This document summarizes a study that analyzed responses to homelessness through a class lens. It developed a typology of two broad groups of homeless people - "drifters" who come from lower class backgrounds and experience homelessness as a continuation of hardship, and "droppers" who have fallen on hard times from middle class lives and aspire to return to mainstream society. The study found that responses to homelessness generally aim to help droppers return to domiciled life but are less effective for drifters who find mainstream life foreign. It argues class-based assumptions shape perceptions of social distance and abjection towards the homeless.
Annotated Bibliography1. What is your chosen prompt for the lite.docxjustine1simpson78276
Annotated Bibliography
1. What is your chosen prompt for the literary analysis assignment?
In some stories, characters come into conflict with the culture in which they live. Often, a character feels alienated in his/her community or society due to race, gender, class or ethnic background
Primary source
Wall, D. (2014). The commons in history: culture, conflict, and ecology. MIT Press.
In this book, the author is considering some commons from antiquity to this day as an idea, practice management and abstraction of economic. Wall explains commons is not supposed to be looked as tragedy of misconduct or as a panacea that solves the problems of an environment but he considers it as a way of property ownership where he explains that property rights are important to understanding sustainability, for instance, how the land is used and the way its resources is offering insights in a way that we value the environment. The author also elaborates that in order to maintain the commons, for example, the political conflicts of commons and ways that commons have failed to protect or has protected, there should be power of cultural rules.
Secondary source
Shiva, V. (2016). Earth democracy: justice, sustainability, and peace. Zed Books Ltd.
Shavi being an environment activist tries to call for shifting of values that are governing the democracies and which condemns the part of unrestricted capitalism which plays in the livelihoods as well as environmental destruction. She also explores issues which helped in bringing attention to culture theft privatization of natural resource, violence which is against women as well as deaths that is associated with planetary. Some of the homes around the world have come up with rules which are based on reclaiming of the commons as well as sharing of the resources of the earth freely. His, therefore, serves as a call for peace and a future that is sustainable.
Secondary source
Bollier, D. (2014). Think like a commoner: A short introduction to the life of the commons. New Society Publishers.
Here the author tries to explain the amusing history and a promising future concerning the commons. Which he regards it as paradigm of ageless of fairness that has remarked the world. Due to the proses of stories that fascinates Bollier has explained revolution as a new form of practice where people control themselves in self-governing as well as production. He is also providing a framework for both social and law action which help in moving past pathologies which are concerned with capitalism. He also states the problems that for market economy where he demonstrates the how cooperation is generating important values as well as fulfillment of humans
2. What interests you most about this prompt and why?
They always bring out the mixed feelings of individuals when people are compelled to live on their own. In most cases, one will see how the characters are struggling to connect or those with company but are isolated from those that are .
Annotated Bibliography1. What is your chosen prompt for the lite.docxjustine1simpson78276
Annotated Bibliography
1. What is your chosen prompt for the literary analysis assignment?
In some stories, characters come into conflict with the culture in which they live. Often, a character feels alienated in his/her community or society due to race, gender, class or ethnic background
Primary source
Wall, D. (2014). The commons in history: culture, conflict, and ecology. MIT Press.
In this book, the author is considering some commons from antiquity to this day as an idea, practice management and abstraction of economic. Wall explains commons is not supposed to be looked as tragedy of misconduct or as a panacea that solves the problems of an environment but he considers it as a way of property ownership where he explains that property rights are important to understanding sustainability, for instance, how the land is used and the way its resources is offering insights in a way that we value the environment. The author also elaborates that in order to maintain the commons, for example, the political conflicts of commons and ways that commons have failed to protect or has protected, there should be power of cultural rules.
Secondary source
Shiva, V. (2016). Earth democracy: justice, sustainability, and peace. Zed Books Ltd.
Shavi being an environment activist tries to call for shifting of values that are governing the democracies and which condemns the part of unrestricted capitalism which plays in the livelihoods as well as environmental destruction. She also explores issues which helped in bringing attention to culture theft privatization of natural resource, violence which is against women as well as deaths that is associated with planetary. Some of the homes around the world have come up with rules which are based on reclaiming of the commons as well as sharing of the resources of the earth freely. His, therefore, serves as a call for peace and a future that is sustainable.
Secondary source
Bollier, D. (2014). Think like a commoner: A short introduction to the life of the commons. New Society Publishers.
Here the author tries to explain the amusing history and a promising future concerning the commons. Which he regards it as paradigm of ageless of fairness that has remarked the world. Due to the proses of stories that fascinates Bollier has explained revolution as a new form of practice where people control themselves in self-governing as well as production. He is also providing a framework for both social and law action which help in moving past pathologies which are concerned with capitalism. He also states the problems that for market economy where he demonstrates the how cooperation is generating important values as well as fulfillment of humans
2. What interests you most about this prompt and why?
They always bring out the mixed feelings of individuals when people are compelled to live on their own. In most cases, one will see how the characters are struggling to connect or those with company but are isolated from those that are .
ReferencesKorgen, K. O., & Atkinson, M. P. (2019). Sociology.docxlorent8
References
Korgen, K. O., & Atkinson, M. P. (2019). Sociology in action (1st ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc..
Ch 5: Migration, Globalization, and Cult…
Previous section
Next section
5
Migration, Globalization, and Cultural Diversity
age fotostock/Superstock
Learning Objectives
By the end of this chapter, you should be able to:
· Describe the most common issues or theses that arise within a society as a result of increased diversity.
· Distinguish among the characteristics of migrant workers, immigrants, and diasporas.
· Evaluate factors that contribute to ongoing conflict between the Israelis and Palestinians and discuss the impact of thesefactors on diasporas from that region.
· Explain the historical reasons for the creation of the African diaspora and the diverse cultural composition of that diaspora.
· Synthesize the reasons for social stratification throughout the world and the challenges such stratification poses for the globalsocial environment and the global economy.
· Analyze the relationships among globalization, income inequality, and social stratification.
· Compare concepts of diversity over the past 200 years and forecast future avenues for understanding cultural diversity andindividual differences.
· Differentiate between multiculturalism and pluralism in describing the cultures within a society.Ch 5 Introduction
Previous section
Next sectionIntroduction
Diversity has become a dominant issue in the social, political, and legal environments of American life. The United States, however, is not theonly country with an influx of newcomers into its diverse society. Throughout history, people around the world have traveled from theirhomelands to settle in other geographic regions. The arrival of foreign populations into an established culture compels both recent settlersand existing populations to examine long-held beliefs, values, norms, and behaviors.
Although the specific issues raised by new settlers may vary, common themes emerge as a society becomes more diverse. These themes caninclude:
· the need to understand the meaning of human and cultural diversity in society;
· the favoring of some groups and the oppression of or discrimination against others;
· difficulties in fully understanding and appreciating cultures different from one’s own;
· the ability to balance an appreciation for individuals’ differences while retaining a common and unified culture; and
· the ability to accept and blend diverse and sometimes conflicting norms and values within a nation, state, neighborhood, or family.
Social scientists believe that to understand how these issues play out within a specific culture requires first understanding a culture’shistorical and sociocultural context, as well as the historical and sociocultural context of its new arrivals. Chapter 5 focuses on these commonthemes relative to human diversity and culture around the world.5.1 Migration and Global Diversity
The causes of migration are complex and varied,.
Individual’s Leadership Style Changes Due to Different Culture in the UKYogeshIJTSRD
This paper investigates the effects of cultural dimensions on individuals’ leadership styles. The study focused on two main themes Culture and Leadership. Two main dimensions considered Power Distance and Individualism to show their effects on individuals’ two main leadership behaviour Democratic and Autocratic leadership styles. Considering a phenomenological approach, the responses of participants were obtained from their replies to an open ended questionnaire. Data were analysed with Hofstede’s 6D Model. Individuals are from America, Lithuania, India, Italy, and Sri Lanka. They are currently working in the UK, performing as managerial roles, shared their cultural experiences and leadership styles. The study shows individuals from India and Sri Lanka have completely changed their leadership styles due to the surveillance of different culture in the UK. The individual from Italy slightly modified her leadership style while the other two participants from America and Lithuania remain unchanged as they have similar cultural dimensions. Dr. Mohammad RashedKhan "Individual’s Leadership Style Changes Due to Different Culture in the UK" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-5 | Issue-3 , April 2021, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd41114.pdf Paper URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/management/hrm-and-retail-business/41114/individual’s-leadership-style-changes-due-to-different-culture-in-the-uk/dr-mohammad-rashedkhan
To Download This Register in http://frontdesk.co.in/forum/Thread-Socio-Economic-base-for-Planning-Study-notes
Lecture notes for Master of Planning Students
Sociological review annual lecture: Dr Imogen Tyler Alex Dunedin
shared via the Ragged University after getting permission from the journal and the speaker.
The content of the talk is to unpack the problems surround the portrayal of poverty and disembodiment of the term class from discourse. Starting with an analysis of popularly dubbed 'poverty porn' she then spends time rooting down into what language is used in reportage and what concepts are helpful to deconstruct the Neoliberal cultural shifts we are seeing today.
Proposing Methodological Triangulation for a Study on a Diaspora within a Nat...inventionjournals
People moving out of their native place and settling elsewhere due to certain compulsions become diaspora. At present, the term diaspora is used for describing any group of dispersed population. A diaspora undergoes cultural and economic challenges in a receiving society until a complete assimilation takes place or the collective memory of the original identity decomposes. This is a review paper on the choice of methodology adopted for studying negotiations by a diaspora of such challenges in the relevant international scholarship. The literature review suggests that methodological triangulation is appropriate for this kind of a study.
Article Intersectionality as a Useful Tool Anti-O.docxdavezstarr61655
Article
Intersectionality as a Useful Tool:
Anti-Oppressive Social Work
and Critical Reflection
Tina Mattsson
1
Affilia: Journal of Women and Social
Work
2014, 29(1) 8-17
ª The Author(s) 2013
Reprints and permission:
sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav
DOI: 10.1177/0886109913510659
aff.sagepub.com
Abstract
This article introduces intersectionality as a usable tool for critical reflection, which as a part of the
critical social work tradition aims to challenge oppression and inequality. It is argued that in critical
reflection, oppression and injustice are often understood in general terms and that oppression and
inequalities related to gender, sexuality, class, and race therefore risk being neutralized and
undetected. The suggestion is made that by using an intersectional approach, which focuses the
interplay and complexity between gender, sexuality, class, and race, critical reflection gets the
capacity to keep central power relations in urgent focus.
Keywords
anti-oppressive social work, critical social work, critical reflection, intersectionality, oppression
Introduction: Oppression and Critical Social Work
Critical and radical social work has been occupied with oppression and the ways through which
social structures shape social work practice since the 1960s. It criticizes traditional social work for
maintaining and reinforcing oppression and inequality, as social problems are usually understood as
an effect of the individual’s lack of ability to cope with everyday life. By the view of critical social
workers and researchers, social work should be a practice with an ambition to challenge inequality,
marginalization, and oppression at a structural level by using structural understandings of social
problems (Adams, Dominelli, & Payne, 2002; Bailey & Brake, 1975; Dominelli, 2002; Pease &
Fook, 1999; Sakamoto & Pitner, 2005).
The interest in critical and anti-oppressive social work has increased during the last decades, and
several critical social work theorists have stressed the need for critical perspectives in a world
affected by and dependent on globalization and market economy (Dominelli, 2002; Fook, 2002;
Lewis, 2001; Morley, 2004; Stepney, 2005). Globalization creates economical standardization and
increasing economical dependency between states. At the same time, it increases Western, industria-
lized countries’ monopolies of technological, financial, communications, and weaponry resources.
1
School of social work, Lund University, Lund, Sweden
Corresponding Author:
Tina Mattsson, School of social work, Lund University, Box 23, SE-221 00 Lund, Sweden.
Email: [email protected]
http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav
http://aff.sagepub.com/
mailto:[email protected]
Mattsson 9
Within this context, governmental power is eroding and democratic control over policy is decreased
as transnational corporations and international banks are .
Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found athttsimisterchristen
Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at
https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=wecd20
Journal of Ethnic & Cultural Diversity in Social Work
ISSN: 1531-3204 (Print) 1531-3212 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/wecd20
From Cultural Competence to Cultural
Consciousness: Transitioning to a Critical
Approach to Working Across Differences in Social
Work
Corry Azzopardi & Ted McNeill
To cite this article: Corry Azzopardi & Ted McNeill (2016) From Cultural Competence to
Cultural Consciousness: Transitioning to a Critical Approach to Working Across Differences
in Social Work, Journal of Ethnic & Cultural Diversity in Social Work, 25:4, 282-299, DOI:
10.1080/15313204.2016.1206494
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/15313204.2016.1206494
Published online: 21 Jul 2016.
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From Cultural Competence to Cultural Consciousness:
Transitioning to a Critical Approach to Working Across
Differences in Social Work
Corry Azzopardia and Ted McNeillb
aThe Hospital for Sick Children, Division of Pediatric Medicine, Department of Social Work, Toronto,
Ontario, Canada; bUniversity of Toronto, Factor-Inwentash Faculty of Social Work, Toronto, Ontario,
Canada
ABSTRACT
Driven by increasing cultural diversity and growing inequities in
health and social outcomes, cross-cultural competence has
become a fundamental dimension of effective and ethical social
work practice. It has assumed aprominent discourse in social work
education, scholarship, professional practice, codes of ethics, and
organizational policy; however, how one defines, acquires,
applies, and evaluates cultural competencies continue to be
issues of debate. Grounded in a postmodern epistemic frame,
an integrated model of critical cultural consciousness for working
across differences in social work is proposed and implications for
micro, mezzo, and macro levels of practice a ...
Students must draw on all of the readings for the particular selec.docxdeanmtaylor1545
Students must draw on all of the readings for the particular selected unit in their reflections. For example, if students choose to do a reflection based on Unit 2, the paper must draw on the Dicken (2011) reading and the Knox et al. (2015) reading.
Although students are expected to demonstrate a clear understanding of the readings, reflection papers are not intended to simply summarize the readings. Rather, students should outline the main points of the readings and use this as the basis for a critical reflection.
Critical reflections should demonstrate depth in thinking about the material they are learning, and evaluate critically how theories and practices of geography can influence their own lived experiences and observations about the world.
Students are encouraged to draw on other sources in addition to course materials, including the weekly discussion postings from previous Units if applicable.
