is the most densely populated. Literacy rates have increased nationally but some states still have very low rates.
- Sex ratios have improved nationally and in many states from the previous census in 2001, though a few states saw declines. The census also collected additional data on topics like transportation ownership and communication access.
The document discusses several issues related to women's rights and gender discrimination in India. It notes that while the Indian constitution guarantees equality, in practice there remains a large gulf in gender justice. Successive governments have done little to improve the situation. India ranks poorly on gender equality indices and crimes against women such as rape are still common. While some laws have been strengthened after recent reforms, women remain reluctant to report crimes due to security, social and other barriers. The document argues that more needs to be done to protect women's rights and remove barriers to justice in India.
The document is the text of a speech delivered by Her Excellency Mrs. ‘Funmi Olayinka, Deputy Governor of Ekiti State, Nigeria, at the annual lecture of Women in Management and Business. [1] It discusses the low level of participation of women in Nigerian politics despite constitutional protections guaranteeing political participation and international agreements ratified by Nigeria. [2] It notes that women constitute about 49% of Nigeria's population but hold less than 5% of important decision making positions, with an average of only 0.05% representation in the national assembly. [3] The speech aims to analyze the causes of this situation and propose ways to increase women's political participation in Nigeria.
Every Act of the Parliament commences with a preamble which consists of the introductory words “An Act to……†followed by words briefly describing its objects. The preamble of a statute may be relied upon as aid to the understanding of the meaning thereof or for determining general object and intention of the Parliament in passing the enactment, but the preamble cannot control the express clear language and sweep of the operating provisions of such an instrument. When the language, object and the scope of the Act are not open to doubt, the enacting part cannot be restricted, extended or modified, by reference either to the title or preamble. Preamble is evidence of thought process of representatives. The practice of inserting elaborate preambles in Acts of the parliament has not disappeared and it is now regarded as well settled law that a preamble neither cuts down nor restricts, nor extends, nor enlarges the enacting part, when the language, scope and objf such part are clear and unambiguous. According to the preamble, this is an act to provide for more effective protection of the rights of women. Geetika Sood | Avrida Jan ""Object and Reasons of Domestic Violence Act"" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-3 | Issue-4 , June 2019,
URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd24052.pdf
Paper URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/management/law-and-management/24052/object-and-reasons-of-domestic-violence-act/geetika-sood
Human rights movement in india vibhuti patelVIBHUTI PATEL
The document summarizes the history and key issues of the human rights movement in India. It discusses (1) the emergence of human rights organizations in response to the Emergency Rule of 1975-1977, (2) the various social issues and populations they advocate for including women, Dalits, farmers, and religious minorities, and (3) the major campaigns around rights to information, displacement, communalism, and prison reforms.
This document provides a production portfolio for Melyssa Hall, summarizing several plays she directed. It includes summaries of Aria Da Capo performed at Writers and Books in January 2015, which featured original banners and music. It also discusses Cow Town performed at MuCCC in July 2014, focusing on an intimate scene requiring nudity. Finally, it briefly outlines productions of Gruesome Playground Injuries at the Rochester Fringe Festival in 2013 and The Importance of Being Earnest at SUNY Geneseo in 2013, which took a camp aesthetic approach.
Self-driving cars have made significant progress but still face many challenges before being ready for widespread use. While companies are testing autonomous vehicles on public roads, they still require human backup drivers and operate mostly on simple highway drives. Major technological and regulatory hurdles must still be cleared, including how to program vehicles to handle unexpected situations and gaining public trust, before driverless cars can operate independently in all environments.
Marketing vs. IT - Let the Battle BeginConnect2AMC
Marketing and IT teams at associations often have tensions that arise from differing priorities, languages, and work processes. However, both groups are charged with being creative problem-solvers who are driving revenue and operations. To reconcile tensions:
1) Facilitate dialogue by bringing both groups in early, using visuals to brainstorm, and speaking in each other's languages.
2) Communicate strategy by prioritizing projects based on strategic goals and reviewing priorities together.
3) Solve problems collaboratively by learning each other's roles, challenging each other respectfully, and brainstorming solutions together.
Marissa Cahn has diverse experience in fashion design, costume design, upholstery, management and clerical work. She has strong skills in design, technical writing, data entry, customer relations and communication. The document provides details of her professional experience including roles as an administrative assistant, seamstress, designer, and deputy team lead, and her education in fashion design.
La Unión Europea está considerando nuevas regulaciones para las empresas de tecnología. Estas regulaciones podrían requerir que las grandes compañías tecnológicas compartan datos con los competidores más pequeños y paguen una tasa sobre sus ingresos en la UE. Los críticos argumentan que estas regulaciones podrían dañar la innovación, mientras que los partidarios dicen que harán que el mercado digital sea más justo y abierto.
Mozilla is a non-profit organization that promotes openness on the web through products like Firefox and Thunderbird. Firefox is a web browser available on desktop and mobile that emphasizes privacy and customization. Thunderbird is an email client. Firefox OS is a mobile operating system built on open web technologies. Mozilla also supports open source projects and programs to teach web literacy skills. Volunteers can contribute through localization, coding, testing, and other roles.
This document provides instructions for building ChannelBox bugs using an Excel sheet on a KVM 02 computer. It outlines 14 steps to find the appropriate Excel sheet, enter information in the yellow cells, export the changes, load the bug into the ChannelBox, and verify the bug was built correctly. The bugs can be used on the National or Alternate channel.
This document summarizes the political context surrounding Nigeria's 2003 elections. It notes that previous elections organized by civilian governments in 1964 and 1983 were marred by fraud and violence, which led to political instability. There is potential for similar issues in 2003. However, Nigeria's democracy is maturing as the judiciary has ruled responsibly on contentious issues and the government has respected court rulings. Overall, political transition is inherently conflictual but progress has been made, and elections should be viewed as one part of an ongoing democratic development process rather than democracy itself.
