The document summarizes the key political factors that led to East Pakistan's separation from West Pakistan in 1971, resulting in the formation of Bangladesh. It discusses how the failure of Pakistan's political leadership and institutions to properly manage regional political parties weakened national unity. Specifically, it notes that the Muslim League declined as a national party, allowing regional parties like the Awami League in East Pakistan to gain strength. It also examines issues like the language dispute, economic disparities, the impact of martial laws, and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's six point demands, all of which increased Bengali nationalist sentiment. Ultimately, the political leadership was unable to address these centrifugal forces, leading to East Pakistan declaring independence.

1. ProfessorDr.MussawarHussain Bukhari
DynamicPoliticsofPakistan
Department of Political Science
The Islamia Universityof Bahawalpur
EAST PAKISTAN CRISES
M. Ali Raza Naqvi (21)
M.A Political Science (2014-2016)

2. A Factor in East Pakistan’s Separation Political Parties or
Leadership
Introduction:
The separation of East Pakistan was culmination of the weakness of certain institutions of
Pakistan’s political system. This failure of the institutions was in turn the result of the
failure of the leadership of Pakistan who could not understand the significance of the
political institutions and could not maneuver the institutions for the strength and unity of
Pakistan. Like in every political system the political parties were one of the major
institutions in Pakistan which could enable the federation of Pakistan to face the
challenge of separatism successfully. In this assignment I discuss that the national
political party could not grow and mature in Pakistan and thus a deterrent of the
separatism could not be established. In this assignment I will also reveal that the political
parties were not strengthened by the leaders who always remained stronger than the
parties and continued driving the parties for the sake of their personal political motives.
The existence of political parties in any federation provides the link among various
diverse units of the state. The parties bring the political elements of different regions
close on the basis of common ideology and programmed. In return, these regions
establish their close ties with the federation. The national, instead of the regional political
parties, guarantee the national integration and become an agent of unity among the units
and provinces. The conspiracies against the state often take place by the individuals while
the party culture often supports the issue-based politics.

3. Background:
The leadership of the West Pakistan was landlord while Bengalis were led by middle
class lawyers, Professors, and retired officials. In the second constituent assembly (1956-
58), out of 40 members from West Pakistan, 28 were landlords and Dukes, whereas East
Pakistan was represented by 20 lawyers and 9 retired officials. None of Bengali was
landlord.
In a Pakistan that was ‘moth-eaten,’ (as its founding-father Quaid-i-Azam called it)
‘geographic absurdity’ and divided into two wings with a thousand miles of hostile
territory between them, the deliberate establishment of links between the two wings was
very much necessary as the two wings of Pakistan had very little in common
demography, topography, geography, or even in culture. The ethnic, climatic and
economic distinctions between the both parts of Pakistan were substantial. On the other
hand, there existed external dangers in the form of hostile neighbor like India and also
internal challenge of Bengali separatist movement.
In the result of successful Bengali Movement, Pakistan disintegrated in 1971 when its
Eastern Wing was separated and a new state Bangladesh appeared on the globe. During
twenty-four years of united Pakistan, its leadership committed many mistakes and various
situations were mishandled. The analysis of the Bengali Movement as a whole since its
start in 1947 reveals that on many occasions and in many fields, the sage leadership could
reverse the course of the events and Pakistan’s integration could be saved.
Two limitations of the Pakistani leadership regarding the political parties affected the
unity of Pakistan to a large extent. Firstly in a political culture where growth of political
parties was barred, the development of national political party was another neglected area
that required proper attention and action of Pakistan leadership. The position of Pakistan
Muslim League, the only national political party at the time of establishment of Pakistan,
weakened in the course of time and no other national party could emerge. Secondly, the
parties were less important than the leadership proving that leadership more than the
institution of political parties was responsible for the debacle of East Pakistan. While the
national political parties comprising of the political workers of the both wings would
have been a consolidating factor and they were very much essential for the unique nature
of Pakistani polity, in practical, the problem was that no national party could survive and
the regional parties had become stronger than national ones. The development of regional
parties proved to be injurious for the federation of Pakistan when in the critical times
regional political parties having no following and organization in the other wing won the
elections in their respective areas and no national party could join the people of the
country together.
(umar, 2004, p. 65)