All sources, including the course readings, lecture notes, and discussion postings must be properly cited using APA.
Reflection papers are to be written according to academic scholarship standards (1,000 +/- 100 words excluding title page and references).
Unit reference notes below
https://issuu.com/wiley_publishing/docs/fouberg_hg11e_c05identityraceethnic
Pg 117-142
Unit 5 Notes: Geographies of Culture and Identity
The reading this week comes from chapter 5 in the textbook, Human geography: People, place, and culture, by Fouberg, Murphy, and De Blij (2015). This chapter begins by examining the intersections of culture and identity, and in particular the gendered division of labour in different societies. Gender is an important identity category that human geographers seek to understand, especially how it relates to power and intersections with other identity categories, such as ethnicity, race, class, and sex. Human geographers are especially concerned with investigating how identity categories are propped up by unquestioned assumptions and stereotypes. Different societies often impose well-defined identity categories that conceptualize people not as individuals, but as members of a category assumed to behave and act in certain ways.
Geographers understand identity in two ways: as a way that individuals define themselves, and as a way individuals are defined by others. Both often rely on processes of inclusion and exclusion, where identity relies on what political and gender theorist Judith Butler (1993) refers to as a 'constitutive outside': defining a particular subject according to what it is not, or according to what it excludes. Place and connections to place can also deeply influence the construction of identity, most obviously at the national scale (think of images often associated with being “Canadian”), but also at more local scales. Race continues to define an identity category, even though a scientific consensus has emerged that physical differences in human appearances do not constitute significant differences in the hu.
Students must draw on all of the readings for the particular selec.docxorlandov3
Students must draw on all of the readings for the particular selected unit in their reflections. For example, if students choose to do a reflection based on Unit 2, the paper must draw on the Dicken (2011) reading and the Knox et al. (2015) reading.
Although students are expected to demonstrate a clear understanding of the readings, reflection papers are not intended to simply summarize the readings. Rather, students should outline the main points of the readings and use this as the basis for a critical reflection.
Critical reflections should demonstrate depth in thinking about the material they are learning, and evaluate critically how theories and practices of geography can influence their own lived experiences and observations about the world.
Students are encouraged to draw on other sources in addition to course materials, including the weekly discussion postings from previous Units if applicable.
All sources, including the course readings, lecture notes, and discussion postings must be properly cited using APA.
Reflection papers are to be written according to academic scholarship standards (1,000 +/- 100 words excluding title page and references).
Unit reference notes below
https://issuu.com/wiley_publishing/docs/fouberg_hg11e_c05identityraceethnic
Pg 117-142
Unit 5 Notes: Geographies of Culture and Identity
The reading this week comes from chapter 5 in the textbook, Human geography: People, place, and culture, by Fouberg, Murphy, and De Blij (2015). This chapter begins by examining the intersections of culture and identity, and in particular the gendered division of labour in different societies. Gender is an important identity category that human geographers seek to understand, especially how it relates to power and intersections with other identity categories, such as ethnicity, race, class, and sex. Human geographers are especially concerned with investigating how identity categories are propped up by unquestioned assumptions and stereotypes. Different societies often impose well-defined identity categories that conceptualize people not as individuals, but as members of a category assumed to behave and act in certain ways.
Geographers understand identity in two ways: as a way that individuals define themselves, and as a way individuals are defined by others. Both often rely on processes of inclusion and exclusion, where identity relies on what political and gender theorist Judith Butler (1993) refers to as a 'constitutive outside': defining a particular subject according to what it is not, or according to what it excludes. Place and connections to place can also deeply influence the construction of identity, most obviously at the national scale (think of images often associated with being “Canadian”), but also at more local scales. Race continues to define an identity category, even though a scientific consensus has emerged that physical differences in human appearances do not constitute significant differences in the hu.
Development & Inequality
Lesson Week 1-2
Contents
Readings:ii
Introduction1
Learning Outcomes:1
1. Why Study Inequality?1
2. Studying Inequality2
3. Why Study Ethnicity, Gender and Class?3
4. How Are Power And Inequality Related?5
Warm-up Exercise5
Regina's experience of social divisions and inequality5
Your Experiences Of Social Divisions And Inequality7
Week 1: Readings and Activities8
1. What is development?8
2. Measuring Development10
3. Optional Activities21
Week 2: Readings and Activities23
1. What is inequality?23
2. Analysing Inequality25
3. Inequality in New Zealand31
4. Optional Activities34
Summary36
Glossary38
References39
Background reading40
i
Readings:
WEEK 1
Greiner, A.L. (2014) ‘Geographies of development’. In Visualizing Human Geography. Wiley, pp.263-295
Todaro, M. & Smith, S. (2012). What do we mean by development? In EconomicDevelopment (pp. 14–23). Pearson Education Ltd.
WEEK 2
Thekaekara, M. M. (1999). ‘Calvin Klein and the Tea Pickers’. New Internationalist, March: 12-15.
Rashbrooke, M. (2013). ‘Why inequality matters’. In Rashbrooke, M. (ed.) In Inequality:
A New Zealand Crisis. Bridget Willams Books, pp.1-17
ii
Introduction
Learning Outcomes:
At the end of this topic on understanding development and inequality you will:
· Have broadened your understanding of various dimensions of development and inequality.
· Be able to name several different ways of measuring development and inequality.
· Understand the impact of inequality on development outcomes.
1. Why Study Inequality?
Feedback from past students doing this course indicates that they learned a great deal about the impact of ‘development’ on people’s lives and that they gained deeper insights into some current global issues. Not surprisingly, however, they also found that studying inequality can also be somewhat depressing. Why, then, do we persist in teaching this topic? Taylor (1992:20) has conveniently provided me with two very good reasons:
1 He argues that ‘...global inequalities are going to become the most important political issue in the world in the wake of the demise of the Cold War’.
2 Taylor goes on to say that ‘...understanding global inequalities is a key stage in the process of overcoming them’.
Taylor’s first point has proved prescient. From the revelations of the Global Financial Crisis and the Occupy movement to the release of documentaries such as Inequality forAll(Kornbluth,2013), and the publication of top-selling books on inequality includingWilkinson and Pickett’s (2010) The Spirit Leveland Piketty’s (2014) Capital in theTwenty-first Century, discussionsof inequality have become highly prominent in globalpolitics. New Zealand has not been exempt from this, with the publication of the book Inequality: A New Zealand Crisis(Rashbrooke,2013) and a steady stream of comm ...
i m Poverty Race, o f L o w - S k i l l e d gers at the.docxsheronlewthwaite
i m Poverty? Race,
o f L o w - S k i l l e d
gers at the Gates:
irica, edited by R.
;rsity of California
ichter. 2003. How
ion and the Social
y, C A : University
Society. Berkeley,
:ess.
eroskedasticity-
Estimator and a
ry." Econometrica
ihood Estimation
metrica 50:1-25.
i Disadvantaged:
md Public Policy.
ago Press.
pears: The World
York: Alfred A .
M . Neckerman.
Structure: The
and Public Policy
? Poverty: What
1S. Danziger and
irvard University
md Moral Order.
fornia Press,
inants of Recent
;." International
innarelli. 2001.
'are Programs:
deralism: Issues
igton, DC: The
Loprest. 2001.
Disadvantaged
New World of
i d R. Haskins.
Institution.
98. Growing up
•en Adapt to Life
: Russell Sage
Violence, Older Peers, and the
Socialization of Adolescent Boys in
Disadvantaged Neighborhoods
David J. Harding
University of Michigan
Most theoretical perspectives on neighborhood effects on youth assume that
neighborhood context serves as a source of socialization. The exact sources and
processes underlying adolescent socialization in disadvantaged neighborhoods, however,
are largely unspecified and unelaborated. This article proposes that cross-cohort
socialization by older neighborhood peers is one source of socialization for adolescent
boys. Data from the National Educational Longitudinal Survey suggest that adolescents
in disadvantaged neighborhoods are more likely to spend time with older individuals. I
analyze qualitative interview data from 60 adolescent boys in three neighborhoods in
Boston to understand the causes and consequences of these interactions and
relationships. Some of the strategies these adolescents employ to cope with violence in
disadvantaged neighborhoods promote interaction with older peers, particularly those
who are most disadvantaged. Furthermore, such interactions can expose adolescents to
local, unconventional, or alternative cultural models.
Most theoretical perspectives on neighbor-hood effects on youth assume that the
neighborhood serves as a source of socialization,
particularly for adolescents. Through differen-
tial exposure to behavioral models or cultural
ideas, disadvantaged neighborhoods are thought
to influence how young people make decisions
in domains such as schooling and romantic rela-
tionships. For example, Wilson's (1996) social
isolation theory argues that residents o f poor
neighborhoods are isolated from middle class or
mainstream social groups, organizations, and
institutions as a result of joblessness. Social
isolation creates cultural isolation, which—
when combined with diminished educational
and labor market opportunities—leads to the
Direct correspondence to David J. Harding at
Department of Sociology, University of Michigan, ~
500 S. State St., A n n A r b o r , M I 48109-1382
([email protected]). Funding for this research
was provided by the National Science Foundation
(SES-0326727), The William T. Grant F ...
Each group will write a research paper on an organization of their.docxkanepbyrne80830
Each group will write a research paper on an organization of their choice 10-12 pages minimum (not including title and reference sheet). The organizational analysis will utilize a minimum of 10-12 external, peer-reviewed academic sources and contain the following sections
:
Topic:
How do you determine whether an organization is ethical or not?
(250 -300 WORDS MINIMUM)
Groups can add more ethical information about their chosen company to substantiate your paper.
List of companies( My topic should be related to facebook)
Dell
Google
Amazon
Apple
Facebook
Ford
Tesla
SouthWest Airlines
Capitol One
Uber
.
E-Poster The students will complete an E-Poster, The purpose of th.docxkanepbyrne80830
E-Poster: The students will complete an E-Poster, The purpose of the poster is to serve as a summary and an advertisement of the work that supplements the researcher's presentation. The poster could be thought of as an illustrated version of the abstract with visual displays of data and small blocks of text that explain the project and support the data. Base on Chapters 2.
.
More Related Content
Similar to Drifting Along or Dropping into Homelessness A Class Analysis of .docx
ReferencesKorgen, K. O., & Atkinson, M. P. (2019). Sociology.docxlorent8
References
Korgen, K. O., & Atkinson, M. P. (2019). Sociology in action (1st ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc..
Ch 5: Migration, Globalization, and Cult…
Previous section
Next section
5
Migration, Globalization, and Cultural Diversity
age fotostock/Superstock
Learning Objectives
By the end of this chapter, you should be able to:
· Describe the most common issues or theses that arise within a society as a result of increased diversity.
· Distinguish among the characteristics of migrant workers, immigrants, and diasporas.
· Evaluate factors that contribute to ongoing conflict between the Israelis and Palestinians and discuss the impact of thesefactors on diasporas from that region.
· Explain the historical reasons for the creation of the African diaspora and the diverse cultural composition of that diaspora.
· Synthesize the reasons for social stratification throughout the world and the challenges such stratification poses for the globalsocial environment and the global economy.
· Analyze the relationships among globalization, income inequality, and social stratification.
· Compare concepts of diversity over the past 200 years and forecast future avenues for understanding cultural diversity andindividual differences.
· Differentiate between multiculturalism and pluralism in describing the cultures within a society.Ch 5 Introduction
Previous section
Next sectionIntroduction
Diversity has become a dominant issue in the social, political, and legal environments of American life. The United States, however, is not theonly country with an influx of newcomers into its diverse society. Throughout history, people around the world have traveled from theirhomelands to settle in other geographic regions. The arrival of foreign populations into an established culture compels both recent settlersand existing populations to examine long-held beliefs, values, norms, and behaviors.
Although the specific issues raised by new settlers may vary, common themes emerge as a society becomes more diverse. These themes caninclude:
· the need to understand the meaning of human and cultural diversity in society;
· the favoring of some groups and the oppression of or discrimination against others;
· difficulties in fully understanding and appreciating cultures different from one’s own;
· the ability to balance an appreciation for individuals’ differences while retaining a common and unified culture; and
· the ability to accept and blend diverse and sometimes conflicting norms and values within a nation, state, neighborhood, or family.
Social scientists believe that to understand how these issues play out within a specific culture requires first understanding a culture’shistorical and sociocultural context, as well as the historical and sociocultural context of its new arrivals. Chapter 5 focuses on these commonthemes relative to human diversity and culture around the world.5.1 Migration and Global Diversity
The causes of migration are complex and varied,.
Individual’s Leadership Style Changes Due to Different Culture in the UKYogeshIJTSRD
This paper investigates the effects of cultural dimensions on individuals’ leadership styles. The study focused on two main themes Culture and Leadership. Two main dimensions considered Power Distance and Individualism to show their effects on individuals’ two main leadership behaviour Democratic and Autocratic leadership styles. Considering a phenomenological approach, the responses of participants were obtained from their replies to an open ended questionnaire. Data were analysed with Hofstede’s 6D Model. Individuals are from America, Lithuania, India, Italy, and Sri Lanka. They are currently working in the UK, performing as managerial roles, shared their cultural experiences and leadership styles. The study shows individuals from India and Sri Lanka have completely changed their leadership styles due to the surveillance of different culture in the UK. The individual from Italy slightly modified her leadership style while the other two participants from America and Lithuania remain unchanged as they have similar cultural dimensions. Dr. Mohammad RashedKhan "Individual’s Leadership Style Changes Due to Different Culture in the UK" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-5 | Issue-3 , April 2021, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd41114.pdf Paper URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/management/hrm-and-retail-business/41114/individual’s-leadership-style-changes-due-to-different-culture-in-the-uk/dr-mohammad-rashedkhan
To Download This Register in http://frontdesk.co.in/forum/Thread-Socio-Economic-base-for-Planning-Study-notes
Lecture notes for Master of Planning Students
Sociological review annual lecture: Dr Imogen Tyler Alex Dunedin
shared via the Ragged University after getting permission from the journal and the speaker.
The content of the talk is to unpack the problems surround the portrayal of poverty and disembodiment of the term class from discourse. Starting with an analysis of popularly dubbed 'poverty porn' she then spends time rooting down into what language is used in reportage and what concepts are helpful to deconstruct the Neoliberal cultural shifts we are seeing today.