1) The document discusses fears about Nigeria's upcoming 2003 elections, noting that past elections organized by incumbent governments were marred by fraud and violence.
2) It argues that elections commonly hold potential for violence in Africa due to high stakes, desperate players, and lack of civil opposition traditions from military rule histories.
3) While problems exist, Nigeria's democracy is maturing as the judiciary has ruled responsibly on contentious issues and other branches have respected its decisions, showing progress amid political transition challenges.
Political Violence and the Sustenance of Democracy In Nigeriaiosrjce
IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science is a double blind peer reviewed International Journal edited by International Organization of Scientific Research (IOSR).The Journal provides a common forum where all aspects of humanities and social sciences are presented. IOSR-JHSS publishes original papers, review papers, conceptual framework, analytical and simulation models, case studies, empirical research, technical notes etc.
Structural Violence and Nigeria’s Electoral System - the Unidentified ThreatKayode Fayemi
Structural violence in Nigeria's electoral system poses an unidentified threat to the country's fragile democracy. Elections commonly hold potential for violence due to high stakes for winners and lack of compromise culture. While Nigeria's democracy is maturing with an independent judiciary, military influence over politics persists, as seen by retired generals leading political parties. This militarization of society and entrenched conflicts threaten the viability of Nigeria's democratic project beyond adversarial elections.
Accountability and corruption in public organizationResearchWap
One of the fundamental problems of contemporary Nigeria is corruption. It has thrived; progressed and flourished unabated .Corruption has been institutionalized to the point of accepting it as part of our system. This study examined the incidence of corruption in the Nigerian Public Service with particular focus on Isiala Mbano LGA from 1999 to 2012. Specifically, the study investigated whether motivational incentives provided for civil servants contributes to their greater involvement in corruption in Imo State from 1999 to 2012. The study also examined the impact of weak internal control mechanism on the incidence of looting of state treasury by politicians in Imo State within the same period. We predicated our analysis on The General Systems Theory, adopting David Easton’s Political System theory. As for method of data collection, the study employed qualitative and quantitative method of data collection. As for sources of data, we principally relied on primary and secondary sources. The data so generated were analyzed accordingly using Likert measurement scale. The findings reveal that motivational incentives provided for civil servants contribute to their greater involvement in corruption. Based on the findings also, weak internal control mechanism was identified to have contributed to incidence of looting of state treasury by politicians in Imo State. We therefore recommend adequate motivation of civil servants through improved salary,prompt payment of all their entitlements and good working condition, government should strengthen internal control mechanism to forestall incidence of looting of state treasury which could have been averted. These recommendations if properly implemented would be a panacea for the eradication of
corruption.
An Appraisal of the Current State of Affairs in Nigerian Party Politicsinventionjournals
Nigeria, like many other African countries, has had its fair share of democratic challenges, but it has also recorded some achievement over the years. There have already been calls across the country for some adjustments and improvements on the way political parties are run and managed, in the years to come. This paper sets out to analytically x-ray some of the challenges currently bedevilling the structure and workings of the political parties in Nigeria with a view to repositioning the ideological root and value system that these political parties are driven by. Using the secondary data where information is gathered and the content of same analysed the paper tends to showcase the salient strength and weaknesses inherent in the Nigeria political party system. It concludes that the political parties in Nigeria have always had to grapple with challenges owing to the fact that the formation of the parties are built along faulty lines, chiefly among which is the lack of a clear cut ideology and proposes amongst others that party members begin to imbibe the spirit of sportsmanship by displaying some sense of direction towards establishing a robust party manifesto.
American Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Development is indexed, refereed and peer-reviewed journal, which is designed to publish research articles.
This document summarizes a research paper on the crisis of development and ethnic agitations for restructuring in Nigeria. Some key points:
1. Nigeria has experienced a crisis of development for decades due to stringent economic and political conditions that have jeopardized most Nigerians' lives. This has led to ethnic reactions in the form of agitations to restructure Nigeria.
2. Colonial centralization of power in Nigeria lingered after independence and an oligarchy developed that serves international capitalism without prioritizing domestic development. Failure to address issues like corruption have exacerbated poor living conditions and fueled ethnic calls to restructure.
3. Ethnic agitations for restructuring have historical roots from the colonial period and aim to
An appraisal of nigeria’s democratization in the fourthAlexander Decker
This document summarizes and appraises democratization in Nigeria's Fourth Republic from 1999-2010. It finds that the military-led transition to civilian rule failed to establish strong democratic institutions and infrastructure, which has undermined the democratization process. Key issues include a dysfunctional electoral system, disregard for the rule of law, lack of internal democracy in political parties, repression of citizens, manipulation of democratic institutions for personal gain, and widespread poverty. As a result, Nigeria ranks as one of the world's most failed nations despite over a decade of civilian rule. The document concludes that sustained civic activism is needed to overcome Nigeria's democratic challenges.
The document discusses the differences between generations in Tunisia as shown by the 2019 presidential election results. It summarizes that:
1) Younger generation Z voters supported Kaïs Saïed who proposed a new governance model based on local communities, while older "boomer" voters supported Nabil Karoui who promised economic reforms.
2) The election results showed that classical political divides no longer define Tunisian society as new figures and symbols are emerging.
3) The media failed to predict these emerging differences as it focused only on past election trends and was disconnected from societal changes.
CHALLENGE OF DEMOCRATIC LEADERSHIP: Continuity and Change in NigeriaKayode Fayemi
Kayode Fayemi discusses the challenges facing Nigerian democracy in the past two decades since the transition from military to civilian rule in 1999. Some key points made include:
- While elections marked an improvement over military dictatorship, the transition did not fully transform Nigeria's political culture or overhaul systems and structures. It mainly rearranged the political space.
