Dylan Rodríguez ends his essay with the following questionsHo.docx

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Dylan Rodríguez ends his essay with the following questions: How has the state-structured influx of Asian and Pacific Rim migrant populations, and the subsequent emergence of contemporary Asian American communities, helped to further displace criminalized Black and Brown populations and amplify what Marable calls the ‘‘subtle apocalypse’’ of mass-based civic death? How might the 1965 Immigration Act be re-narrated such that it is understood less as an ambivalent emblem of opportunity, liberal democracy, and freedom, and more as a fundamental facet of an American movement toward new forms of mass-based captivity and bodily immobilization, that is, as the harbinger of new forms of ‘‘unfreedom’’ as primary modes of social organization under the logic of white supremacist global capital? Will it be possible to muster the intellectual creativity and political will to articulate a rupturing critique of the field’s operative structural, political, and theoretical assumptions, in order to develop a radical critique of the prison industrial complex that may fundamentally alter Asian American Studies (and Ethnic Studies) as attempted practices of social transformation? Choose one of these questions, and give a preliminary answer. Do not worry if your answer is incomplete. It will be. That is fine. Do your best. .

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Dylan Rodríguez ends his essay with the following questionsHo.docx

Chapter 3 The Central Frames of Color-Blind Racism The master defense against accurate social perception and change is always and in every society the tremendous conviction of Tightness about any behavior form which exists. — John Dollard, Class and Caste in a Southern Town If Jim Crow's racial structure has been replaced by a "new racism," what happened to Jim Crow racism? What happened to beliefs about blacks' mental, moral, and intellectual inferiority, to the idea that "it is the [black man's] own fault that he is a lower-caste ... a lower-class man" or the assertion that blacks "lack initiative, are shiftless, have no sense of time, or do not wish to better themselves" 1 ; in short, what happened to the basic claim that blacks are subhuman? 2 Social analysts of all stripes agree that most whites no longer subscribe to these tenets. However, this does not mean the "end of racism," 3 as a few conservative commentators have suggested. Instead, a new powerful ideology has emerged to defend the contemporary racial order: the ideology of color-blind racism. Yet, color-blind racism is a curious racial ideology. Although it engages, as all ideologies do, in "blaming the victim," it does so in a very indirect, "now you see it, now you don't" style that matches the character of the new racism. Because of the slipperiness of color-blind racism, in this chapter, I examine its central frames and explain how whites use them in ways that justify racial inequality. 73 74 Chapter 3 THE FRAMES OF COLOR-BLIND RACISM Ideologies are about "meaning in the service of power." 4 They are expres- sions at the symbolic level of the fact of dominance. As such, the ideologies of the powerful are central in the production and reinforcement of the status quo. They comfort rulers and charm the ruled much like an Indian snake handler. Whereas rulers receive solace by believing they are not involved in the terrible ordeal of creating and maintaining inequality, the ruled are charmed by the almost magic qualities of a hegemonic ideology. 5 The central component of any dominant racial ideology is its frames or set paths for interpreting information. These set paths operate as cul-de-sacs because after people filter issues through them, they explain racial phe- nomena following a predictable route. Although by definition dominant frames must misrepresent the world (hide the fact of dominance), this does not mean that they are totally without foundation. (For instance, it is true that people of color in the United States are much better off today than at any other time in history. However, it is also true — facts hidden by color-blind racism — that because people of color still experience sys- tematic discrimination and remain appreciably behind whites in many important areas of life, their chances of catching up with whites are very slim.) Dominant racial frames, therefore, provide the intellectual road ma ...

Somewhere between Jim Crow & Post-Racialism Reflections on .docx

rafbolet0

Somewhere between Jim Crow & Post-Racialism: Reflections on the Racial Divide in America Today Lawrence D. Bobo © 2011 by the American Academy of Arts & Sciences LAWRENCED. BOBO, a Fellow of the American Academy since 2006, is the W.E.B. Du Bois Pro- fessor of the Social Sciences at Harvard University and a found- ing editor of the Du Bois Review. His publications include Racialized Politics: The Debate about Racism in America (with David O. Sears and James Sidanius, 2000), Urban In- equality: Evidence from Four Cities (with Alice O’Connor and Chris Tilly, 2001), and Prejudice in Poli- tics: Group Position, Public Opinion, and the Wisconsin Treaty Rights Dis- pute (with Mia Tuan, 2006). In assessing the results of the Negro revolution so far, it can be concluded that Negroes have estab- lished a foothold, no more. We have written a Dec- laration of Independence, itself an accomplishment, but the effort to transform the words into a life experience still lies ahead. –Martin Luther King, Jr., Where Do We Go From Here? (1968) By the middle of the twentieth century, the color line was as well de½ned and as ½rmly entrenched as any institution in the land. After all, it was older than most institutions, including the federal government itself. More important, it informed the content and shaped the lives of those institutions and the people who lived under them. –John Hope Franklin, The Color Line (1993) This is where we are right now. It’s a racial stale- mate we’ve been stuck in for years. Contrary to the claims of some of my critics, black and white, I have never been so naive as to believe that we can get beyond our racial divisions in a single election cycle, or with a single candidacy–particularly a candidacy as imperfect as my own. –Barack H. Obama, “A More Perfect Union” (May 18, 2008)1 The year 1965 marked an important inflection point in the struggle for racial justice in the Unit- ed States, underscoring two fundamental points 11 about race in America.2 First, that racial inequality and division were not only Southern problems attached to Jim Crow segregation. Second, that the nature of those inequalities and divisions was a matter not merely of formal civil status and law, but also of deeply etched economic arrangements, social and political conditions, and cultural outlooks and practices. Viewed in full, the racial divide was a challenge of truly national reach, multilayered in its complexity and depth. Therefore, the achievement of basic citizenship rights in the South was a pivotal but far from exhaustive stage of the struggle. The positive trend of the times revolved around the achievement of voting rights. March 7, 1965, now known as Bloody Sun- day, saw police and state troopers attack several hundred peaceful civil rights protestors at the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma, Alabama. The subsequent march from Selma to Montgomery, participat- ed in by tens of thousands, along with other protest act.