Proposing Methodological Triangulation for a Study on a Diaspora within a Nat...inventionjournals
People moving out of their native place and settling elsewhere due to certain compulsions become diaspora. At present, the term diaspora is used for describing any group of dispersed population. A diaspora undergoes cultural and economic challenges in a receiving society until a complete assimilation takes place or the collective memory of the original identity decomposes. This is a review paper on the choice of methodology adopted for studying negotiations by a diaspora of such challenges in the relevant international scholarship. The literature review suggests that methodological triangulation is appropriate for this kind of a study.
Article Intersectionality as a Useful Tool Anti-O.docxdavezstarr61655
Article
Intersectionality as a Useful Tool:
Anti-Oppressive Social Work
and Critical Reflection
Tina Mattsson
1
Affilia: Journal of Women and Social
Work
2014, 29(1) 8-17
ª The Author(s) 2013
Reprints and permission:
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DOI: 10.1177/0886109913510659
aff.sagepub.com
Abstract
This article introduces intersectionality as a usable tool for critical reflection, which as a part of the
critical social work tradition aims to challenge oppression and inequality. It is argued that in critical
reflection, oppression and injustice are often understood in general terms and that oppression and
inequalities related to gender, sexuality, class, and race therefore risk being neutralized and
undetected. The suggestion is made that by using an intersectional approach, which focuses the
interplay and complexity between gender, sexuality, class, and race, critical reflection gets the
capacity to keep central power relations in urgent focus.
Keywords
anti-oppressive social work, critical social work, critical reflection, intersectionality, oppression
Introduction: Oppression and Critical Social Work
Critical and radical social work has been occupied with oppression and the ways through which
social structures shape social work practice since the 1960s. It criticizes traditional social work for
maintaining and reinforcing oppression and inequality, as social problems are usually understood as
an effect of the individual’s lack of ability to cope with everyday life. By the view of critical social
workers and researchers, social work should be a practice with an ambition to challenge inequality,
marginalization, and oppression at a structural level by using structural understandings of social
problems (Adams, Dominelli, & Payne, 2002; Bailey & Brake, 1975; Dominelli, 2002; Pease &
Fook, 1999; Sakamoto & Pitner, 2005).
The interest in critical and anti-oppressive social work has increased during the last decades, and
several critical social work theorists have stressed the need for critical perspectives in a world
affected by and dependent on globalization and market economy (Dominelli, 2002; Fook, 2002;
Lewis, 2001; Morley, 2004; Stepney, 2005). Globalization creates economical standardization and
increasing economical dependency between states. At the same time, it increases Western, industria-
lized countries’ monopolies of technological, financial, communications, and weaponry resources.
1
School of social work, Lund University, Lund, Sweden
Corresponding Author:
Tina Mattsson, School of social work, Lund University, Box 23, SE-221 00 Lund, Sweden.
Email: [email protected]
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mailto:[email protected]
Mattsson 9
Within this context, governmental power is eroding and democratic control over policy is decreased
as transnational corporations and international banks are .
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Journal of Ethnic & Cultural Diversity in Social Work
ISSN: 1531-3204 (Print) 1531-3212 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/wecd20
From Cultural Competence to Cultural
Consciousness: Transitioning to a Critical
Approach to Working Across Differences in Social
Work
Corry Azzopardi & Ted McNeill
To cite this article: Corry Azzopardi & Ted McNeill (2016) From Cultural Competence to
Cultural Consciousness: Transitioning to a Critical Approach to Working Across Differences
in Social Work, Journal of Ethnic & Cultural Diversity in Social Work, 25:4, 282-299, DOI:
10.1080/15313204.2016.1206494
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From Cultural Competence to Cultural Consciousness:
Transitioning to a Critical Approach to Working Across
Differences in Social Work
Corry Azzopardia and Ted McNeillb
aThe Hospital for Sick Children, Division of Pediatric Medicine, Department of Social Work, Toronto,
Ontario, Canada; bUniversity of Toronto, Factor-Inwentash Faculty of Social Work, Toronto, Ontario,
Canada
ABSTRACT
Driven by increasing cultural diversity and growing inequities in
health and social outcomes, cross-cultural competence has
become a fundamental dimension of effective and ethical social
work practice. It has assumed aprominent discourse in social work
education, scholarship, professional practice, codes of ethics, and
organizational policy; however, how one defines, acquires,
applies, and evaluates cultural competencies continue to be
issues of debate. Grounded in a postmodern epistemic frame,
an integrated model of critical cultural consciousness for working
across differences in social work is proposed and implications for
micro, mezzo, and macro levels of practice a ...
Students must draw on all of the readings for the particular selec.docxdeanmtaylor1545
Students must draw on all of the readings for the particular selected unit in their reflections. For example, if students choose to do a reflection based on Unit 2, the paper must draw on the Dicken (2011) reading and the Knox et al. (2015) reading.
Although students are expected to demonstrate a clear understanding of the readings, reflection papers are not intended to simply summarize the readings. Rather, students should outline the main points of the readings and use this as the basis for a critical reflection.
Critical reflections should demonstrate depth in thinking about the material they are learning, and evaluate critically how theories and practices of geography can influence their own lived experiences and observations about the world.
Students are encouraged to draw on other sources in addition to course materials, including the weekly discussion postings from previous Units if applicable.
All sources, including the course readings, lecture notes, and discussion postings must be properly cited using APA.
Reflection papers are to be written according to academic scholarship standards (1,000 +/- 100 words excluding title page and references).
Unit reference notes below
https://issuu.com/wiley_publishing/docs/fouberg_hg11e_c05identityraceethnic
Pg 117-142
Unit 5 Notes: Geographies of Culture and Identity
The reading this week comes from chapter 5 in the textbook, Human geography: People, place, and culture, by Fouberg, Murphy, and De Blij (2015). This chapter begins by examining the intersections of culture and identity, and in particular the gendered division of labour in different societies. Gender is an important identity category that human geographers seek to understand, especially how it relates to power and intersections with other identity categories, such as ethnicity, race, class, and sex. Human geographers are especially concerned with investigating how identity categories are propped up by unquestioned assumptions and stereotypes. Different societies often impose well-defined identity categories that conceptualize people not as individuals, but as members of a category assumed to behave and act in certain ways.
Geographers understand identity in two ways: as a way that individuals define themselves, and as a way individuals are defined by others. Both often rely on processes of inclusion and exclusion, where identity relies on what political and gender theorist Judith Butler (1993) refers to as a 'constitutive outside': defining a particular subject according to what it is not, or according to what it excludes. Place and connections to place can also deeply influence the construction of identity, most obviously at the national scale (think of images often associated with being “Canadian”), but also at more local scales. Race continues to define an identity category, even though a scientific consensus has emerged that physical differences in human appearances do not constitute significant differences in the hu.
Students must draw on all of the readings for the particular selec.docxorlandov3
Students must draw on all of the readings for the particular selected unit in their reflections. For example, if students choose to do a reflection based on Unit 2, the paper must draw on the Dicken (2011) reading and the Knox et al. (2015) reading.
Although students are expected to demonstrate a clear understanding of the readings, reflection papers are not intended to simply summarize the readings. Rather, students should outline the main points of the readings and use this as the basis for a critical reflection.
Critical reflections should demonstrate depth in thinking about the material they are learning, and evaluate critically how theories and practices of geography can influence their own lived experiences and observations about the world.
Students are encouraged to draw on other sources in addition to course materials, including the weekly discussion postings from previous Units if applicable.
All sources, including the course readings, lecture notes, and discussion postings must be properly cited using APA.
Reflection papers are to be written according to academic scholarship standards (1,000 +/- 100 words excluding title page and references).
Unit reference notes below
https://issuu.com/wiley_publishing/docs/fouberg_hg11e_c05identityraceethnic
Pg 117-142
Unit 5 Notes: Geographies of Culture and Identity
The reading this week comes from chapter 5 in the textbook, Human geography: People, place, and culture, by Fouberg, Murphy, and De Blij (2015). This chapter begins by examining the intersections of culture and identity, and in particular the gendered division of labour in different societies. Gender is an important identity category that human geographers seek to understand, especially how it relates to power and intersections with other identity categories, such as ethnicity, race, class, and sex. Human geographers are especially concerned with investigating how identity categories are propped up by unquestioned assumptions and stereotypes. Different societies often impose well-defined identity categories that conceptualize people not as individuals, but as members of a category assumed to behave and act in certain ways.
Geographers understand identity in two ways: as a way that individuals define themselves, and as a way individuals are defined by others. Both often rely on processes of inclusion and exclusion, where identity relies on what political and gender theorist Judith Butler (1993) refers to as a 'constitutive outside': defining a particular subject according to what it is not, or according to what it excludes. Place and connections to place can also deeply influence the construction of identity, most obviously at the national scale (think of images often associated with being “Canadian”), but also at more local scales. Race continues to define an identity category, even though a scientific consensus has emerged that physical differences in human appearances do not constitute significant differences in the hu.
Development & Inequality
Lesson Week 1-2
Contents
Readings:ii
Introduction1
Learning Outcomes:1
1. Why Study Inequality?1
2. Studying Inequality2
3. Why Study Ethnicity, Gender and Class?3
4. How Are Power And Inequality Related?5
Warm-up Exercise5
Regina's experience of social divisions and inequality5
Your Experiences Of Social Divisions And Inequality7
Week 1: Readings and Activities8
1. What is development?8
2. Measuring Development10
3. Optional Activities21
Week 2: Readings and Activities23
1. What is inequality?23
2. Analysing Inequality25
3. Inequality in New Zealand31
4. Optional Activities34
Summary36
Glossary38
References39
Background reading40
i
Readings:
WEEK 1
Greiner, A.L. (2014) ‘Geographies of development’. In Visualizing Human Geography. Wiley, pp.263-295
Todaro, M. & Smith, S. (2012). What do we mean by development? In EconomicDevelopment (pp. 14–23). Pearson Education Ltd.
WEEK 2
Thekaekara, M. M. (1999). ‘Calvin Klein and the Tea Pickers’. New Internationalist, March: 12-15.
Rashbrooke, M. (2013). ‘Why inequality matters’. In Rashbrooke, M. (ed.) In Inequality:
A New Zealand Crisis. Bridget Willams Books, pp.1-17
ii
Introduction
Learning Outcomes:
At the end of this topic on understanding development and inequality you will:
· Have broadened your understanding of various dimensions of development and inequality.
· Be able to name several different ways of measuring development and inequality.
· Understand the impact of inequality on development outcomes.
1. Why Study Inequality?
Feedback from past students doing this course indicates that they learned a great deal about the impact of ‘development’ on people’s lives and that they gained deeper insights into some current global issues. Not surprisingly, however, they also found that studying inequality can also be somewhat depressing. Why, then, do we persist in teaching this topic? Taylor (1992:20) has conveniently provided me with two very good reasons:
1 He argues that ‘...global inequalities are going to become the most important political issue in the world in the wake of the demise of the Cold War’.
2 Taylor goes on to say that ‘...understanding global inequalities is a key stage in the process of overcoming them’.
Taylor’s first point has proved prescient. From the revelations of the Global Financial Crisis and the Occupy movement to the release of documentaries such as Inequality forAll(Kornbluth,2013), and the publication of top-selling books on inequality includingWilkinson and Pickett’s (2010) The Spirit Leveland Piketty’s (2014) Capital in theTwenty-first Century, discussionsof inequality have become highly prominent in globalpolitics. New Zealand has not been exempt from this, with the publication of the book Inequality: A New Zealand Crisis(Rashbrooke,2013) and a steady stream of comm ...
i m Poverty Race, o f L o w - S k i l l e d gers at the.docxsheronlewthwaite
i m Poverty? Race,
o f L o w - S k i l l e d
gers at the Gates:
irica, edited by R.
;rsity of California
ichter. 2003. How
ion and the Social
y, C A : University
Society. Berkeley,
:ess.
eroskedasticity-
Estimator and a
ry." Econometrica
ihood Estimation
metrica 50:1-25.
i Disadvantaged:
md Public Policy.
ago Press.
pears: The World
York: Alfred A .
M . Neckerman.
Structure: The
and Public Policy
? Poverty: What
1S. Danziger and
irvard University
md Moral Order.
fornia Press,
inants of Recent
;." International
innarelli. 2001.
'are Programs:
deralism: Issues
igton, DC: The
Loprest. 2001.
Disadvantaged
New World of
i d R. Haskins.
Institution.
98. Growing up
•en Adapt to Life
: Russell Sage
Violence, Older Peers, and the
Socialization of Adolescent Boys in
Disadvantaged Neighborhoods
David J. Harding
University of Michigan
Most theoretical perspectives on neighborhood effects on youth assume that
neighborhood context serves as a source of socialization. The exact sources and
processes underlying adolescent socialization in disadvantaged neighborhoods, however,
are largely unspecified and unelaborated. This article proposes that cross-cohort
socialization by older neighborhood peers is one source of socialization for adolescent
boys. Data from the National Educational Longitudinal Survey suggest that adolescents
in disadvantaged neighborhoods are more likely to spend time with older individuals. I
analyze qualitative interview data from 60 adolescent boys in three neighborhoods in
Boston to understand the causes and consequences of these interactions and
relationships. Some of the strategies these adolescents employ to cope with violence in
disadvantaged neighborhoods promote interaction with older peers, particularly those
who are most disadvantaged. Furthermore, such interactions can expose adolescents to
local, unconventional, or alternative cultural models.
Most theoretical perspectives on neighbor-hood effects on youth assume that the
neighborhood serves as a source of socialization,
particularly for adolescents. Through differen-
tial exposure to behavioral models or cultural
ideas, disadvantaged neighborhoods are thought
to influence how young people make decisions
in domains such as schooling and romantic rela-
tionships. For example, Wilson's (1996) social
isolation theory argues that residents o f poor
neighborhoods are isolated from middle class or
mainstream social groups, organizations, and
institutions as a result of joblessness. Social
isolation creates cultural isolation, which—
when combined with diminished educational
and labor market opportunities—leads to the
Direct correspondence to David J. Harding at
Department of Sociology, University of Michigan, ~
500 S. State St., A n n A r b o r , M I 48109-1382
([email protected]). Funding for this research
was provided by the National Science Foundation
(SES-0326727), The William T. Grant F ...