- Expectations for democracy were inflated, setting the stage for disappointment. Democratic reforms are an ongoing process and progress has been incremental rather than through single dramatic shifts.
- Structural issues like overcentralization of power have undermined governance and democratic development. A fundamental restructuring of Nigeria's federal system is needed to address these challenges and create a more
Peacebuilding from below The case of ZimbabweSheunesu Hove
This document summarizes a lecture on peacebuilding from below using the case study of Zimbabwe. It discusses key aspects of local peacebuilding initiatives including addressing social issues like disparities and capacity building. It analyzes Zimbabwe's land reforms and issues around elections and violence. The document also summarizes a local initiative called the Global Political Agreement and discusses the importance of inclusive peacebuilding that involves communities. It notes challenges such as lack of community ownership in the peace process.
Primordial Politics and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria’s Fourth Republicijtsrd
This paper is an inquisition on the impact of primordial politics on democratic consolidation in Nigerias fourth republic. Data for the research was gathered from secondary sources including Books, Journals, Newspapers, Magazines, and the Internet. The analysis of the data gathered was based on the historical descriptive method which attempts to understand the phenomenon of primordial politics by determining it process of evolution, growth, and dynamic of internal changes. Findings revealed that socio political and economic deprivation amounting to internal colonialism by one section of the country over the others has bred frustration leading to recourse to ethnicism as expressed in the pattern of voting. The paper therefore recommends, Constitutional amendments, rotational presidency and two party system as a panacea for nationalism. Diri, Benjamin B. | Godwin Isaiah Jaja "Primordial Politics and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-5 | Issue-2 , February 2021, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd38537.pdf Paper Url: https://www.ijtsrd.com/humanities-and-the-arts/political-science/38537/primordial-politics-and-democratic-consolidation-in-nigeria’s-fourth-republic/diri-benjamin-b
Effectiveness of INEC Communication Awareness Strategies on the 2023 General ...ijtsrd
This Research Study titled effectiveness Of INEC communication awareness Strategies in the 2023 general elections. A study of the South South residents of Nigeria. Effective communication strategy is important for the conduct and management of electoral process. Information, education and communication are effective tools for behavoural change especially in the efforts to reduce voter, apathy, violence and increase participation in the electoral process. The objectives of the study was to determine the level of INEC’s communication message raised awareness on voter registration. It was also to determine the extent to which INEC’s communications raised awareness regarding the identification of polling units and also to reveal the assessment or extent to which INEC’s communications raised awareness on how to cast the ballots. The survey research method was adopted for the study while questionnaire was used as data collection instrument. The 8,356,603 residents of the six 6 states capitals of the South south states were used as the population from where a sample size of 460 was drawn using the Taro Tamene formula. The purposive sampling technique was used for the study while simple percentage were employed in analyzing the collected data. Based on the analysis of data, finding revealed that INEC’s communicate messages raised the awareness of the people in the area of voter registration. INEC’s communication messages were not clear enough to the respondents in the area of knowledge of polling units identification. INEC’s communication. Messages were not clear to the respondent in the area of how to cast ballots. Based on the findings, the study recommended that INEC should sustain the communication messages in the area of voter registration and be more consistent about it. Another recommendation is that INEC’s communication messages be made more understandable increase knowledge on how to vote and reduce the trend of huge void votes during election. Paleowei Zikena Cletus "Effectiveness of INEC Communication Awareness Strategies on the 2023 General Election: A Study of Residents of South-South Region" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-8 | Issue-1 , February 2024, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd63474.pdf Paper Url: https://www.ijtsrd.com/humanities-and-the-arts/political-science/63474/effectiveness-of-inec-communication-awareness-strategies-on-the-2023-general-election-a-study-of-residents-of-southsouth-region/paleowei-zikena-cletus
This document summarizes a research paper about democratic deficit and political participation in Nigeria. It discusses how most Nigerians do not participate in the political process, instead leaving it to political elites and their supporters. This has led to erosion of the social contract and democratic deficit. Leadership has become self-serving, lacking policy direction, corrupt, and developmentally deficient. However, active citizenship can lead to good governance. The paper argues that both citizens and leaders need to be on equal footing in the Nigerian system. Civil society and other groups should encourage political transformation and development through greater citizen participation.
The Role of Youths in Electoral Processes: An Appraisal of the Nigerian 2015 ...inventionjournals
Youths represent a significant proportion of the Nigerian Population, but in spite of this, their level of political participation and representation in the electoral process in the past has been very poor and often times undermined; being largely noticed at the level of electoral malpractices, voting irregularities and covert or overtthuggery in support of political office seekers who paradoxically have dominated the political arena to the point of total exclusion of the youths, yet all groups (youths inclusive) seek to influence dispensation of power. The research therefore sets out to analytically x-ray the issues and challenges that confronted youths in previous general elections viz a viz the tremendous effort made by youths in making the 2015 general elections a success, by particularly the use of social media as a propaganda machine and the dogged attitude displayed in the course of retrieving permanent voters card which is unparrarelled and unprecedented. The research implores the use of vivid descriptive scenarios to make sound and logical arguments on the plight and strive of youth in forestalling equity and fair play in our electoral process and also on the strides recorded thereof. Using variables such as lack of proper electoral education and sensitization in the past, religious, regional and sectional divide, poverty, deprivation, thuggery, social media, permanent voters card and so forth, the researchers conclude that youths have in the past been largely responsible for scuttling elections but were however instrumental to the success of the 2015 general elections. It therefore recommends amongst other things that, it is imperative to develop and enhance the capability of youths in the electoral process by creating a robust orientation programme and also engaging them to become financially and morally equip, so as to drastically reduce if not totally eradicate arm-twisting or manipulation of youths in the society.