4. Direct Causes:
Following are the causes of the fall of East Pakistan:
 Geographical Location of East Pakistan
 Different Social Structure
 Martial Laws
 Language Issue
 Issue Of Provincial Autonomy
 Economic Deprivation
 Role Of International Community
 Election Of 1970s
 Military Actions In Pakistan
 Indian’s Attack 1971s
Indirect Causes:
Trouble started right at the inception of Pakistan in 1947. Almost immediately, East
Pakistan claimed that as their population (55% as compared to 45% in the west) was
greater, they were in majority. Democratically, the Federal Capital, therefore, should
have been in Dhaka and not in Karachi.
Secondly Bengali resented the vast sums of foreign exchange earned from the sale of jute
from East, which were being spent on defense.
(Ahmad, 1970, p. 33)
The Constitutional Foundation:
The PML’s influence in East Pakistan decreased also due to a fundamental amendment
adopted in PML’s constitution in October 1952. Through that amendment, the
representation of various provinces in the central council of the party was determined on
the principle of parity on the basis of population between East and West Pakistan. The
pre-independence division of PML in East Pakistan into three major factions –
Nazimuddin faction, Fazlul Huq faction and Suhrawardy’s faction – was there when in
the early days of Pakistan, Nazimuddin faction ultimately took hold over party
organization and got the positions in Central League. Surhrawardy faction with its
organizational capability enjoyed the hold over the mobilized urban literati groups,
especially the students of East Pakistan. The Fazlul Huq faction though organizationally
weak yet possessed mass support of Bengalis behind it.

5. Khawaja Nazimuddin, in order to become the president of the League, secured an
amendment to its constitution which would have disqualified his seeking election to the
office. During his tenure as the president of the party he was neither able to establish a
properly functioning Working Committee nor to impose his will in the factional clashes
of the provincial branches of League.
The Institutional foundation:
The institutional foundation of the PML was further undermined when, at its Dhaka
meeting of October 1952 over which Khawaja Nazimuddin presided, constitutional
provision for the annual election of the office bearers was removed. Thus the office
bearers could continue enjoying the privileges of the offices of party for a longer period
without any mandate from the members of party. Ultimately, the party could easily be
driven by the non-elected office bearers. Ch. Muhammad Ali took decision in this
direction in 1955 when he gave leadership of the party to Sardar Abd-ur-Rab Nishtar. He
raised hope that for the first time in the eight years’ history of the country, the League
would, once again become the vehicle of reconstruction and reform. Not only did the
party’s heads of state damage the repute and image of the League, other ruling
personalities also played a role to dent this sole national party. Considerable damage to
the party took place at the formation of Republican Party by Chief Minister West
Pakistan Dr. Khan Sahib under the influence of President of Pakistan General Iskandar
Mirza. The power-seeking leaders preferred to leave the PML when the Central Working
Committee of the party ordered the ministers in the West Pakistan cabinet of Dr. Khan
Sahib to resign or be expelled from the party. PML was hit hard because it had not
popular support and the leaders who were leaving the party did not fear from any
backlash from the workers within the party and their following in general.
(Zhaeer, 2006, pp. 41-42)
Role of Martial Laws:
In October 1958, Martial Law was enforced in Pakistan and the political parties were
banned to function. After the revival of parties that was allowed in 1962, the
Conventional Muslim League was formed under the patronage of President of Pakistan
General Muhammad Ayub Khan. General Ayub had agreed to revive the party politics as
a political compulsion. He did not have personal liking and bent towards the party
politics. Therefore, when he was elected party president in May 1963, he did not desire
personally to activate any party and due to stronger belief in personal endeavors, he did
not try to re-organize the Muslim League. It was why that though he ran 1965 presidential
election on the party ticket yet he managed the election campaign on his own. He issued
his own election manifesto, which the party later adopted. He waged the campaign
mainly on his personal record and performance, and not on the party’s record. In East
Pakistan, party was divided into two factions; one led by the governor, Monem Khan the