Each group will write a research paper on an organization of their.docxkanepbyrne80830
Each group will write a research paper on an organization of their choice 10-12 pages minimum (not including title and reference sheet). The organizational analysis will utilize a minimum of 10-12 external, peer-reviewed academic sources and contain the following sections
:
Topic:
How do you determine whether an organization is ethical or not?
(250 -300 WORDS MINIMUM)
Groups can add more ethical information about their chosen company to substantiate your paper.
List of companies( My topic should be related to facebook)
Dell
Google
Amazon
Apple
Facebook
Ford
Tesla
SouthWest Airlines
Capitol One
Uber
.
E-Poster The students will complete an E-Poster, The purpose of th.docxkanepbyrne80830
E-Poster: The students will complete an E-Poster, The purpose of the poster is to serve as a summary and an advertisement of the work that supplements the researcher's presentation. The poster could be thought of as an illustrated version of the abstract with visual displays of data and small blocks of text that explain the project and support the data. Base on Chapters 2.
.
e-mail [email protected]Effect of Heat Treatment on Some M.docxkanepbyrne80830
*e-mail: [email protected]
Effect of Heat Treatment on Some Mechanical Properties of 7075 Aluminium Alloy
Adeyemi Dayo Isadarea, Bolaji Aremob, Mosobalaje Oyebamiji Adeoyec,
Oluyemi John Olawalec*, Moshood Dehinde Shittuc
aPrototype Engineering Development Institute Ilesa, Nigeria
bCentre for Energy Research and Development, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria
cDepartment of Materials Science and Engineering, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria
Received: April 14, 2012; Revised: September 3, 2012
This paper reports the effects of annealing and age hardening heat treatments on the microstructural
morphology and mechanical properties of 7075 Al alloy. The material was cast in the form of round
cylindrical rods inside green sand mould from where some samples were rapidly cooled by early
knockout and others gradually cooled to room temperature. From the samples that were gradually
cooled some were annealed while others were age hardened. Both the as-cast in each category and
heat treated samples were subjected to some mechanical tests and the morphology of the resulting
microstructures were characterised by optical microscopy. From the results obtained there is formation
of microsegregations of MgZn
2
during gradual solidification which was not present during rapid
cooling. It was also found out that age hardening and annealing heat treatment operation eliminated
these microsegregations and improve mechanical properties of 7075 Al alloy. It is concluded that
microsegregation can be eliminated by rapid solidification and appropriate heat treatment process.
Keywords: 7075 aluminium, microsegregation, precipitation hardening, annealing, magnesium alloy,
strength
1. Introduction
Aluminium and its alloys are used in a variety of cast and
wrought forms and conditions of heat treatment. For over
70 years, it ranks next to iron and steel in the metal market.
The demand for aluminium grows rapidly because of its
unique combination of properties which makes it becomes
one of the most versatile of engineering and construction
material1-3.
The optimum properties of aluminium are achieved by
alloying additions and heat treatments. This promotes the
formation of small hard precipitates which interfere with
the motion of dislocations and improve its mechanical
properties4-7. One of the most commonly used aluminium
alloy for structural applications is 7075 Al alloy due to its
attractive comprehensive properties such as low density, high
strength, ductility, toughness and resistance to fatigue8-11. It
has been extensively utilized in aircraft structural parts and
other highly stressed structural applications12-16.
But aluminium-zinc alloy as it is in 7075 Al alloy is
susceptible to embrittlement because of microsegregation
of MgZn
2
precipitates which may lead to catastrophic
failure of components produced from it17,18. The alloy is also
susceptibility to stress corrosion cracking19,20. This is .
e-mail is a major area of focus for information governance (IG) .docxkanepbyrne80830
e-mail is a major area of focus for information governance (IG) efforts, and has become the most common business software application and the backbone of business communications today. In addition, the authors provided details to support their position by providing 2013 survey results from 2,400 corporate e-mail users from a global perspective. The results indicated that two-thirds of the respondents stated that e-mail was their favorite form of business communication which surpassed not only social media but also telephone and in-person contact.
Q1: With this detail in mind,
briefly
state why the e-Mail has become a critical component for IG implementation?
.
Dysfunctional Behaviors and Related Facilitation Strategies Twelv.docxkanepbyrne80830
Dysfunctional Behaviors and Related Facilitation Strategies: Twelve Angry Men
Behavior
Actor/Evidence
Strategy Used or Suggested
Whisperer—periodically engages team member(s) in side conversations
Silent member—withdrawn; doesn’t participate
“Eager beaver” (talker/ monopolizer)—always has something to say
Heckler/complainer— combative; tells team members why what they’re working on will never work
Sidetracker—dicusses items not on the agenda
Fighter—picks a “fight” and/or argues with another team member
“Stand pat”—won’t budge; hostile; unwilling to look at situation from others’ perspective; often prejudiced
Verbal stumbler—unable to express self clearly
Early leaver—announces they must leave for another activity
Five Stages of Negotiating
All negotiations are different. Simple negotiations, such as choosing which movie to rent, need not require an extensive negotiation process. However, when negotiations involve significant or complex issues, you should consider using the five-stage process model
Negotiating consists of five stages: (1) preparation and planning, (2) defining ground rules, (3) clarifying and justifying your case, (4) bargaining and problem solving, and (5) closure and implementation.
These stages are described below. 1. Preparation and planning. Without question, preparation and planning are the keys to successful deal making. While some may think they can negotiate effectively “on the fly,” all negotiators benefit from thorough advance thought and preparation. Be clear about what you want and why. Gather data to support your position. Consider ways to present your arguments persuasively. Consider what the other party wants and why.
2. Definition of ground rules. Determining your own guidelines or rules for the negotiation helps you plan a strategy that can be successful. Establish who will or should be present and at what part of the negotiation. Decide where the meeting will be held and offer a possible agenda for how the time will be allocated and for which issues. The location has implications in terms of who’s in charge. While there may be a benefit to having the negotiation at your office—the home court advantage—agreeing to have the negotiation at the other party’s office might show flexibility and willingness to negotiate on your part. When the topic covered is potentially divisive or difficult, a neutral location might help level the playing field for both parties—an important consideration when an integrative solution is desired.
3. Clarification and justification. As the negotiation begins, state what you want and why. A key issue here is the difference between positions and interests. A position is a stance—typically a firm one—taken by a negotiator. “I’ll give you $4,500 and that’s my final offer.” An interest is the explanation behind the position, need, or desire that expresses why a negotiator wants what he or she wants. “I’m asking for $5,000 because the car has low miles, an u.
Dylan Rodríguez ends his essay with the following questionsHo.docxkanepbyrne80830
Dylan Rodríguez ends his essay with the following questions:
How has the state-structured influx of Asian and Pacific Rim migrant populations, and the subsequent emergence of contemporary Asian American communities, helped to further displace criminalized Black and Brown populations and amplify what Marable calls the ‘‘subtle apocalypse’’ of mass-based civic death?
How might the 1965 Immigration Act be re-narrated such that it is understood less as an ambivalent emblem of opportunity, liberal democracy, and freedom, and more as a fundamental facet of an American movement toward new forms of mass-based captivity and bodily immobilization, that is, as the harbinger of new forms of ‘‘unfreedom’’ as primary modes of social organization under the logic of white supremacist global capital?
Will it be possible to muster the intellectual creativity and political will to articulate a rupturing critique of the field’s operative structural, political, and theoretical assumptions, in order to develop a radical critique of the prison industrial complex that may fundamentally alter Asian American Studies (and Ethnic Studies) as attempted practices of social transformation?
Choose one of these questions, and give a preliminary answer. Do not worry if your answer is incomplete. It will be. That is fine. Do your best.
.
E D U C AT I O NStudy Theology, Even If You Dont Believe .docxkanepbyrne80830
E D U C AT I O N
Study Theology, Even If You Don't Believe in
God
The Evangelist St. Matthew with his symbol, the angel (THE NATIONAL LIBRARY OF THE NETHERLANDS / WIKIMEDIA
COMMONS)
When I first told my mother—a liberal, secular New Yorker—that I wanted to cross
an ocean to study for a bachelor’s degree in theology, she was equal parts aghast
and concerned. Was I going to become a nun, she asked in horror, or else one of
“those” wingnuts who picketed outside abortion clinics? Was I going to spend
hours in the Bodleian Library agonizing over the number of angels that could fit on
the head of a pin? Theology, she insisted, was a subject by the devout, for the
devout; it had no place in a typical liberal arts education.
Her view of the study of theology is far from uncommon. While elite universities
like Harvard and Yale offer vocational courses at their divinity schools, and nearly
all universities offer undergraduate majors in the comparative study of religions,
few schools (with the exceptions of historically Catholic institutions like
This lost liberal art encourages scholars to understand history from the inside
out.
TA R A I SA B E L L A B U RTO N OCT 30, 2013
https://www.theatlantic.com/education/
https://www.theatlantic.com/author/tara-isabella-burton/
Georgetown and Boston College) offer theology as a major, let alone mandate
courses in theology alongside other “core” liberal arts subjects like English or
history. Indeed, the study of theology has often run afoul of the legal separation of
church and state. Thirty-seven U.S. states have laws limiting the spending of public
funds on religious training. In 2006, the Supreme Court case Locke v. Davey upheld
the decision of a Washington State scholarship program to withhold promised
funding from an otherwise qualified student after learning that he had decided to
major in theology at a local Bible College.
Even in the United Kingdom, where secular bachelor's programs in theology are
more common, prominent New Atheists like Richard Dawkins have questioned
their validity in the university sphere. In a 2007 letter to the editor of The
Independent, Dawkins argues for the abolishment of theology in academia,
insisting that “a positive case now needs to be made that [theology] has any real
content at all, or that it has any place whatsoever in today's university culture.”
Such a shift, of course, is relatively recent in the history of secondary education.
Several of the great Medieval universities, among them Oxford, Bologna, and
Paris, developed in large part as training grounds for men of the Church. Theology,
far from being anathema to the academic life, was indeed its central purpose: It
was the “Queen of the Sciences” the field of inquiry which gave meaning to all
others. So, too, several of the great American universities. Harvard, Yale, and
Princeton alike were founded with the express purpose of teaching theology—one
early anonymous account of Harvard's founding speaks of Joh.
E V I D E N C E S Y N T H E S I SModels of care in nursing.docxkanepbyrne80830
E V I D E N C E S Y N T H E S I S
Models of care in nursing: a systematic reviewjbr_287 324..337
Ritin Fernandez RN MN (Critical Care) PhD,1,2 Maree Johnson RN BAppSci MAppSci PhD,3,4
Duong Thuy Tran BMed (Vietnam) MIPH (USyd)5 and Charmaine Miranda BPsycholgy6
1School of Nursing, Midwifery and Indigenous Health, University of Wollongong, Wollongong, 2Centre for Research in Nursing and
Health, St George Hospital, Kogarah, 3Centre for Applied Nursing Research, Sydney South West Area Health Service, 4School of Nursing
and Midwifery, University of Western Sydney, Sydney, 5School of Medicine, University of Western Sydney, Sydney, and 6Centre for Positive
Psychology and Education, School of Education, University of Western Sydney, Sydney, New South Wales, Australia
Abstract
Objective This review investigated the effect of the various models of nursing care delivery using the diverse levels
of nurses on patient and nursing outcomes.
Methods All published studies that investigated patient and nursing outcomes were considered. Studies were
included if the nursing delivery models only included nurses with varying skill levels. A literature search was
performed using the following databases: Medline (1985–2011), CINAHL (1985–2011), EMBASE (1985 to current)
and the Cochrane Controlled Studies Register (Issue 3, 2011 of Cochrane Library). In addition, the reference lists of
relevant studies and conference proceedings were also scrutinised. Two reviewers independently assessed the
eligibility of the studies for inclusion in the review, the methodological quality and extracted details of eligible studies.
Data were analysed using the RevMan software (Nordic Cochrane Centre, Copenhagen, Denmark).
Results Fourteen studies were included in this review. The results reveal that implementation of the team nursing
model of care resulted in significantly decreased incidence of medication errors and adverse intravenous outcomes,
as well as lower pain scores among patients; however, there was no effect of this model of care on the incidence of
falls. Wards that used a hybrid model demonstrated significant improvement in quality of patient care, but no
difference in incidence of pressure areas or infection rates. There were no significant differences in nursing outcomes
relating to role clarity, job satisfaction and nurse absenteeism rates between any of the models of care.
Conclusions Based on the available evidence, a predominance of team nursing within the comparisons is
suggestive of its popularity. Patient outcomes, nurse satisfaction, absenteeism and role clarity/confusion did not differ
across model comparisons. Little benefit was found within primary nursing comparisons and the cost effectiveness
of team nursing over other models remains debatable. Nonetheless, team nursing does present a better model for
inexperienced staff to develop, a key aspect in units where skill mix or experience is diverse.
Key words: evidence-based practice, nursing, systemat.
DuringWeek 5, we studied social stratification and how it influe.docxkanepbyrne80830
During
Week 5, we studied social stratification and how it influences what goes on in many social interactions among people. After you have read the reading assignment and lecture for this week, please respond to all parts of the discussion by the due date assigned:
What are some of the factors that affect social mobility? Can these be overcome?
Do you believe the structural-functionalist or the social conflict approach best explains social stratification? Why?
How does the media reflect attitudes on gender as far as depicting women and men in very traditional roles? Provide two detailed examples that substantiate your points—these can be an advertisement, television show, website, or magazine.
When you think of various groups (race, class, and gender) in society, which ones have the most power and which ones have the least? Using Intersection Theory, identify two groups that have unequal amounts of power and resources, being specific and using the text and outside resources. For each group, has the power dynamic changed over time? Do you think it will change in the future? Why or why not?
.
During Week Two the focus is on strategic leadership and managing th.docxkanepbyrne80830
During Week Two the focus is on strategic leadership and managing the strategy process. Use the concepts from Chapter 2 to respond to the discussion question below.
1) Post your initial respond to the discussion question by January 27, 2021.
Discussion question:
Read the Facebook scenario (ChapterCase 2) at the end of Chapter 2. Discuss whether the CEO and COO of Facebook are effective strategic leaders. Why or why not? What implications might this have on stakeholders?
Your response to the discussion question should be at least 250 words in length and contain at least one citation (not Wikipedia or dictionaries) from the course textbook, supplemental reading or video sources, or peer reviewed sources using the ADP library or Google (ADP Library, Google Scholar). Citations of 40 or more words are not acceptable as they represent a significant amount of an author's thoughts and/or perspectives rather than your own originality.