Ethnic Politics and the 2015 Elections in MyanmarMYO AUNG Myanmar
Myanmar Policy Briefing | 16 | September 2015
Ethnic Politics and the 2015 Elections in Myanmar
Recommendations
• The 2015 general election presents an important opportunity to give political
voice to Myanmar’s diverse ethnic nationality communities and empower them to
pursue their aspirations, provided that it is genuinely free and fair.
• If successfully held, the general election is likely to mark another key step in
the process of national transition from decades of military rule. However the
achievement of nationwide peace and further constitutional reform are still
needed to guarantee the democratic rights, representation and participation of all
peoples in determining the country’s future.
• Although nationality parties are likely to win many seats in the polls, the impact of
identity politics and vote-splitting along ethnic and party lines may see electoral
success falling short of expectations. This can be addressed through political
cooperation and reform. It is essential for peace and stability that the democratic
process offers real hope to nationality communities that they can have greater
control over their destiny.
• Inequitable distribution of political and economic rights has long driven mistrust
and conflict in Myanmar. The 2015 general election must mark a new era of
political inclusion, not division, in national politics. After the elections, it is vital
that an inclusive political dialogue moves forward at the national level to unite
parliamentary processes and ethnic ceasefire talks as a political roadmap for all
citizens.
Similar to Free, Fair and Credible Election 2015 in Nigeria: Issues and Challenges (20)
low birth weight presentation. Low birth weight (LBW) infant is defined as the one whose birth weight is less than 2500g irrespective of their gestational age. Premature birth and low birth weight(LBW) is still a serious problem in newborn. Causing high morbidity and mortality rate worldwide. The nursing care provide to low birth weight babies is crucial in promoting their overall health and development. Through careful assessment, diagnosis,, planning, and evaluation plays a vital role in ensuring these vulnerable infants receive the specialize care they need. In India every third of the infant weight less than 2500g.
Birth period, socioeconomical status, nutritional and intrauterine environment are the factors influencing low birth weight
Know the difference between Endodontics and Orthodontics.Gokuldas Hospital
Your smile is beautiful.
Let’s be honest. Maintaining that beautiful smile is not an easy task. It is more than brushing and flossing. Sometimes, you might encounter dental issues that need special dental care. These issues can range anywhere from misalignment of the jaw to pain in the root of teeth.
5-hydroxytryptamine or 5-HT or Serotonin is a neurotransmitter that serves a range of roles in the human body. It is sometimes referred to as the happy chemical since it promotes overall well-being and happiness.
It is mostly found in the brain, intestines, and blood platelets.
5-HT is utilised to transport messages between nerve cells, is known to be involved in smooth muscle contraction, and adds to overall well-being and pleasure, among other benefits. 5-HT regulates the body's sleep-wake cycles and internal clock by acting as a precursor to melatonin.
It is hypothesised to regulate hunger, emotions, motor, cognitive, and autonomic processes.
- Video recording of this lecture in English language: https://youtu.be/Pt1nA32sdHQ
- Video recording of this lecture in Arabic language: https://youtu.be/uFdc9F0rlP0
- Link to download the book free: https://nephrotube.blogspot.com/p/nephrotube-nephrology-books.html
- Link to NephroTube website: www.NephroTube.com
- Link to NephroTube social media accounts: https://nephrotube.blogspot.com/p/join-nephrotube-on-social-media.html
10 Benefits an EPCR Software should Bring to EMS Organizations Traumasoft LLC
The benefits of an ePCR solution should extend to the whole EMS organization, not just certain groups of people or certain departments. It should provide more than just a form for entering and a database for storing information. It should also include a workflow of how information is communicated, used and stored across the entire organization.
How to Control Your Asthma Tips by gokuldas hospital.Gokuldas Hospital
Respiratory issues like asthma are the most sensitive issue that is affecting millions worldwide. It hampers the daily activities leaving the body tired and breathless.
The key to a good grip on asthma is proper knowledge and management strategies. Understanding the patient-specific symptoms and carving out an effective treatment likewise is the best way to keep asthma under control.
Lecture 6 -- Memory 2015.pptlearning occurs when a stimulus (unconditioned st...AyushGadhvi1
learning occurs when a stimulus (unconditioned stimulus) eliciting a response (unconditioned response) • is paired with another stimulus (conditioned stimulus)
Travel Clinic Cardiff: Health Advice for International TravelersNX Healthcare
Travel Clinic Cardiff offers comprehensive travel health services, including vaccinations, travel advice, and preventive care for international travelers. Our expert team ensures you are well-prepared and protected for your journey, providing personalized consultations tailored to your destination. Conveniently located in Cardiff, we help you travel with confidence and peace of mind. Visit us: www.nxhealthcare.co.uk
NAVIGATING THE HORIZONS OF TIME LAPSE EMBRYO MONITORING.pdfRahul Sen
Time-lapse embryo monitoring is an advanced imaging technique used in IVF to continuously observe embryo development. It captures high-resolution images at regular intervals, allowing embryologists to select the most viable embryos for transfer based on detailed growth patterns. This technology enhances embryo selection, potentially increasing pregnancy success rates.
Kosmoderma Academy, a leading institution in the field of dermatology and aesthetics, offers comprehensive courses in cosmetology and trichology. Our specialized courses on PRP (Hair), DR+Growth Factor, GFC, and Qr678 are designed to equip practitioners with advanced skills and knowledge to excel in hair restoration and growth treatments.
Summer is a time for fun in the sun, but the heat and humidity can also wreak havoc on your skin. From itchy rashes to unwanted pigmentation, several skin conditions become more prevalent during these warmer months.