6. other led by his opponents. Intra-party feuds often made the party ineffective in local
elections. Moreover, their support was based not on ideological principles but on the
personal gain they could derive from the regime. Convention Muslim League did not get
the image of a national party though its programme was based on the unity of the country.
In the elections of the party in 1967, Mumtaz Daulatana won the presidency of CML and
all of his nominees were elected for other offices though there were blames of rigging as
bogus votes were cast on the agreement of Daulatana. Other three candidates for the
presidency of the party – Qayyum Khan, Shaukat Hayat and Khawaja Safdar – gradually
left the CML. Qayyum Khan and Khawaja Safdar established their own Leagues. In this
way the only national party – Muslim League – was divided into factions or centered
round the personalities.
Role of Muslim League:
The Muslim League being the vanguard of freedom movement, represented the ideology
of Pakistan and was a great unifying force. It achieved resounding victory in Bengal and
captured 96.7% of the Muslim seats, of the provincial legislative Assembly in the General
Election of 1945-46. After the emergence of Pakistan, league fell into selfish hands and
become a hotbed of intriguers.
Its internal struggle for party position, power politics, and intriguers led her to a deprived
status. Her popularity graph thus declined gradually and, therefore, it was a miserably
defeated in General Elections of 1954. The parties, like Awami league, were playing on
the passions of the peoples.
Thus vacuum created by Muslim League was filled by Awami League.
The Awami League assumed the character of a mass movement in a very short span of
time for various reasons:
 The Muslim League had failed to ameliorate the conditions of the people.
 Awami League was in the forefront in Language movement.
 Muslim League was considered to be a party dominated by the West Pakistan.
 The Awami League had a regional bias. It had an appealing programme for the
Bengalis and promised to free from the shackles of West Pakistan.
 It was a secular party and hence had complete support of Non-Muslims. The Hindus
enjoyed great political and economic ascendancy in East Pakistan. They were threw
their full weight on the side of the Awami League and extended all financial aid to
it. (Jahan, 2002, pp. 129-135)

7. Non-cooperation Movement:
Mujib Ur Rehman launched the Non-cooperation movement. The Civil administration
was totally paralyzed. All government and educational institutions were closed. People
were asked not to pay taxes. Factories and shop were shut. All activities between both the
Wings ceased. The Awami League setup a parallel government. Gangs of local Awami
League freedom fighters, known as Mukti Bahini, led violent demonstrations and howled
racial and anti-West Pakistan Slogans, inciting the people to more violence.
Sheikh Mujib unexpectedly put forward other demands such as the immediate lifting of
Martial Law and power transfer to the elected representatives of the people prior to the
National Assembly session. Amidst these disturbances, General Yahiya decided to
convene the National Assembly in March 1971.
Some Facts & De-Facts:
1. During the 65s war, Sheikh Mujib Ur Rehman refused to utter a single word against
India, Awami League also developed close relations with India as a cementing force
lost its credibility. Lord Bird wood here who predicted in 1953s, ‘Solve the problem
of Indo Pak relationship and I doubt if East and West Pakistan would continue for
many years to present a united front”. And ‘It would not be unnatural if one day the
Eastern limb of Pakistan decided to cut itself adrift from control from Karachi”.
2. One of the most important factors, which sowed permanent seeds of mistrust and
bitterness between the two Provinces was the language Problem. The controversy
started when, in February, 1948, a Hindu member from East Pakistan, Mr.
Dhirendranath Dutt, moved an amendment to the Constituent Assembly pleading
that Bengali may also be made official language. This caused great resentment and
very soon it took the shape of a political movement, But in 1952 Central
government attempted to introduce Urdu Script for the Bengali language. In
February 1952 Khawaja Nizamuddin, the P.M of Pakistan, addressed a public
gathering in Dacca and declared that Urdu shall be only state language.an unwise
declaration led ti increasing agitation.
3. Ayub Khan instituted inter-wing scholarships, and inter-wing postings of the civil
officers and exchange of students were made compulsory. He was so serious about
the problem that he included the provision regarding the removal of inter-regional
disparity in the constitution, and thus made it a constitutional responsibility of the
government to remove disparity (Article 145(4) of the 1962 constitution). The
policies of Ayub Khan fell a victim of ill-planning and nepotism. Most of inter-
wing scholarships were given to non-deserving students. Inter-wing posting of the
civil service officers also created bad blood because most of the officers from
Western Wing behaved as if they were from a different race.