.
During Week 2, much focus is placed on various strategic thinking mo.docxkanepbyrne80830
During Week 2, much focus is placed on various strategic thinking models and the impact upon the overall organizational strategic process. Now that you have a broad knowledge of your chosen organization, it is time to dig a bit deeper into the structure and the process by which decisions are made within the company. Define the specific organizational design and the governance structure of the chosen company. Support your choices with specific examples and research.
During Week 1, you researched and identified a specific problem or challenge the organization is experiencing. Describe the challenge and explain why it is a problem for the organization. Include how the problem is or has the potential to affect the strategies of the company. Be specific and support your findings.
Section 2 of the paper must have at a minimum two full pages of content (excluding the cover and reference pages). You must include at a minimum two scholarly resources (in addition to the text) that support specific strategies used to prepare the paper. Wikipedia is not a qualified resource.
\
document for additional guidance. Include the text as a scholarly resource to support theory and concepts related to strategy. During the construction of Section 2, be specific and refrain from assumption.
.
During this time when the Internet provides essential communicat.docxkanepbyrne80830
During this time when the Internet provides essential communication between literally billions of people and is used as a tool for commerce, social interaction, and the exchange of an increasing amount of personal information, security has become a tremendously important issue for every user to deal with.
There are many aspects to security and many applications, ranging from secure commerce and payments to private communications and protecting health care information. One essential aspect for secure communications is that of cryptography. But it is important to note that while cryptography is necessary for secure communications, it is not by itself sufficient.
please
describe the hashing security mechanism
and its relationship to the encryption mechanism. Kindly write 350 words and add references at the end.
.
During this second week, you explored the knowledge base and his.docxkanepbyrne80830
During this second week, you explored the knowledge base and history of social work. We have examined specific social work professions as well as the great strides social workers have made in the U.S. with helping individuals, thus making a difference nationally.
For your assignment this week, identify three influential figures in social work – one person of color, one female, and one of your choice. Briefly, describe their accomplishments and their contributions to the social work knowledge base.
Next, select one of the three and discuss how this individual might approach the social issue/problem you identified in Week 1. If possible or appropriate, include an example that illustrates how this individual might address the problem.
Support your assignment with at least three scholarly resources. In addition to these specified resources, other appropriate scholarly resources, including seminal articles, may be included.
Length: 2-3 pages, not including title and reference pages
.
during the period from 1492 to 1700 french activity in the amer4ica.docxkanepbyrne80830
during the period from 1492 to 1700 french activity in the amer4ica was primarly directed toward a establishing trade with american indians b. using american indian settlmens for gold And silver c. conquering spanish and english colonies d encouraging the growth of permanent settlements e. discovering a new route to aasia
.
During the previous 30 years, the airline industry has experienced m.docxkanepbyrne80830
During the previous 30 years, the airline industry has experienced many mergers and bankruptcies.
For this discussion, provide at least one specific example of an operational change that occurred as the result on an airline merger or acquisition. Possible sources include
Securities and Exchange Commission (Links to an external site.)
filings, airline websites, biographies, NTSB reports, etc.
APA format applies to references and citations (Approximately 250 words)
.
During the semester you should record environmental events weather .docxkanepbyrne80830
During the semester you should record environmental events: weather events (heavy rain, drought, winds, freezes), earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, floods and coastal inundation, tsunami events (seismic waves), biodiversity issues and species extinctions, landslides, record icebergs, Antarctic ice-shelf disintegration, stratospheric ozone updates, air pollution occurrences, or other significant events related to the physical elements of the environment.
Your event log must include at least twelve events. Your log must include the date the event happened, the source from which you found the information, the type of event it is, and a brief paragraph about the event. Your list of events must be typed and put in chronological order.
You can use print media (newspapers, magazines, newsletters) or the internet as a source of information for learning about the latest occurrences. If you choose to use internet sources they
must
be legitimate news sources, not somebody’s blog.
The purpose of this exercise to show you how much of physical geography is actually occurring out there in the “real world”. Only record events that occurred this year – do not record events that happened in prior years.
Example
Date: September 24th
Source: Los Angeles Times
Event: Air Pollution
San Pedro is one of the busiest ports in the United States. Environmental justice activists are gaining influence, taking on the San Pedro Bay ports over contamination of the neighborhoods along transportation corridors. Soot and nitrogen oxides from ships, trains, and trucks are linked to asthma, cancer, and heart disease. Last year, 5,339 ships docked at the two ports. The new rules are forcing ships to switch to low-sulfur fuel within 24 miles of the coast and to plug into electrical outlets while they are docked. The ports pledge to cut pollution by 45% by 2012.
.
During the period 1350 to 1607, numerous changes in thought were occ.docxkanepbyrne80830
During the period 1350 to 1607, numerous changes in thought were occurring across Europe.
Your context should describe the philosophies that were most popular in Europe prior to 1350.
● Your thesis statement should provide a list of three new ways of thinking that developed between 1350
to 1607.
● The skill you are using is still causation , so you will be explaining how the new way of thinking caused a
change in Europe (or in places where Europeans were living and interacting).
● The end result of your essay will still be a five-paragraph essay.
● The final paragraph will still describe the effect that these new ways of thinking had on Europe.
.
During the mid 18th Century, English colonists appealed to the met.docxkanepbyrne80830
During the mid 18th Century, English colonists appealed to the metropole for redress of various grievances. In this essay, I want you to consider the ethics and civics of those seeking change (later known to us as the Patriots). Who were these Patriots? What methods did they use to further their goals through civic engagement? What ethical considerations did they take into account in seeking redress of their grievances? Did the new United States (under either the Articles or Constitution) address their grievances?
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During the 1930s, much of the world seemed to give up on their h.docxkanepbyrne80830
During the 1930s, much of the world seemed to give up on their hope for a democratic solution to their problems and instead turned to totalitarianism, both in Europe and in select and address
one
of the following:
Address one of the following
USSR/Stalin
Japan/Tojo
Address the following questions for your selection:
What effects did the history, politics, and economies of those areas play in their decisions to turn to totalitarianism?
What role did the Great Depression in the United States play in their plight?
include in-text citation and apa format
.
This is a presentation by Dada Robert in a Your Skill Boost masterclass organised by the Excellence Foundation for South Sudan (EFSS) on Saturday, the 25th and Sunday, the 26th of May 2024.
He discussed the concept of quality improvement, emphasizing its applicability to various aspects of life, including personal, project, and program improvements. He defined quality as doing the right thing at the right time in the right way to achieve the best possible results and discussed the concept of the "gap" between what we know and what we do, and how this gap represents the areas we need to improve. He explained the scientific approach to quality improvement, which involves systematic performance analysis, testing and learning, and implementing change ideas. He also highlighted the importance of client focus and a team approach to quality improvement.
How to Create Map Views in the Odoo 17 ERPCeline George
The map views are useful for providing a geographical representation of data. They allow users to visualize and analyze the data in a more intuitive manner.
The Art Pastor's Guide to Sabbath | Steve ThomasonSteve Thomason
What is the purpose of the Sabbath Law in the Torah. It is interesting to compare how the context of the law shifts from Exodus to Deuteronomy. Who gets to rest, and why?
Instructions for Submissions thorugh G- Classroom.pptxJheel Barad
This presentation provides a briefing on how to upload submissions and documents in Google Classroom. It was prepared as part of an orientation for new Sainik School in-service teacher trainees. As a training officer, my goal is to ensure that you are comfortable and proficient with this essential tool for managing assignments and fostering student engagement.
2024.06.01 Introducing a competency framework for languag learning materials ...Sandy Millin
http://sandymillin.wordpress.com/iateflwebinar2024
Published classroom materials form the basis of syllabuses, drive teacher professional development, and have a potentially huge influence on learners, teachers and education systems. All teachers also create their own materials, whether a few sentences on a blackboard, a highly-structured fully-realised online course, or anything in between. Despite this, the knowledge and skills needed to create effective language learning materials are rarely part of teacher training, and are mostly learnt by trial and error.
Knowledge and skills frameworks, generally called competency frameworks, for ELT teachers, trainers and managers have existed for a few years now. However, until I created one for my MA dissertation, there wasn’t one drawing together what we need to know and do to be able to effectively produce language learning materials.
This webinar will introduce you to my framework, highlighting the key competencies I identified from my research. It will also show how anybody involved in language teaching (any language, not just English!), teacher training, managing schools or developing language learning materials can benefit from using the framework.
Students, digital devices and success - Andreas Schleicher - 27 May 2024..pptxEduSkills OECD
Andreas Schleicher presents at the OECD webinar ‘Digital devices in schools: detrimental distraction or secret to success?’ on 27 May 2024. The presentation was based on findings from PISA 2022 results and the webinar helped launch the PISA in Focus ‘Managing screen time: How to protect and equip students against distraction’ https://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/education/managing-screen-time_7c225af4-en and the OECD Education Policy Perspective ‘Students, digital devices and success’ can be found here - https://oe.cd/il/5yV
Ethnobotany and Ethnopharmacology:
Ethnobotany in herbal drug evaluation,
Impact of Ethnobotany in traditional medicine,
New development in herbals,
Bio-prospecting tools for drug discovery,
Role of Ethnopharmacology in drug evaluation,
Reverse Pharmacology.
Basic phrases for greeting and assisting costumers
Drifting Along or Dropping into Homelessness A Class Analysis of .docx
1. Drifting Along or Dropping into Homelessness: A Class
Analysis of Responses to Homelessness
Darrin Hodgetts, Ottilie Stolte, Linda Waimarie Nikora and
Shiloh Groot School of Psychology, University of Waikato,
Hamilton, New Zealand; [email protected]
Abstract: Prominent assumptions about street homelessness and
how it should be addressed originate primarily from middle
class domiciled worldviews. This article draws on interviews
with 58 street homeless people to develop a typology for
explaining different forms of homelessness resulting from
differences in class of origin. The concepts of social distance
and abjection are used to illustrate how class politics manifests
in street homelessness and in responses to this issue. Many of
our homeless participants referred to two broad groupings of
homeless people who display distinct experiences and cultures
in their daily lives on the streets. Drifters are people who do not
experience homelessness as a sharp disjuncture from their
previously housed life. Street homelessness is a continuation of
the hardships of their lower class backgrounds. Droppers are
people
whohave“fallen”onhardtimesandaspiretoreturntomainstreammid
dleclasslifeworlds. Differentiating between these two groups
provides a space for defamiliarizing dominant understandings
of, and current generic responses to, homelessness and
foregrounds the need for reorienting services to better meet the
needs of drifters.
Keywords: abjection, class, domicile, homelessness, social
distance, social services
Introduction
Contemporaryurbanlandscapesfeaturethecohabitationofpeopleliv
inginpoverty and those situated within more affluent
circumstance (WHO 2010). This article draws upon a class
analysis to explore processes of social distancing (Hodgetts et
al 2011) and abjection (Douglas 2002 [1966]) that are central to
2. the policing of relations between social groups and for
preserving social order in the city. We offer an analysis of the
importance of class of origin for understanding differences
within the homeless population and the reactions of more
affluent domiciled citizens to homeless people. In the process
we reveal the functioning of social power relations in
understanding and responding to homelessness.
CentralAucklandisarelevantlocationforthisresearchbecauseitfeat
uresregularly in media framings of homelessness. When New
Zealanders think of homelessness they often think of the
Auckland central business district and images of begging on
Queen Street that have populated media reports for almost a
century, thus constituting part of our shared cultural heritage
(Hodgetts et al 2008). Within 3 km of the Sky Tower reside
affluent citizens in close proximity to lower socio-economic
statuscitizensexperiencingthehighestpopulationdensityandpovert
yindexscores
Antipode Vol. 44 No. 4 2012 ISSN 0066-4812, pp 1209–1226
doi: 10.1111/j.1467-8330.2011.00977.x C 2012 The Author.
Antipode C 2012 Antipode Foundation Ltd.
1210 Antipode
in New Zealand (Hodgetts and Stolte 2009). Walking around the
area one is likely to see street homeless people (Hodgetts et al
2010) and perhaps assume that they constitute a homogenous
group, the dispossessed. We would argue that there is a key
difference between members of this group that is overlooked in
research. First, there is a broad grouping of droppers, or middle
class people who have fallen on hard times and who must learn
to adapt to street life. Second, there are the drifters, or people
who are born and raised in poverty. Such people have the skills
to adapt relatively seamlessly to street life, but they are less
likely to comply with domiciled norms and laws. It is our
contention that responses to homelessness generally comprise
attempts to help the first group back into mainstream domiciled
life. These same responses also comprise attempts to acculturate
the second group into a mainstream middle class domiciled
3. existence that they find foreign. New Zealand has a history of
such attempts to assimilate marginalized groups, such as the
manner in which M ¯ aori were acculturated into domiciled
settler lifestyles to comply with colonial societal structures
(Beaglehole and Beaglehole 1975 [1946]). Urban geographers
have made useful observations regarding the increasing
divisions between enfranchised and disenfranchised groups, and
lower class populations ensconced in contemporary urban
landscapes (Cumbers, Helms and Swanson 2010; Sibley 1995).
As a structural feature of society, urban poverty involves groups
of people with fewer resources than other people and a history
of being rendered socially distant (Hodgetts et al 2008, 2011;
Mitchell and Heynen 2009; Wacquant 2008). References to such
group distinctions can be found in scholarly texts since the
inception of the social sciences. Terms used to invoke such
heterogeneous groups (who nonetheless defy easy classification)
include the “unsavable”, “undeserving”, “unhomed”, “deviant”,
“disruptive”, “poor” or “outcasts” (Mayhew 1861; Shubin 2011;
Veness 1993). The most impoverished of these groups conduct
their lives on the fringes of society outside of dominant systems
of employment, law and morality. In New Zealand, M¯aori are
overrepresented in this group and the related street homeless
population. Social scientists focus both on what is wrong with
“the poor” and what is wrong with social structures that lead to
entrenched poverty (cf Cresswell 1997a; Marcus
2005;Navarro2009).Inadditiontodocumentingtheinequalitiesface
dbyhomeless people and how these adversely affect them, we
need to reinvigorate class analyses to open up spaces for
alternative perspectives and solutions to the problems they face
(cf Navarro 2009). Geographers have called for increased class
analyses that
retainongoinginterestsinculture,genderandidentity(Strangleman2
008).Afterall, class “...rests not only on the material and labour
market position of individuals, households and communities,
but also on symbolic value and cultural practice, intertwining a
number of interpretations of class position and class
4. subjectivity” (Stenning 2008:10). This is important for
geography because class textures the landscapes of everyday
life and reproduces social inequities. Class is political, material,
emplaced and discursive, being entwined within struggles over
power, place and meaning. As Stenning (2008:11) writes, “We
can not dismiss class, nor can we shy away from the difficulties
of studying its complexities.” The proposition that middle and
lower class lifeworlds are distinct and caught in inequitable
relationships of power can be linked to neo-Weberian
understandings
C 2012 The Author. Antipode C 2012 Antipode Foundation
Ltd.