Test bank for karp s cell and molecular biology 9th edition by gerald karp.pdfrightmanforbloodline
Test bank for karp s cell and molecular biology 9th edition by gerald karp.pdf
Test bank for karp s cell and molecular biology 9th edition by gerald karp.pdf
Test bank for karp s cell and molecular biology 9th edition by gerald karp.pdf
Free, Fair and Credible Election 2015 in Nigeria: Issues and Challenges
1. International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention
ISSN (Online): 2319 – 7722, ISSN (Print): 2319 – 7714
www.ijhssi.org Volume 4 Issue 6 || June. 2015 || PP.01-06
www.ijhssi.org 1 | Page
Free, Fair and Credible Election 2015 in Nigeria: Issues and
Challenges
Dr. Linus Ugwu Odo
Department of Public Administration , IBB University, Lapai Niger state
Abstract : The last time Nigeria had elections for choosing candidates into various elective offices was in
2011. The 2011 general elections wasn’t a happy story before, during and after. The violence that accompanied
those elections especially the presidential one was unprecedented in the political history of the country. This
paper was inspired by the compelling need to identify the mistakes of those elections and proffer solutions in
order to avoid a repeat of the 2011 in 2015. The politicians as the major actors in the electoral process have
crucial roles to play in guaranteeing violence free elections in 2015. They must focus on issues and characters
and eschew whipping up ethnic, sectional and religious sentiments that are capable of heating up the polity and
endanger free, fair and credible elections. The paper argued that not insisting on the proper conduct and
behavior of politicians toward the 2015 elections is not an option if we sincerely wish to grow democracy in the
country. The paper concluded that if the suggested measures in the work are taken seriously and implemented,
the country can have free, fair and credible elections in 2015 without another blood-letting episode of the
previous elections in the country.
Keyword: Free, Fair, Credible, Election, Issue, and Challenge.
I. Introduction
Elections were first organized and conducted in Nigeria in 1922 by the British colonial government in
response to the pressures of the nationalists who were agitating for greater participation in the colonial
administration (Enojo, 2010). Following the elections, Nigerians were offered the first opportunity to occupy
certain political offices. Though the franchise was restricted and representation limited, it was nonetheless an
achievement for the nationalists who were struggling for the enthronement of democratic order as a pre-requisite
for greater participation of the people in the process of governance. After 1922, several other elections were
conducted in different parts of the country to elect leaders at national, regional and local levels. However, it was
the 1959 General Elections that paved way for the emergence of Nigeria as an independent state. Since then,
various elections have been held either in transition from one civilian government to another or in transition
from military regimes to civilian administration. Elections in Nigeria can broadly be categorized into three viz:
elections organized by the colonial government in 1922, 1951 and 1959; those organized by the military regimes
in 1979, 1991, 1993, 1999; and the ones organized by civilian governments in 1964, 1983, 2003, 2007 and 2011.
Among the three categories, the elections organized by the civilian regimes appeared to be more violent and
crisis-ridden compared to the other two. The simple explanation for the paradox lies in the fact that both the
military and colonial authorities wielded excessive powers in coercing citizens to operate within the bounds of
the existing laws and decrees. It is pertinent to note that political violence associated with election and the
electoral process in Nigeria started with the 1959 federal elections designed by the British colonial government
to facilitate the transition from colonial rule to independence. The problem intensified with the 1964 general
elections. The electoral process was so fragrantly abused that the results were not only rejected but the
opposition especially in the western region resorted to violence to contest what they perceived as the reverse of
their mandate by the ruling Nigerian Peoples Congress (NPC) (Dudley, 1982). The situation gave rise to arson,
looting, killings, massive destruction of properties and total breakdown of law and order beyond the control of
the central government. A state of emergency was consequently imposed on the western region following which
the Prime Minister, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, declared the region as “wild-wild-west” (Dudley, 1982). The
intensity of the electoral violence after the 1964 general elections affected the legitimacy of the new civilian
authority, a situation which culminated in the military incursion into Nigerian politics on January, 1966 in a
coup d’état. From then on, the military held on to power for over three decades barring some intermittent
civilian rules. By any yard-stick, military rule was a monumental disaster for Nigeria. Despite the country’s
huge endowments in human and material resources, Nigeria under military rule had all the classic features of a
failed state. The military transformed the essence of governance from public service to corrupt private
enrichment. Under the military, Nigeria was a pariah nation in the international community. In view of the
sordid record of military rule, there was a high expectation in the country that the new democratic government
ushered-in in 1999 would set to work immediately to improve the living standards of the people.
2. Free, Fair and Credible Election…
www.ijhssi.org 2 | Page
In specific terms, Nigerians expected that the end of military authoritarian rule would lead to a drastic
reduction in corruption, criminality and wanton violation of human rights (Agbese, 2005). They also expected
that public institutions such as schools, hospitals, among others, which had been left in a state of utter disrepair
by the military, would be rehabilitated to provide needed social services. In short, Nigerians were looking
forward to a situation in which public resources would be used for the benefit of the people and not for the
illegitimate accumulation of those with access to political power. However, the euphoria of the civilian rule has
turned into a huge disappointment. After a protracted military rule that lasted for thirteen years, the military
resolved to hand over power to a democratically elected government in1979. The 1979 constitution was drafted
and the ban on partisan politics was lifted, which saw the registration of five political parties namely: the
National Party of Nigeria (NPN); Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN); Peoples Redemption Party (PRP); the Nigeria
Peoples Party (NPP); and the Great Nigeria Peoples Party (GNPP). The Federal Electoral Commission
(FEDECO) was established to conduct elections at various levels of government. The major issue in the 1979
elections was the controversial question of what constitutes two-third (2
/3) of 19 states, which was resolved by
the Supreme Court in favour of the NPN Presidential candidate in the election, Alhaji Shehu Aliyu Shagari.