8. 4. Ayub Khan’s Inter-wing marriages also failed because linguistic and cultural
differences.
5. People of East Pakistan were also demanding parity in the Civil Services and
Armed Forces. In 1964, they were only 2 Bengali officers who held the Rank of
acting secretaries. Whereas in 1965 there was only one Major General from East
Pakistan out of 17 Generals in 1965.
(Dil, 2000, pp. 276-280)
Bhutto’s Statement:
The war of 1965s had a deep impact on East Pakistan. During war, East Pakistan felt
insecure and isolated. Bhutto’s statement further aggravated the sense of insecurity as
Foreign Minister in the National Assembly saying that East Pakistan was saved by China
during the war. It proved fuel to the fire for the secessionist movement. Sheikh Mujib
was having close contact with the Indian agencies. Even according to Bhutto, ‘during
1965s, the Governor of East Pakistan Mr. Momen Khan, summoned the leaders of East
Pakistan to seek their co-operation for the war effort.
Six Points of Sheikh Mujib Ur Rehman:
During the rule of Ayub Khan & Yahiya Khan he played a major role in Pakistan politics
as a prominent leader of Awami League in East Pakistan. He presented a Six-Point
Formula in 1966 at Lahore. The Six Point formula originally announced in 1966 and
amended in 1970 and incorporated in the election manifesto of the Awami League. This
was the last nail in the coffin of united Pakistan and the only ray of hope for Bengalis, it
was demanded by Awami League that New Constitution should be based on the Six-
Points. Mujib & his Party showed extreme rigidity when asked to amend a few points.
Though at times he committed that he would compromise, especially before the elections
of 1970s, but after victory of Awami League he backed out & stuck to his Six-Point
formula. And it was due to that very formula that, when not accepted by the Central
government of Pakistan, Awami League declared the independence of Bengal.
The Six Points formula is mentioned here under:
1. There would be federal parliamentary system based on direct adult franchise and
representation of provinces would be on the basis of population in the Federal
Legislature.
2. The Federal government will be restricted only to foreign affairs, defense and
currency, and even regarding foreign affairs, the dealings of economic matters
would rest with the provinces.
3. There would be either be two different currencies for the two wings or a single one
with the separate Federal Reserve systems for each wing.

9. 4. The power of implementation and collection of taxes would lie with the provinces.
The federal government will be given enough shares to fulfill its tasks of foreign
affairs and defense.
5. There would be separate accounts of foreign exchange earnings for each wing.
6. The East Pakistan would be given the Authority to have a Militia or Paramilitary
forces solely under its Provincial government.
(Humayun, 1995, p. 210)
Agartala Conspiracy 1968:
Agartala conspiracy case as disclosed in January 1968s about 35 conspirators were
announced by government.in the beginning East Pakistan fully condemned the
conspirators and demanded exemplary punishment for them. But when Mujib’s name was
included, about 15 days after the conspiracy was unearthed, it created doubts, because he
was already behind the bars and how could he participate in the conspiracy being himself
in the prison. The Agartala case became a fatal for Ayub as well as for the country. Under
extreme political pressures, Ayub Khan had to release Mujib Ur Rehman.
(Alqama, 1997, pp. 171-174)
Round Table Conference 1969:
The (RTC) of opposition leaders with Ayub Khan was held on 26th February and 10th
March 1969s. Due to serious differences among the opposition leaders and insistence of
Mujib on 6 Points, the RTC failed.
Shortly before General Election (Dec.1970s), Sheikh Mujib said that he was campaigning
for “All Regional Autonomy” but at the same time threatened that if democratic process
was subverted, he would take his people into the streets to fight for independence ‘ so
that we can live as a free people’.
Leaders Fail to Organize National Parties:
After gradual weakness or virtual demise of PML – single national party in 1947 – no
party emerged on the national basis. The political leaders made very few efforts to
develop the political parties on the national level. The possibilities to form a national
opposition party, Jinnah Awami Muslim League, during early fifties was dissolved
because Nawab Iftikhar Hussain Mamdot and his Punjabi supporters objected to the
nomination of East Pakistan Awami League members to the Working Committee of the
party, as they did not accept the former as part of the parent body of the party.
The 1970 elections thus showed that there was no national party which could claim to
represent both the wings of united Pakistan. Awami League that won the elections in