Drifting Along or Dropping into Homelessness 1211
of class that examine the complex interactions between
structure (which is primarily understood as habitus) and
outcomes for individuals (Bourdieu 1998). The divergence
between middle and lower class habitus reflects how individual
experiencesandpsychologicalfactorsgeneratevaryingopportunitie
swithinsocietal structures that lead people to street
homelessness. Our approach is one where class
isnotviewedasareifiedabstraction(Cumbers,HelmsandSwanson20
10),butasan ongoing process embedded in daily life where
poorer people can and do transgress the status quo. This article
reconnects the issue of homelessness with a class-based account
to reveal power struggles embedded within and shaping current
responses to homelessness. We adopt the broad term middle
class to refer to people who generally can command sufficient
resources to the extent that their participation in mainstream
society is largely taken for granted. We acknowledge the
diversity inherent in such a grouping. Nonetheless, we present
the argument that a broadly defined middle class habitus
provides the primary normative basis for defining, and finding
solutions to, homelessness (cf Shubin 2011; Veness 1993). This
results in responses that are more relevant to the repatriation of
people from middle class backgrounds to their former lifeworlds
and less effective in addressing the needs of the classes below
5. them.
Class, Social Distancing and Abjection in Shaping Responses to
Homelessness While acknowledging that classes are far from
homogenous entities, Lawler (2005) links a class analysis to
issues surrounding middle class taste and disgust towards
working class forms of existence. She notes the importance of
understanding classbased assumptions and their implications for
other groups. Lawler refers to Orwell’s (1975 [1937]:112)
proposition that middle class disgust towards working class
people in the West is captured by four words “The lower classes
smell”. As Orwell observed, the middle classes define
themselves through their perceived difference and distance from
lower class people in terms of appearance, taste and behaviour.
Middle class worldviews tend to delegitimate lifestyles
associated with lower class lifeworlds, rendering“thepoor”
strangeanddistant(cfShubin2011; Veness1993). Hodgetts and
colleagues (2011) explored such issues in terms of domiciled
peoples’ perceptions of social distance and estrangement from
homeless people. Social
distancingestablishesrelationshipsbetweendomiciledandhomeles
sgroupsalonga
continuumwithfamiliarity(nearness,intimacy)atoneendandunfami
liarity(farness,
difference)attheotherend.TheconceptderivesfromSimmel’s(1921[
1908])work on“thestranger”; anideal typeof individual
orgroupthatisdistancedsocially from others, being only partially
members of society, and who often transgress social
conventions. The stranger embodies social distance and
revulsion when in close proximity to members of middle class,
domiciled society. In geography, considerable attention has
been given to the regulation of public spaces and displacement
of strangers who are deemed to be “dirty”, “disruptive” and “out
of place” (Cresswell 1996, 1997a; Mitchell and Heynen 2009;
Sibley 1995). In her seminal work on Purity and Danger,
Douglas (2002 [1966]:2) asserts that the removal of tainted
bodies is not just about the fear of filth, contagion
6. C 2012 The Author. Antipode C 2012 Antipode Foundation
Ltd.
1212 Antipode
and disease: “There is no such thing as absolute dirt: it exists in
the eye of the beholder...Dirt offends against order. Eliminating
it is not a negative movement, but a positive effort to organise
the environment”. Kristeva (1982:4) reiterates this point when
she writes, “It is thus not lack of cleanliness or health that
causes abjection but what disturbs identity, system, order. What
does not respect borders, positions, rules.” Dirt is in many
respects both material and discursive. For instance, Douglas
writes: “...if uncleanness is matter out of place, we must
approach it through order. Uncleanness or dirt is that which
must not be included if a pattern is to be maintained” (2002
[1966]:40). Being deemed unclean and out of place is associated
with social embarrassment and sanctions including ostracism,
contempt, fumigating, displacing, erasing and the re-imposition
of the social order (Douglas 2002 [1966]:40). Homeless bodies
are considered dirty, regulated, separated off, tidied up and
purified because, as polluters, they have come to be seen as
defective and to signify a lack of compliance with social norms
and regulations of decency (Hodgetts et al 2008, 2010). To
understand the broader processes at play in this estrangement of
homeless people we must be “...prepared to see in the body a
symbol of society, and to see the powers and dangers credited to
social structure reproduced in small on the human body”
(Douglas 2002 [1966]:115). We propose that such abjects are
the “unsavable outcasts” referred to by Mayhew (1861) who
threaten social order by living alternative and non-compliant
existences (Shubin 2011). The association of groups of
economically and socially marginalized people, such as “the
homeless”, with filth is not new. Working-class neighbourhoods
and slums have historically been seen as dirty and disease
ridden, with both physical and social sanitation a major concern
for nineteenth-century cities and urban environments (Cresswell
1997b; Mayhew 1861). Research into the social and cultural
7. history of nineteenth century New Zealand explores the role of
the subject of dirt in colonial
viewsofpublichealth,sanitationandmunicipalgovernanceinsettlers
ociety(Wood 2006). Similarly, Anderson’s (1995) study of
Filipino bodies as described in early twentieth century
American public health literature reveals a disturbing obsession
with the excretory practices of the colonial population, and how
a lack of sanitation was reflective of Filipinos as uncultured,
childish and animalistic beings. Moreover, in the present,
homeless people are also often viewed as lesser beings whose
bodies pollute and defile mainstream spaces, and thus they need
to be quarantined. The dirt and deviancy of particular urban
spaces, such as public toilets, sidewalks and
derelictbuildings,canalso“ruboff”orcontaminatehomelesspersons
whofrequent these settings. In these contexts, domiciled citizens
often avoid or react negatively to homeless people as un-
sanitized souls (Hodgetts et al 2008, 2010). Clearly, not all
domiciled reactions to street homelessness are purely punitive
(DeVerteuil, May and von Mahs 2009). Exclusionary practices
are often combined with efforts to improve the quality of life
for homeless people. Resources allocated towards assisting
homeless people are usually derived from a mix of sympathetic
responses to alleviate hardship and a perceived need to preserve
order, aesthetics and social norms in shared urban spaces
(Laurenson and Collins 2007). Domiciled
institutionsandgroupshaveconflictedresponsestotheplightof“thedi
spossessed” (Sibley 1981), who are pitied and vilified, embraced
and pushed away. Responses
C 2012 The Author. Antipode C 2012 Antipode Foundation
Ltd.
Drifting Along or Dropping into Homelessness 1213
to people in need vary according to the prescribed status of the
target person as “deserving” (savable) or “undeserving”
(unsavable) poor (Song 2006; Takahashi 1996). We contend that
such varied responses often reflect the class of origin of the
people involved. The lower classes are considered more deviant,
8. disruptive, distant, strange and dirty.
The Present Study This article challenges the assumed universal
applicability of domiciled, middle class assumptions regarding
the meanings of home and the status of people as a basis for
understanding and responding to homelessness. Such
questioning arises from our observation that services to assist
homeless people can have limited success for the majority of
long-term homeless people from lower class backgrounds.
Despite the best intentions to provide homeless people with
shelter and support, most homelessness persists not because of a
scarcity of resources, but as consequence of “a decidedly non-
pluralistic political organization of space” (Feldman 2006:22).
While keeping the everyday reality of adversity associated with
homelessness in mind, our class analysis is structured according
to two archetypes based on the lifeworld origins of rough
sleepers. At one end of our continuum are drifters who
driftalonginoverlappinglowerclassandhomelesslifeworlds.Suchh
omelesspeople have ended up on the streets as a progression of
an impoverished life course, and lack the habitus for sustained
domiciled existence. At the other end, there are droppers who
tend to drop into homelessness, usually as a result of traumatic
life events, and who often return relatively quickly to domiciled
life when rehoused and reintegrated. It is often easier to give
such homeless people a “hand-up” given that they are looking to
return to domiciled living and have the habitus to function in
mainstream society. Classification has its risks as it assumes
that people can be grouped and ordered into discrete and
dualistic categories (Sedgwick 2001). We recognise the
limitations
ofthislogicandmaintainahealthyscepticismwhilstwesuggestthatdi
fferentclasses are in effect markers on a continuum. From such
a stance, a dualistic approach can function as a “discriminating
grid” to communicate complex information (Ingold 1996). A
similar approach is evident in the seminal work of Snow and
Anderson (1993). These authors observed that the diversity of
homeless people and their situations can “at first glance” make
9. “the homeless” appear like “a highly heterogeneous
aggregation” (1993:38). Nonetheless, Snow and Anderson were
drawn to using an interpretative framework that involved two
overarching categorizations of homeless people as being either
“the recently dislocated” or “the outsiders”. The first group
cross both homeless and housed lifeworlds. Accordingly, when
“the recently dislocated” first become homeless they “are
understandably frightened by the stark and strange new world
they have entered” (1993:46). This experience is in contrast to
the second group, “the outsiders” who have been on the streets
for longer and, therefore, have become thoroughly integrated
into homeless streetcultures. Here, SnowandAnderson
identifyhomeless streetcultures as a distinct lifeworld that is
strange and different to a domiciled lifeworld, but one that over
time threatens to envelop newly homeless people. Such
homelessness
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1214 Antipode
can be a marked disjuncture in an otherwise middle-class
lifeworld. Consequently, “the recently dislocated” are
individuals who experience a fall from grace into an “in-
between” state in that they are dislodged from domiciled life,
but they are also out of place on the streets. The distinctions
between the two groups living on the streets, as identified by
Snow and Anderson (1993), may be only in part due to the
length of time spent
sleepingroughand/orthedegreetowhichapersonadaptstoahomeless
subculture as a way of life. Poverty, social distancing and
abjection result in some groups of lower class people becoming
“outsiders” long before they become rough sleepers. They come
from social spaces replete with hardship and social exclusion,
and where the middle class notions of home as a private haven
seldom apply (cf Mallet 2004; Shubin 2011). In a figurative
sense, drifters can be “homeless” well before they become
houseless. Adjusting to street life is arguably a less daunting
10. prospect for people who have grown up in poverty, and have
learnt skills for surviving in adverse
physicalandsocialspaces.Suchindividualsoftenknowwhattodoinst
inctivelywhen moving from insecure and deprived households
and onto the streets. Although we
focusonprocessesofabjectionandthetexturinginfluenceofmiddlecl
assdomiciled assumptions on homeless people, we do not deny
the agency of, and defensive strategies employed by, homeless
people. This article presents a strand from our ongoing
investigation of material, spatial and relational contexts of
homelessness, which features human agency and resilience
(Hodgetts et al 2008, 2010). The project engages with homeless
people recruited from the Auckland City Mission—located
opposite the Sky Tower—where staff facilitate our access to
participants and enable us to conduct the study in a manner
sensitive to the needs of the participants involved. The 58
research participants have all had at least one in-depth
interview, with 36 also completing photo-elicitation exercises
and 12 participants engaging in further longitudinal research
over a 2-year period. We also conducted 26 interviews with
domiciled people who have regular contact with homeless
people, such as librarians, security guards, street cleaners and
social workers. This ethnographically oriented study reflects
Simmel’s (1997 [1903]) approach of focusing on everyday
events and experiences in order to understand the broader
patterning of society. According to this approach, local events
reflect ongoing societal processes that have significance beyond
specific moments.
Drifting from Lower Class Lifeworlds into Street Life Of our 58
participants, 48 were from lower class backgrounds. Many
experienced abuse as children, often whilst in state care or
foster homes, and they struggle with mental health and/or
substance misuse issues (O’Connell 2003; Tois 2005). These
individuals have been disconnected from mainstream domiciled
(read middle class) society for all of their lives. For such
individuals homelessness does not represent much of a
11. disjuncture from their lifeworlds, which have already been
shaped by poverty, disadvantage and marginalization. Having
less to lose at the outset, these individuals experience
homelessness as simply yet more hardship. They drift, rather
than experience a sharp drop, into homelessness. Furthermore,
such participants
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Drifting Along or Dropping into Homelessness 1215
also differentiated themselves from droppers. For example,
Nick, 41 years old, has been either on the streets, in gangs or in
prison since the age of 9. He refers to there being different
types of streeties, and that one group stays on the streets while
the other group drops in and then leaves: You get to know the
difference between the streeties...A lot of people come and go
from it. You get a lot of what we call like the middle class
fallers—bad relationship whatever; sell everything and are
drugging up and, a couple of months then they’re gone. Jacqui,
30 years old, first became homeless when she was 11. Sexual
and physical abuse is common in her extended family and many
of her relations have ended up living on the streets (Groot et al
2011). Jacqui has largely accepted her life on the streets and has
strong relationships with her “street family”. When asked if she
ever felt unsafe being on the streets she replied “I’ve been here
most of my life. It’s just normal. Everything’s all good...It’s
pretty easy, street life.” Jacqui did not voice aspirations for
getting off the streets or changing her lifestyle. Her account
presents a familiar pattern in the stories of homeless woman and
men for whom the streets provide an “escape” from
dysfunctional relationships (Radley, Hodgetts and Cullen 2006).
When Jacqui’s aunt, Ari¯a (52 years old), was asked why so
many of her extended family were sleeping rough she explained
how they had all run away from home at a young age. Ari¯a
tells us: We all went through the same thing in our families.
You get taught to look after your siblings. You’re old before
your time, and you don’t stay at school long...The parents,
12. uncles, aunties alike interfering with you, and then expecting
you to shut up and hide things. And then they go to church, and
you’re sitting in church and wondering why are they doing that
and the very next day they go and do the same...You see all
that, aye. It sticks in here and it hurts. We suffer through it, day
in and day out. Not all homeless people from lower class
backgrounds have fled to the streets because of abuse.