However, the 1983 elections both at national and state levels were a complete replica of the 1964 general
elections. Similarly, the political violence that engulfed the 2003, 2007 and 2011 general elections have posed
serious challenges to democracy and good governance in Nigeria. The political climate has been very hostile,
frustratingly uncertain and unstable. The paper has thus far attempted to analyze the historical and philosophical
foundations of elections in Nigeria. In the proceeding discussion, issues and challenges for the 2015 general
elections in Nigeria are carefully and critically analyzed and viable strategies and measures proffered for
ensuring free, fair and credible elections.
II. Issues and Challenges for the 2015 Elections
History, it is often said, repeats itself but on the contrary, it is people who refused to learn from history
that repeat the past. As Nigeria prepares for another round of elections in 2015 to usher in a new government,
what assurances do we have that the mistakes of the past would not be repeated? What do we need to do to
avoid the damage that was unleashed on the northern parts of the country and Akwa Ibom following the release
of the results of the presidential election in 2011? As Nigeria awaits 2015, the wounds from 2011 are yet to heal.
According to Fearon (2014):
Hundreds of the lives lost will never be brought back and the wounds never
fully healed. Thousands of businesses lost are yet to be re-started. Hundreds
of residential buildings destroyed are yet to be re-built. Most places of
worship that were destroyed are yet to be rebuilt due to inadequate
assistance from both the state and federal governments.
The post-2011 election crisis in Nigeria, especially that of the presidency was among the worst in the
country’s political history. In response to the question as to how can the ugly incidences be averted in 2015, the
paper argued that all the major stakeholders in the electoral process must play according to the rules of the game
and avoid sharp-practices. The politicians, for instance, must focus on issues and character and restrain from
whipping up ethnic, religious and sectional sentiments capable of polarizing the electorates along those divides.
There are also some variables in the country’s political system whose interplay can foster or mar free,
fair and credible elections depending on how they are handled. These variables are structural, environmental,
and resources available to the candidates vying for elective positions (Haruna, 2014). The structural variables
include the constitution and electoral laws as well as the political system, which has since 1979 been the
presidential system as opposed to the parliamentary system that was inherited at independence and practiced
between 1960 and 1966, when the military staged its first coup.
The environmental variables on the other hand, are the prevailing issues in the society, which include
insecurity, corruption, poverty, unemployment, infrastructural deficit, amongst others. The incumbent
candidates seeking re-elections should give good account of their stewardship on these environmental variables
while new entrants should have convincing agenda and programmes of how they intend to tackle these
problems. The resources of the political parties and the candidates in terms of leadership quality, integrity and
internal democracy of the parties are no less important as they determine to a large extent the capacity and
ability of a party in power to address the problems of the country. The perfect mix of these variables are
essential for the establishment of a true democratic culture and good governance in the country; more especially
as it is argued that since the return to democratic rule in Nigeria in 1999, the country has experienced civil rule
rather than true democracy.
3. Free, Fair and Credible Election…
www.ijhssi.org 3 | Page
The presidential election in 2015 will to all intents and purposes be a two horse-race between the
Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the mega opposition party, the All Progressive Congress (APC). The APC
was formed from a merger of three regionally based parties namely:- the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), the
All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP), the Congress of Progressive Change (CPC), and a faction of All Progressive
Grand Alliance (APGA) . The strength of the APC is not that it is offering anything different or new from the
Peoples Democracy Party (PDP). There is no material difference between the two. The difference between the
two is in fact like the difference between 12 and one dozen (Adibe, 2014). The uniqueness of the APC however,
is that it is the first time in Nigeria’s political history that major opposition parties merged to make a bold bid for
power.
According to Adibe (2014), the glue that has held the All Progressive Party (APC) together this far
could be either an alliance to “return” power to the north; the desire to save Nigerians from Peoples Democratic
Party (PDP)’s “misrule”; or a shared dislike for President Jonathan and /or the PDP. To underline the close
similarities between the PDP and APC, Adibe (2014) noted thus:
The APC approached a Federal High Court in Abuja asking for the seats of
the six Ekiti Lawmakers who defected to PDP to be declared vacant. The
same APC had vehemently opposed the moves by the PDP to declare the
seats of 37 members of the House of Representatives who defected to APC
vacant and opposed calls by PDP on Speaker Tambuwa to resign for
defecting to APC.
Given the similarities between the two parties, the likely issues that will drive the campaigns of both parties
might include the following:
Region and Religious Divide: The fault lines of region, ethnicity and religion run deep in Nigeria. As
Adibe (2014) observed, virtually every part of the country has institutionalized memory of hurt or feelings of
injustice, which they often feel will be best addressed if one of their own wields power at the centre, preferably
as the President. Similarly, there is a pervasive fear that the president of the country will always use the power
of his office to privilege his region, ethnicity or religion, if not to punish or deliberately disadvantage others.
To allay fears of domination, most of the political parties have written and unwritten zoning and power
rotation arrangements. But as it often happens in life, solutions thrown at problems sometimes result into bigger
problems than the original problems they were meant to address. This has been the experience with the PDP’s
zoning and power rotation arrangements in the country. There are deep seated feelings among some northerners
that Good Luck Jonathan’s candidacy in the April 2011 elections cheated the north of its turn of producing the
president of the country for a two-term of eight years. This is a powerful sentiment among some voters in the
region, which will play a crucial role in the 2015 elections. Similarly, among Jonathan’s supporters, there exists
the contrarian sentiments that in the 39 years from Nigeria’s independence in 1960 and the beginning of the
Fourth Republic in 1999, the north ruled the country for about 36 years of those years. They argued therefore,
that the north should be patient for the historical injustice to be redressed. According to Adibe (2014), this is
another way of saying that the north should be patient for president Good Luck Jonathan, who is from the south-
south geo-political zone to complete two terms of eight years, especially given that this is the area that produces
the oil on which Nigeria depends for her revenue.