10. Centre as well as in East Pakistan concentrated in East Pakistan. It placed its candidates
on all seats that contested in East Pakistan mainly but it chose to put up only a few
candidates in West Pakistan. PPP, the party which emerged after the elections 1970 as
second largest party in the Centre and that which could become the majority party in
West Pakistan, showed its complete unconcern for East Pakistan during the process of
nomination of its candidates; it did not file a single nomination paper from that wing.
Emergence of Awami League:
The obvious division between the political parties of the two wings of Pakistan appeared
in sheer and dangerous form when in elections held on 7th December, 1970 for 300 seats
of National Assembly of Pakistan, the East Pakistan based Awami League secured 167
overall from East Wing’s seats. While no West Pakistan based party including Pakistan
People’s Party, won 85 seats the largest party of West Pakistan and second largest seat-
winner in the National Assembly, and could bag no seat in East Pakistan. Thus, the
division in the political parties proved initial point of the final crisis that ended with the
separation of East Pakistan.
Yahiya Khan Role:
The man at the center was Yahiya Khan, whose incompetent rule made situation worse.
On March 7th, Mujib announced to run a parallel government against the center. President
Yahiya Khan flew to Dacca on 15th March to hold negotiation with Mujib Ur Rehman.
Even at his arrival, Mujib Ur Rehman, while talking to Newsmen said’ “Pakistan as it
stands today is finished. There is no longer any hope of settlement”.
Unfortunately, on March 23rd, the Republic Day of Pakistan, Awami League declared
“Resistance Day” and Bangladesh flags flew all over the Province. There was a great
massacre. East Pakistan had reached a point of no return, to quash the armed rebellion of
Awami League militants, the Pakistan Army stuck its first blow on 27th March 1971.
Yahiya khan chose to use force to bring law and order in the country.
(umar, 2004, pp. 125-129)
1971s War:
India launched an attack on East Pakistan on November 22nd 1971. The use of modern
Soviet Missiles, geographical separation by a thousand miles lying across the hostile
Indian Territory, and the collusion of Mukti Bahini and the Indian Army, made
Pakistan’s military defeat in the East almost certain.
On 10th December 1971, the first feeler for surrender in the East Pakistan was conveyed
to the United Nations. On December 17th 1971, a formal surrender was submitted and
accepted.45000 troops & almost equal number of civilians of West Pakistan were taken
as prisoner of War.

11. Mujib Ur Rehman Interview:
Mujib has also stated that he had been working for the independence of Bangladesh since
1948. Again in Dacca on January 10th, 1972, Mujib said ‘I had been working for the
independence for last 25 years. Now my dream has come true’.
This fact was also confirmed by the Tajuddin, Former Minister of Bangladesh. According
to Kuldip Nayyar “Tajuddin told me at Dacca that the 6 Point programme was the
‘Beginning’ and ‘we knew we would become independent one day.
(Humayun, 1995, pp. 317-318)

12. Conclusion:
Short sighted and power hungry leaders ruined the nation’s interests. Dismemberment of
Pakistan was caused by leaders from West as well as East Pakistan. The fact was that
East Pakistan was discriminated against and was not given its due share in the Socio-
Political life of the country, nor were sincere efforts made to reduce the glaring economic
disparity between the two wings. According to my point of view no single person was
responsible for the separation of East Pakistan. Corrupt Politicians, bureaucrats, military
influences, statement of Bhutto was also a reason of conflict. Yahiya Khan also play a
major role in East Pakistan crises. Social, cultural, language problem also play its role.
Dhirendranath Dutt also a part of this conflict, and Mujib Ur Rehman few points are
tricky and self-centered which create lots of agitation between East and West Pakistan.
Over all minor misunderstanding between East & West Pakistan led to the major conflict.
Lack of loyal leadership further aggravated the situation and no political solution was
experimented to end the crises. That had brought an end to the United Pakistan and
Pakistan was disintegrated.

13. Bibliography
Ahmad, Kamruddin. (1970). A Social History Of Bengal . Dacca: Progoti Publishers.
Alqama, Khawaja. (1997). Bengali Elites Perceptions of Pakistan. Karachi: Royal Book
Company.
Dil, Anwar. (2000). Bengali Language Movement. Lahore: Feroze Sons.
Humayun, Syed. (1995). Sheikh Mujib's Six Points. Karachi: Royal Book Company.
Jahan, Ronaq. (2002). Pakistan failure in National Intregration. Karachi: Oxford
University Press.
Umar,Badruddin. (2004). The Emergence of Bangladesh. Karachi: Oxford University
Press.
Zhaeer. (2006). Separation of Pakistan.
Arshad, Hakeem Qureshi, the Indo Pak War 1971, Karachi, Oxford University Press.