Nonetheless, such accounts illustrate that family abuse is
complicated by a context of poverty, which is a double burden
for children growing up in such settings. In these cases the
streets can offer a preferred alternative. Once on the streets,
private lives and activities are conducted in public and this
contributes to the further estrangement and abjectification of
such individuals. Clinton, a 45-year-old homeless man, talked
about how one night he had food poisoning, which is a common
occurrence amongst rough sleepers who often eat food that has
been discarded. He presents an extreme situation in which a
homeless person must conduct private practices of health care
and sanitation in public (Mitchell 2003). Not only is Clinton
homeless, he is also literally fouling public space through no
choice of his own: It had been in the middle of the night, both
ends going—terrible! It was so bad I actually couldn’t walk. So
it was like something feral, I had to get under a tree. I went
through all my trousers. It just made you think “a toilet, a
bathroom!” And, I couldn’t actually get to a toilet without
messing myself. So it was a very violent tummy bug until two
o’clock in the afternoon. That’s no fun, lying under that tree,
cursing myself that a security guard comes along or the police.
They’re not going to be interested in the fact that I’m sick.
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1216 Antipode
I’m going to be in real trouble. I’m just some weirdo guy who’s
messed himself lying under a tree. And, there’s something weird
here, you can’t say, “Hey I am homeless but normally I can look
after myself. Right now I’m really sick and I can’t get to the
13. toilet.” They’re just going to go, “What?!” It’s kind of funny
really. Domiciled people are generally disturbed by seeing
homeless people carry out “domestic” practices in public spaces
(Katz 1997). Such abject bodies comprise a depressing and
distasteful reminder of urban decay and do not fit with middle
class visions of aesthetics and safety. Most of us would be
disturbed by the sight of a homeless person defecating in a park
(Herbert and Beckett 2010), albeit for different reasons. While
public defecation is offensive, the real issue here is not an
instance of transgressive behaviour, rather it is the fact that
police (and security guards) are the primary agents charged with
reducing the “symptoms of economic, social and physical
distress” (Herbert and Beckett 2010:242). Agents of the state
moved Clinton on in an effort to cleanse the park. Clinton’s bad
case of diarrhoea disrupted his more typical day-to-day efforts
to blend in and avoid offending domiciled citizens. In this
situation, however, Clinton was rendered socially distant given
he was fouling public space and sensibilities. Alongside such
unplanned occurrences which invoke distancing responses from
housed people, homeless people can also present themselves as
socially distant outsiders. Shaun, 44 years old, states: Most
Government departments, when you are a homeless person,
prefer to treat you as a non-entity, okay? You’re a nobody. One,
because you’re not paying tax; Two, you’re not inside the
boundaries of what “society is deemed to be” and you’re not
compliant. They just don’t get us. They don’t have time for it.
This extract reflects a homeless person’s realization that the
worldviews of housed and homeless are poles apart, and that
domiciled institutions struggle to comprehend street life and
those people who embrace this lifeworld. Joshua, 45 years old,
has also spent most of his life incarcerated in various
correctional facilities. “I got taken off my family. I was born in
1961, and I got taken off my family in 1970. Then, from there I
went to Borstal and straight onto
prison”.Joshuahasbeenthroughalcoholanddrugtreatmentprogram
mes24times. While these programmes ensure Joshua becomes
14. sober from time to time, they do nothing to change the realities
of his lower class lifeworld. Each time he has been rehoused
after exiting a detox facility, Joshua returns to the streets
because he is at home there, it is familiar, he knows what to do,
has the skills to do it and friends to do it with. He finds his
post-detox housed world “strange” and he is “not at home
there”. Although, Joshua’s life on the streets is damaging for
his physical health, it is
clearthatlifeonthestreetsismoreconduciveforJoshua’semotionalhe
alththrough his socializing and home-making activities in public
spaces: When all the boys get in and have barbeques...We go to
Foodtown [supermarket] and go through the bins. It’s a daily
thing for a lot of streeties; they hit the bins...You got heaps of
people sitting around and it’s brilliant. And then you get
everyone having spewing competitions to see who can spew the
furtherest! It’s fun aye, it really is. We are presented here with
an insight into Joshua’s social world and references to
theactivitiesthatdefinethestreetsasahomeforhomelesspeople.Thes
cenedepicts
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Drifting Along or Dropping into Homelessness 1217
socializing and bonding through food, drink and shared
endeavour is painted from a homeless man’s perspective, which
deviates from public perception that sees
drinkingasanegativeanddisruptiveactivityengagedinby“lonelyold
tramps”.For Joshua, drinking is a positive activity through
which group solidarity and reciprocal relationships are
cultivated (Hodgetts, Cullen and Radley 2006). Our participants
talked at length about typical daily interactions with domiciled
people where they felt they were judged and treated as tainted
individuals who were messing up the place. They recounted
passers-by, often noticing them on the sidewalk with disdain.
They regularly experienced being dehumanized as abjects to be
avoided. This situation is exacerbated by the fact that homeless
people generally lack access to the private spaces of domestic
15. settings. By conducting much of their private lives in the open,
they are often considered to be defiling public space and
transgressing domiciled-based norms (Hodgetts et al 2008). In
the process, participants spoke overtly about feeling like non-
human scum. For example, a life trajectory of chaotic, marginal
and unsafe housing (cf Robinson, 2005) manifests for Daniel
(45 years old) in feelings of displacement, failure and self
disgust. Daniel’s account reflects contextual information that is
rarely considered when domiciled people come across a drunk
who is messing up the street: I went to the streets originally
because I kept on getting raped and abused. Drinking alcohol
takes the pain away...I don’t feel like a person sometimes. I
don’t know what I feel most of the time, ashamed of being
where I am now. It’s a feeling of disgust I suppose...I’ve had
my times when I’ve been suicidal. When you’re sitting on a
piece of cardboard in a sleeping bag, Bourbon in your hand and
the tears are pouring out...The emotional strain and stress of
doing what I’m doing everyday is getting to me... Self-loathing
and shame are associated with the positioning of self as abject.
Daniel’s profound sense of self-disgust reflects the threat for
homeless people of losing themselves to street life (Hodgetts,
Hodgetts and Radley 2006; Radley, Hodgetts and Cullen 2006).
Things are made worse for Daniel and others through forced
displacement and a lack of privacy: “We might be homeless, but
we deserve our privacy.” Going to the bathroom, sleeping and
drinking are all “acceptable” behaviours when done in private,
but are domestic practices deemed “unacceptable” when
performed in public (Mitchell 2003). This inevitably leads
Daniel into contact with authorities and the regulation of public
spaces (Mitchell and Heynen 2009). Examples of conflict
between homeless people and domiciled people suggest a
common rejection of the ambiguity home(less) people present.
Daniel discusses a particular sleeping spot that the council kept
moving them on from by repairing the fence to impede access to
the space: The council just keeps repairing it...There’s no law
that says you can’t sleep out, but where you sleep is another
16. thing! So they can trespass you from that area...The police, they
say you can only drink alcohol at home or a pub. Well, the
street is our home! If we’re sitting on the street drinking that’s
because we’re at home. Homeless people struggle to maintain a
sense of place and privacy in public. Trespass laws seek to
close off many of the small spaces of the city that make survival
for homeless people possible (Mitchell and Heynen 2009).
Policy strategies
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1218 Antipode
can constrict the ability of homeless people to inhabit and make
a life in the city, or to maintain personal hygiene and self-
respect. Daniel’s efforts to make a home on the streets comprise
tactics for survival that break the rules of such public places in
thatoneisnotsupposedtomakeahomeordwellhere(deCerteau1984).
However, Daniel also works to clean up his space so that he
might be able to dwell there in the future and avoid being
abjectified. This constitutes a compromise with middle class
assumptions and resistance to him being estranged and
abjectified. Daniel’s efforts reflect subservience to the
contestation over the mutual constitution of place and class
(Stenning 2008). It is perhaps not surprising that some homeless
people come to resent and resist middle class culture, and/or
“opt out” to instead participate in the shadowy subcultures that
vie for space in the city. Many participants take a defiant and
assertive stance emphasizing the rights of homeless people to
dwell and engage in “typical” domestic practices in public.
Several participants reported being confrontational with
authorities who attempted to regulate their activities, such as
street home-making, parties and begging. In relation to begging,
Joshua defends his lifestyle and place in prime public spaces:
This security guard is a busker’s fucking nightmare. In thirty
minutes he came back and I’d moved one store down. He goes,
“I gave you a warning,” and I said, “Read that warning mate, on
the shop was I outside of.” He read it and he goes, “You cheeky
17. prick!” So he couldn’t do anything ‘cos you’re allowed to busk
legally outside any shop, as long as you’ve asked the shop
keeper, for thirty minutes and then you must move on. Homeless
people frequently come to the attention of the police due to
drinking and illegitimate income-procuring activities. It is in
instances such as the one Joshua describes that homeless people
come face to face with the regulation of society that
theyarenotfullyengagedwithorhaveoptedoutof,butwhichinfluence
stheirlives (Mitchell 2003). We see how class struggles have
become manifest in new forms of segregation and policing in
urban spaces. The accounts above invoke the ways in which
drifters experience and resist attempts to delegitimize and
regulate their lifestyles (cf Shubin 2011). Central here is that
the views of one class of people have consequences for others.
In this case the lifeworlds of homeless people from lower
classbackgroundscanbecomeinvalidatedbecausethesetransgressth
eassumptions
regardinghomeandtheappropriateuseofspaceheldbymanymiddlecl
asspeople. Veness (1993) questions the use of the term
“homeless” as it is often constructed
fromadomiciledperspectivetobeassociatedwithalackofadomesticd
wellingand to refer to the “unhomed”. To conduct domestic
practices in public is to transgress mainstream understandings
of home. The movement and contestation in relation to
assumptions of home and homelessness (Veness 1993) reflects a
politics of space associated with class and housed status.
Dropping out of Middle Class Domciled Existence and into
Street Life A key strategy employed by people at risk of
estrangement and abjection is to conform to dominant moralities
and expectations in order to be reintegrated into
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Drifting Along or Dropping into Homelessness 1219
society (cf Douglas 2002 [1966]). We propose that such
strategies are more feasible for droppers than drifters. People
who drop into homelessness retain vestiges of middle class
18. habitus, which facilitates their attempts to seek help from
domiciled people and to secure pathways out of homelessness.
As we will argue later in this
article,researchersandserviceprovidersaremoreequippedtounders
tandmembers of this group as their life experiences are more
“recognizable”. These people are more likely to receive public
sympathy and support because they possess the social skills and
traits that make them seem more like members of the “domiciled
public”. Reintegration into domiciled life means receiving the
supports they need to return to a familiar domiciled place.
Luke,49yearsold,exemplifiesthedropperscategoryofhomelesspers
on.Formally a health professional, Luke explains what led to
him ending up on the streets: I’ve had depression building up
throughout my life and in the mid 90s it came to a head when
the two closest people to me died on the same day, an hour
apart. My grandmother, who was the only relative I was close to
(I’m totally alienated from the rest of my family) and my ex-
lover. And it totally enveloped me—the depression...I stopped
showering, going out, and eventually I couldn’t stay where I
was as I was given notice. But, I couldn’t really move anywhere
as the housing was pretty dreadful for someone in my situation.
Luke’s world started to unravel following the deaths of two
significant people. Luke
stillengagesinmiddleclassactivities(writingpoetryandreading)whi
lehidingaway from other street people with a view to returning
home to a domestic lifeworld. He presents the public library as
a place to be safe, to engage in conversations and to provide an
escape from a life predominantly lived alone in marginal spaces
on the streets. Continued visits to the library and engaging in
academic pursuits provided continuity between his domiciled
and homeless existence: Not only because I’ve been a constant
reader and studier throughout my life, but also because I know
about four or five people who work in the library. I always have
someone to chat with...I gave myself a personal meaning, a
social significance, a personal value by not allowing my
situation to dominate my desire to carry on certain areas of my
19. life unchanged. Like my constant desire to learn, and to
research and to communicate. They were intrinsic to my core
nature. And a lot of homeless people run the risk of losing that
core. Despite homeless people frequently being characterized as
being out-of-place,
nonpersons(Feldman2006;Mitchell2003;Sibley1995;Whiteford2
008),somecanand
doexperiencepositiveinteractionswithmembersofthepublic(Hodg
ettsetal2008, 2010). Luke invokes the library as a site for the
maintenance of self through simple activities such as chatting.
His comments raise the importance of relationships with library
staff in supporting a sense of belonging, respite and refuge
among homeless men (Hodgetts et al 2008). This identity work
reflects how middle class homeless people attempt to hold onto
core aspects of their being despite the adversity of street life
and the potential to lose oneself to the street. The variations in
approaches to street life between drifters and droppers provide
additional illustrations of the different lifeworlds and habitus of
these groups. In a study of homelessness and social distance
(Hodgetts et al 2011), Luke was referred
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1220 Antipode
to by a housed participant (Sue). In her interview, Sue (41 years
old) talked about
thesocialclosenessshefelttoLuke,asamiddleclasshomelessmanwh
osleptinthe doorway at the bottom of her building and who she
described as her neighbour. Luke was juxtaposed in the
woman’s account with Joshua (see previous section) and others,
for whom she felt increased social distance because they were
not good neighbours because they failed to observe mainstream
social norms. Joshua and his mates drank and slept in a park
across the road and made a “disgusting” mess of the place.