Nigeria is sometimes described as a country that runs on two unequal wheels. The south is believed to
have economic advantage, a rising income, lower unemployment, and better educated citizens compared to the
largely poverty stricken and less educated north. Based on this economic imbalance, the north’s dominance of
power prior to 1999 was justified as a lever to balance the south’s assumed economic advantage. Based on this
scenario, the shift of political power to the south meant that the north has lost its leverage in the north-south
balance of power. Another issue that will play out in the 2015 elections is President Good Luck Jonathan’s
performance in office. However, measuring an administration’s performance in a highly polarized country like
Nigeria is at best a subjective venture. Jonathan’s supporters are quick to point out that he has grown the
country’s economy by an average of 6% per year, despite the challenges of Boko Haram insurgency. They will
also argue that Jonathan’s administration has led the Nigerian economy into becoming the largest economy in
Africa and the 26th
largest in the world (Adibe, 2014). Jonathan’s supporters will further mention the regime’s
success in containing the Ebola’s epidemic, which has become more or less the template for controlling the
Ebola challenge across the West African sub-region.
4. Free, Fair and Credible Election…
www.ijhssi.org 4 | Page
On the contrary, President Jonathan’s critics will argue that his “incompetence” is reflected in the high
unemployment rate, pervasive poverty, generalized insecurity in the country and the deepening suspicions
among the different ethnic groups and religion in the country. The critics will point to Boko Haram as evidence
of Jonathan’s incompetence while for his supporters it is evidence of the siege laid on his government by
powerful politicians from the Muslim-north for the government to fail.
Yet, another issue that will play out at the 2015 general elections is money and the power of
incumbency. Money plays important role in Nigerian politics especially in campaigns, media reach and vote
buying. In this regard, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) commands clear advantage in terms of its control of
federal resources to use as patronage and other material inducements. This is quite important in influencing the
outcome of elections in Nigeria due to the prevalence of mass poverty and illiteracy.
More fundamentally, there are other decisive reasons why excessive influence of money in the electoral
process is a source of concern in the effort to ensure free, fair and credible elections. An excessive influence of
money in the electoral process abridges the political space as it means that only the wealthy or those who are
supported or sponsored by the wealthy will be able to present themselves as candidates for political offices. It
also encourages systemic corruption. For example, while the APC Presidential nomination and expression of
interest form costs as much as N27 million, that of the PDP is about N22 million.
Those who support candidates to either purchase nomination and expression of interest forms or in
other aspects of political campaign consider themselves as investors who are hoping to recoup their investments
with profit. According to Leadership Newspaper Report (November, 2014) cited in Adibe (2014):
With the exorbitant cost of the forms, buying forms for aspirants seem to
have become the new name of the game as the country heads towards the
2015 general elections. But let no one be deceived. Those who buy the
forms are merely impressing it on a candidate that they are investing in his
or her candidacy or as our pastors would put it “sowing seeds in the
candidate’s vineyard”
The high nomination and expression of interest fee is a clear evidence that corruption in Nigeria is no doubt
systemic. Corruption in Nigeria has grown exponentially to the point that the world has come to stigmatize
Nigeria and Nigerians as synonymous with corruption (Alkassin, 2014).
Furthermore, too much money spent in running for office increases the anarchic character of politics.
This is because where so much money is spent in running campaign, elections become a do-or-die affair as
loosing has serious economic consequences both for the loser and those that invested in his or her candidacy.
The excessive influence of money in the electoral process would as well encourage the proliferation of brief-
case political parties, all hoping to benefit from the monetization of nomination forms. As Adibe (2014) noted,
given the Nigerian peculiar environment with its embedded “big-man syndrome”, there will always be people
willing to pay for their egos to be massaged. Indeed, if some Nigerians are willing to pay for bogus honours and
awards including chieftaincy titles, they will even be more willing to pay to be introduced as former presidential
candidate or governorship candidate.The PDP government controls key institutions like the police, the army and
anti-graft agencies such as the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, the Independent Crimes and other
Related Offences Commission (ICPC), which could be deployed to intimidate perceived political enemies. The
PDP also controls 21 states compared to 14 APC states; and majority seats in both Senate and House of
Representatives. Given the centrality of the issues raised in the forgoing discussions and the challenges they
pose for the 2015 general elections, there is no doubt that the outcome of the elections will be contentious. This
calls for concerted efforts on the part of all the stakeholders in the electoral process to eschew politics of
bitterness and avert the experiences of previous elections in the country marked by deadly carnages and wanton
destructions.
III. The way forward
Ethnic, sectional or religious sentiments: Nigerians should shun ethnic or religious sentiments in
making electoral decisions in 2015. The consequences of the disintegration of Nigeria are enormous and we
should not contemplate it. Nigerians should critically evaluate the manifestations of candidate for elections
before casting their votes in 2015 for the ones that will deliver, that will help the people. We should not vote just
because of religion or ethnic considerations. We should join hands and put candidates in places who will do the
will of the people. If we vote for the right people, this country will be great and our politicians should always
remember that they are in office for the people.
5. Free, Fair and Credible Election…
www.ijhssi.org 5 | Page
Party–internal Democracy: The political parties must of necessity allow for internal democracy and
avoid the imposition of candidates by party leadership. Candidates should emerge through a process that
involves all card-carrying members of each political party. Also, agreed modalities for each political party
membership for sharing political positions must be respected and adhered to by all members of the party. For
instance, where there is an agreement on which zone is to fill which political office, such agreement should be
honoured. The temptation to come to power or remain in power at all costs must be resisted. As Fearon (2014)
noted, the desire to be in power at all costs brought about the deaths of 943 lives and 838 injured Nigerians
following the 2011 post election crisis. Such ugly incidence must be avoided in 2015.