Droppers were at pains to differentiate themselves from drifters
and to align themselves with mainstream domiciled society. For
example, Brett, 44 years old, first became homeless in Auckland
20. in 2001 as a result of a relationship breakup, a failed business
and addiction to drugs and alcohol. Brett is mostly a loner on
the
streetsandkeepsadistancefromother“streeties”.Brettworkshardto“
fitin”asjust another “normal person” so he is not noticed as
being homeless. Brett’s account also invokes the idea that there
are different classes of homeless people and how one group of
homeless people lacks the skills and education needed to
operate in society, which means they will most likely remain
homeless. He tells us: I’ve always been pretty much a loner on
the streets. That’s why I go to pubs and clubs to be around
[housed] people. I like to keep clean and tidy. Just because you
live on the streets doesn’t mean you have to be a bum! I don’t
beg. I find that too demoralizing. I try to avoid them [streeties]
as much as possible. I don’t like it cos it’s not the way I ever
lived. I didn’t start living on the streets till I was 39. So it was a
totally different world for me, but I’m a survivor I can adapt to
whatever world I’m living in. In one way I suppose I’m lucky
because I wouldn’t class myself as stupid or ignorant. That’s
why with the library and things like reading that keeps my brain
busy. It’s an escape and with being educated and having
manners and things like that means it’s a lot easier to adapt and
socialize with normal people I guess. For a lot of other lower
class street people they can’t do that. They don’t have the
education or the skills to be able to do that. No, they can’t move
into other worlds, which is why in some ways they’re stuck
here. Droppers share and comply with the domiciled definition
of homelessness while drifters tend not to do so. Drifters work
to make a home on the streets whereas droppers simply seek to
survive, whilst desiring a shift back to the domiciled life. Such
distinctions between lower and middle class participants remain
over time in terms of the difference in their desire for a middle
class domiciled existence. However, such desires can be eroded
the longer middle class people remain on the streets (Snow and
Anderson 1993). Along our continuum, Richard stood out as a
participant who grew up in a middle class family. While
21. Richard had a middle class start in life, as a teenager his
behaviour was considered too disruptive for his school and
home environment. As a common feature in youth homelessness
among the middle classes (Kidd and Davidson 2007), coming
from an affluent background meant his parents could afford
visits to a psychiatrist. Richard has not established a “normal”
middle class adult existence due to his drug use. Instead, he has
circulated between insecure or temporary lodgings, prison,
psychiatric institutions, rehabilitation centres and the streets.
Despite the 25 years of living an itinerant lifestyle, Richard
says:
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Drifting Along or Dropping into Homelessness 1221
I don’t prefer being on the street. I hate it, really hate it! The
main reason I think why I am homeless is because I spent quite
a few years in treatment centres. And it’s become apparent to
me that I’m institutionalized. I function well in a structure like
a rehab treatment centre or in prison. When I’m left to my own
devices it gets progressively worse. Richard’s disrupting life
event is drug addiction, but without the drugs Richard would be
functional in a mainstream lifeworld. The way Richard talks
about his lack of material wealth at his age is reflective of
middle class norms and values to which he aspires: My life, the
fact that I’m 45-years-old, I don’t own my own house. I don’t
even rent a house. I don’t have a car. I don’t have a girlfriend. I
have little self respect and or respect from others, several teeth
missing. I don’t have a dental plate. And yet, I come from a
family of high achievers and I was an intelligent person and so
the shame of that. Richard’s account reveals shame about the
contrast between his current lifestyle and his middle class
background. In reflecting on his life, Richard believes that he
has let everyone down beginning with his school teachers and
his parents. At times like this, Richard reveals that he still feels
“out of place” in his current homeless lifeworld—even though
he has been there for a long time. Begging or car-window
22. washing are common activities amongst many homeless people.
However, Richard views such activities as “beneath him”. In
contrast, drifters did not list material aspirations such as a car
or indeed the possibility of dental care. Their sense of self was
not at all connected to whether or not they had material wealth,
and home
ownershipwasacompletelyalienaspirationforthem.Eventhougham
ajorityofour participants had abysmal dental health, a lack of
access to dental care was simply considered a “fact of life”.
Implications for Understanding Homelessness and Responses
Classness is emplaced in the everyday actions of homeless
people. Our research shows a relatively clear delineation in
terms of class of origin as one of the key
elementsinunderstandinghomelessness.Middleclassparticipantss
pokeoftraumas such as bereavement, injury, mental health and
job loss, which are more likely to endear them as deserving
homeless people. They have fallen on hard times, seem less
strange or distant and can be helped back into the familiar fold.
People from the lower classes, however, tend to experience
homelessness as an unremarkable part of a cycle of poverty and
disadvantage that marks their lives, rather than experiencing a
fall. Although the pathway back to domiciled life is frequently
difficult even for middle class people, there is no pre-existing
path to follow to a mainstream lifeworld for the lower classes.
We propose that when services fail for the lower classes it is
often due in part to misunderstandings and disconnections
betweenmiddleandlowerclasslifeworlds.Thepathwayoutofhomele
ssnessusually involves adjusting to domiciled situations that
comprise an unfamiliar domain. Processes of abjection and
estrangement become central to the disciplining of this group.
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1222 Antipode
Missingfrommuchofthewritingonabjectionaretheexperiencesandr
eactionsof the abject. How do homeless people respond to the
ways in which others construct them as filthy beings to be
23. avoided and displaced? In response to the threats of abjection
there are clear trends of response that differ between our two
groups.
Driftersattempttoclaimaspaceonthestreetsfromwhichtowranglewi
thpoliceand manipulate the rules. Droppers try to comply and
hide away out of sight while they await rescue. In exploring
such accounts we move beyond abstract theorizing and the
tendency in psychoanalytic theories on abjection (Kristeva
1982) to universalize human experience. Ours is a shift towards
recognizing human agency in the ways people conduct their
lives as subjects of abjectification. We nonetheless retain the
centralrelationalorientationtotheorizingabjection(Berressem2007
;Douglas2002 [1966]; Kristeva 1982) in the argument that
middle class domiciled groups can markthebodiesof lower
classes as disgustingandfilthy. Suchdistinctions ofdisgust
function to warrant the cleansing of homeless people from the
urban landscape to maintain respectability of place. Central here
are processes of social difference and distance between classes
of people (Hodgetts et al 2011). Homeless bodies are
“...somethingrejectedfromwhichonedoesnotpart”(Kristeva1982:4
).Theabject lies “quite close” as something intolerable and
dreaded that is not constrained by
expectedaestheticandmoralstandards.Abjectioninvolvesacomplex
andcontested process, whereby the “abject” as stranger remains
in society as a sign of difference and repulsion. How
homelessness is understood and reflected on by domiciled
middle class people has implications for the extent and shape of
services provided to assist homeless people and the rationales
behind such interventions (Song 2006; Takahashi 1996).
Understanding the diverse situations of homeless people is
helpful (DeVerteuil, May and von Mahs 2009), but it is also
important to realise that there are distinct patterns such as that
suggested by the framework in this paper. While many service
providers acknowledge the diversity of homeless people, the
broader political and administrative programmes for addressing
homelessness are usually more limited. In general, policy
24. prescriptions tend to focus on simply providing rudimentary
housing (often low quality and/or temporary), and operate from
the
presumptionthathomelesspeoplewill(somehow)adapttoadomicile
dmainstream lifeworld with relatively little preparation and few
supports (Busch-Geertsma 2005). Nonetheless, at the coal face
most helping agencies not only deal with immediate survivalist
needs of their clients, but also the issues, hardships and
complications that pre-date their clients’ homeless situations.
MacLeod (2002) noted that the voluntary and community sector
is increasingly holding a primary role in providing care for
homeless people and those adversely affected by welfare and
housing reforms. Community agencies must do this work with
limited funding and under considerable bureaucratic constraints
and public scrutiny. It can be more difficult for agencies to
provide services to assist drifters because to
recognizetheirneeds(oreventheexistenceofsuchacategoryofhomel
esspeople), is to raise the prospect of the lower classes and
poverty as political issues (cf Navarro
2009).Thescopeforsuchconsiderationstendstobecircumventedinc
urrentpublic discussions in favour of an individualized view of
the rational and self-responsible citizen who can pull
themselves up by the bootstraps. Given the predominance
C 2012 The Author. Antipode C 2012 Antipode Foundation
Ltd.
Drifting Along or Dropping into Homelessness 1223
of public discourses about self-responsibility (Ravenhill 2008),
agency workers and donors may experience impatience with
homeless people who can be perceived to be making too little
effort “to help themselves”. Thus, the supports and services
available to homeless people can be fickle, and particular
homeless individuals can “exhaust” goodwill if they are not
seen to improve their situation at some point. The spirit of
services attempting to assist “those less fortunate” is not in
question. However, we concur with Hoffman and Coffey’s
observation of the “audit culture” affecting homeless services
25. with its emphasis on “numbers served” rather than “how they
are served” (2008:208). Beyond the inconstant resources
derived from charitable donations, community-based services
are under increasing pressure to demonstrate that they can
“solve” homelessness and deliver successful outcomes in order
to maintain local or central government funding. The trend
towards linking funding to narrow measures of outcomes, such
as homeless street counts or the
throughputofsuccessfullyrehousedhomelessindividuals,isproble
matic(O’Connell 2003; Stolte 2006). This situation risks the
dilemma of “inverse care” (cf Hart 1971).
Inotherwords,homelesspeoplewiththefewestchallengesintheirlive
sareassisted first, as they are the most likely to be rehoused and
reintegrated with the least amount of time, effort and resources.
Meanwhile homeless people who “fail” to respond positively or
promptly to services to rehouse and reintegrate them risk being
overlooked or treated with disdain. They become relegated to
the very end of the social assistance queue. Yet, this group,
which usually constitutes the lower classes, are the most in need
of support, as their transition to mainstream society is
aschallengingasimmigratingtoaforeigncountry.Thereluctancetoas
sistthemost entrenched homeless people with the most complex
life situations (the drifters) may be born out of administrative
demands, but it also aligns with more conservative views of
homeless people as failing to respond and lacking the initiative
to “help themselves”. Consequently, the hegemony of a middle
class habitus can lead to a further dis-functionality between
various welfare agencies and clients, and the further structural
disadvantage of drifters.
Briefly,effortstoassisthomelesspeoplearelikelytobelimited,eveni
nappropriate, if there are few attempts to acknowledge realities
beyond mainstream middle class assumptions and worldviews.
A failure to acknowledge other lifeworlds means that services
for homeless people are tailored to people who are generally
comfortable with mainstream and middle class norms and
values, even if they have temporarily transgressed these by
26. sleeping rough. Such status quo services are designed to assist
fallen mainstream citizens and to assimilate lower class
individuals. There is a need to recognise that the situations of
homeless people from the lower classes appear quite distinct
and require different approaches that take non-mainstream
lifeworlds into account. Being critical of the application of
middle class assumptions onto homeless people creates a
dilemma for us. Although we seek to legitimate the everyday
cultures of our participants, we also acknowledge that street life
comes at a considerable cost to their wellbeing (Hodgetts,
Chamberlain and Radley 2007). Homeless people can survive
and may in some cases thrive more viably when on the streets.
What we wish to do is open up a space for considering how we
might start to develop viable alternatives that respond more
closely to the needs of people from lower and underclass
lifeworlds who are most at risk of street life.
C 2012 The Author. Antipode C 2012 Antipode Foundation
Ltd.
1224 Antipode
Acknowledgements This research was funded by the Marsden
Fund of the Royal Society of New Zealand (application number
06-UOW-045). We thank the staff and clients of the Auckland
City Mission for their time and participation. We appreciate the
feedback on this article from David Neilson, Robyn Longhurst,
Cathy Coleborne, Neville Robertson and Alan Radley.
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Running head: GENDER DISCRIMINATION; AN OUTCOME
OF INEQUALITY 1
GENDER DISCRIMINATION; AN OUTCOME OF
INEQUALITY 4
Gender Discrimination; an Outcome of Inequality
Student’s Name
Affiliation
29. Gender Discrimination; an Outcome of Inequality
1. Definition
Inequality is a vice that is deep-rooted in poverty, age, racial
lines, gender, age and even education. It is an affliction society
faces on a daily basis all around the world.
a) Gender-based discrimination. It is a disparity associated with
both male and female individualities that have been pre-defined
by ancient cultural norms. Male dominance is a common aspect
of societal hierarchy with women and children adopting
submission. There is a battle for equal opportunity for women
with regards to the men in society (Cohn, 2000). There are
imaginary lines drawn along gender differences that force
people of different sexes into pre-set categories.
2. Aspects of Inequality. Several aspects of inequality have
been constant contributors to the social problem that is gender
discrimination.
a) Male dominance. It is believed to stem from their inborn
biological tendency to be aggressive, has seen those of male
gender being awarded superiority. The weaker sex, women, is
overlooked, underappreciated and forced into submission.
Physical inequality between the genders works to set each of
them apart.
3. Role of Inequality in Gender Discrimination
The role of inequality in gender discrimination is clearly
visible. It fuels the social problem, driving it to further lengths
of disparity. Those individuals who strongly believe in gender
centered roles use inequality between sexes as a strong
argument for their cause.
a) Cultural beliefs. Different cultural beliefs that are still in
existence today have installed an accepted norm that men
should take up the role of providers and protectors whilst
women nurture offspring and tend to the home (Harrison, 2013).
This facilitates gender affiliated discrimination since with roles
already set for them; a woman’s attempt at deviation into a role
that is socially viewed as not female is frowned upon or flatly
rejected. In societies that avoid warfare and nurturing of young
30. is highly valued, women thrive (Harrison, 2013).
b) Physical characteristics of women. For example fragility has
led them to be overlooked in terms of hard labor or strenuous
tasks: they are most often preferred for light work. Menfolk,
especially those of high build are believed to be sound in terms
of health and resilient in war hence positioned in areas where
strength is a common factor.
4. General Fondness of a Particular Gender Over Another
The general fondness of a particular gender over another
seemingly insignificant one has an astounding impact on society
as a whole.
a) Imbalanced populations. Imbalanced populations arise when a
certain gender is favored. Men may be more in number than
women in countries that have higher preferences for males.
b) Economic issues. For example, poverty can be linked to
women’s inability to access jobs since they are believed to
desire to work near home. Those who do get jobs are poorly
paid, unlike their male co-worker. Women are not allowed to
own property in some societies; it's left to their husbands (In
Healey, 2014).
c) Political repercussions. For example, rebellions are a
consequence of gender-based discrimination. In China, the
increasing number of bachelor villages may force the single
men to revolt against the government’s one-child policy that
contributes to the population numbers.
d) Changes regarding the family unit. Marriages have evolved
from acts of necessities in terms of culture to personal choice
(Harrison, 2013). The rate of divorce has increased, and same-
sex families have cropped up. Single-headed families have also
become the norm.
31. References
Cohn, S. (2000). Race and gender discrimination at work.
Boulder, Colo: Westview Press.
Harrison, Brigid C. (2013). Power and Society: An Introduction
to the Social Sciences, 13th Edition. Cengage Learning
In Healey, J. (2014). Gender discrimination and inequality.