Inflammatory languages: Politicians must abstain from inflammatory languages and campaigns of
calumny in which opponents are seen and considered as enemies that must be exterminated. Political campaigns
must be based on issues rather than character assassination. For instance, in a newspaper advertorial, Governor
Rotimi Amaeche (APC) was quoted as saying:
We have said it before and you people think we are joking. We will not go
to court. If election is rigged, we will not go to court. There will be civil
disobedience and we will form our own government and see what will
happen… (Daily Trust, November 28, 2014).
Similarly, the Katsina state Governor Alhaji Ibrahim Shema of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP)
was reported to have described members of the opposition, the All Progressive Congress (APC) in the state as
“cockroaches and ants” and asked his supporters at a rally what they would do if they saw “cockroaches and
ants”. We crush (kill) them, they roared in response (Yusuf, K. etal, 2014)
Against the backdrop of the growing tension in the polity, these inciting remarks are not helpful and
only add to a climate of fear and anxiety that have been building up as the country approaches the 2015 general
elections. Beyond serving as inspiration and instigation for would-be assailants of political opponents, the
comments could equally be interpreted as being in pursuit of an agenda of pre-meditated violence whatever the
outcome of the general elections. Some political leaders, due to the acute partisan nature of their disposition,
may not appreciate the effect of the comments they make on their followers who could literally take such
remarks as directives that should be implemented wholesale.
Also, it has been alleged that Boko Haram was, and remain a manifestation of the statement by some
senior opposition elements that they would make the country ungovernable over loss of the 2011 presidential
elections (Haruna, 2014). Nigerians must refuse to be incited and reject do-or-die politics in all ramifications.
Inciting words should not be part of public speeches. Political leaders should always toe the line of peaceful
campaigns in order to give room for free, fair and credible elections in 2015.
The Role of the Media: The media has a crucial role to play in ensuring free, fair and credible
elections. Most people hear about issues, personalities and events from the media. The media has therefore, a
great power to set society’s agenda because they are arguably the most important source of information and
knowledge. The media must display responsible news dissemination. They must avoid false or malicious
reporting and adhere to factual reporting. However, even with factual reporting, the security of the country,
peace and harmonious co-existence must be their criteria before any factual reporting is made public.
INEC: The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) should be made to be wholly and
truly independent, autonomous and focus. To achieve this, money meant for the Commission should be kept in a
consolidated account. In addition, electronic voting should be introduced. It would make counting and recording
easy, transparent and scientifically proven and testable. This process would remove stuffing of ballot papers,
snatching of ballot boxes and dubious declaration of results. It will also create confidence, trust and hope among
voters and politicians. Also, the number of staff required by INEC would be reduced thereby making the
Commission’s task more efficient, transparent and trusted.
The Role of the Police: The role of the Police during elections is to maintain order and create an
environment conducive to conducting free and fair elections. The police must be relied upon to provide effective
policing that secures all voting and counting sites. Ahead of the elections, the Police must be given civic lessons
on the electoral process and the electoral law. The goal is to ensure that people are able to come out and vote
without the threat or fear of intimidation, coercion, manipulation or violence and that at the end, all the votes
will be collated, counted and transported in security.
6. Free, Fair and Credible Election…
www.ijhssi.org 6 | Page
IV. Conclusion
Nigeria seems to be at crossroads as the country approaches 2015 due to the growing anxiety and
challenges ahead of the general elections. The paper has carefully and critically analyzed the main issues and
challenges for the 2015 elections and concluded that if the measures and strategies suggested in the work are
taken seriously and implemented, Nigeria can make history by conducting a free, fair and credible elections,
which will fore-close all cynicisms and speculations about the country’s disintegration as a result of the
elections. It is hoped that Nigeria will come out of the 2015 general elections stronger and more united as a
nation provided the recommendations here are given due consideration and implemented religiously.
References
[1]. Adibe, J. (2014), “Issues that will Drive the Election” Daily Trust, November 27.
[2]. Adibe, J. (2014), “Exorbitant Party Nomination forms and Systemic Corruption” Daily Trust, November 13.
[3]. Agbese, P. O. (2005), “Four Years of Democracy in Nigeria: Still Searching for Freedom” in Gana, A. T. etal (eds), Democratic
Rebirth in Nigeria, 1999-2003, Vol.1, Abuja, AFRIGOV.
[4]. Alkassin, B. (2014), “Nigerians Deserve Explanation on Jonathan’s Stewardship-APC”, Daily Trust, December 5.
[5]. Dudley, B. (1982), Introduction to Nigerian Government and Politics, Bloomington, Indiana University Press.
[6]. Edoh, T. etal (2009), Democracy, Leadership and Accountability in Post- Colonial Africa: Challenges and Prospects, Makurd,
Aboki Publishers.
[7]. Elaigwu, J. I. (2011), Topical Issues in Nigeria’s Political Development, Jos AHA Publishing House.
[8]. Enojo, E. K. (2010), “Elections in Nigeria from 199-2009: Issues and Challenges” in Egwemi, V. (ed), A Decade of Democracy
in Nigeria, 1999-2009, Issues, Challenges and Prospects of Consolidation, Makurdi, Aboki Publishers.
[9]. Fearon, J. I. (2014), “2015 Elections” Daily Trust, November 27.
[10]. Haruna, M. (2014), “For a Free and Credible Elections 2015” Daily Trust September 17.
[11]. Haruna, M. (2014), “The Manipulation of Boko Haram” Daily Trust, December 2.
[12]. Odo, L. U. (2014), “The Political Economy of the Post-2011 Election Crisis in Nigeria and National Integration” in International
Journal of Issues on Development in Africa, Vol.7 No.1, March.
[13]. Yusuf, K. A. etal (2014), “Inciting Words Endanger Every One” Daily Trust, December 8.