The Black Power Movement- A State of the Field

RBG Communiversity

The Black Power Movement, A State of the Field. Joseph PE, 2009.

RBG Communiversity

From the Logic of the Particular to the Plea of Minority: A Philosophical App...

AJHSSR Journal

ABSTRACT: The problem of minorities1 is one of the constancies that is more and more being highlighted notably in the battling field of the social, economic, political, cultural and the military. But giving the diverse angles from which we may want to draw the question of minority2 , or better still, make it elastic, there is a high risk of ignoring the fact that the latter is above all a philosophical problem. The struggle for the emancipation of minorities cannot be purely legal or moral; it must be rooted in a broader conception of man and the cosmos. This is the point of view defended by John Stuart Mill and some English authors. More precisely, he appeals for an argument which requires a revision of logic in connection with their revision of the cosmology, a revision which prepares what Wilhelm Windelband will later refer to as “idiological” logic. This article aims at showing that, faced with complex situations, generalized definition covers within it some frustrations giving that the world is first and foremost an agglomeration of private lives. But, can we thus value individuals and socialgroups, without at the same time absolving the notion of private life and without a transcendental negation of values? Furthermore, should one of these arguments in favor of minority base the acceptance of all minorities? Besides, is it not pertinent we differentiate between objective minority (women, racial, Disabled) that can make a consensus, and a subjective minority (L.G.B.T.) whose acceptance can be problematic? KEYWORDS:“Idiological” logic, minority, objective minority, subjective minority, liberalism.

The Morphology of Right Populism in the US and in the EU

Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne

: Right populism in the United States and in the European Union is one of the leading trends in their political reality. That is why we need to structurize our understanding of this phenomenon by listing its main indicators and by explaining its causal background. What seems to belong to the leading determinants of the phenomenon is: the hostility toward immigration, the perception of multinational companies as a threat to local labor markets, a postulate to reduce bureaucracy, anti-elitism, another understanding of international politics combined with a new opening in the relations with Russia. Various right populist movements result from several determinants such as a significant increase of immigration in Europe, the growth of national debt, expanding bureaucracy, growing importance of international corporations, a flood of terrorist attacks or negative demographic tendencies. The ideology of right populism can be referred to two different traditions: to individualist libertarianism (which partially determines the ideology of the Tea Party and some other American movements) and to alt-right, collectivist, tribal traditionalism, which is more common in the Old Continent.

Madame Bovary Essay

Wendy Hager

Madame bovary and victim rights essay. Madame Bovary and A Dolls House Essay | Literature - Year 11 WACE .... ENG3UE: Madame Bovary. Madame Bovary reflection: Essay Example | Topics and Well Written .... Madame bovary. Madame Bovary by app g1d - Issuu. Madame Bovary Study Questions. Madame Bovary neither glorifies nor punishes adultery Essay Example .... Important Aspects of Madame Bovary - GCSE English - Marked by Teachers.com. Madame Bovary | Book by Gustave Flaubert | Official Publisher Page .... Madame Bovary Study Guide | Course Hero. The Influence of the Epistolary Novel Structure and Means on Madame .... Love in Madame Bovary Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays .... (PDF) Madame Bovary. WIT Essay: Madame Bovary IB | Language A: Literature - Higher Level IB .... Madame bovary thesis. Lecture Analytique Madame Bovary | Gustave Flaubert | Madame Bovary. Madame Bovary: Analysis of Fate and Fulfillment Essay. Madame Bovary Text Tracking Activity Below you will find essay. Some Notes on Translation and on Madame Bovary | Literary magazines .... Madame Bovary. Madame Bovary, II, 12 - Flaubert: explication de texte détaillée sur un .... Review of Madame Bovary and its symbolism - WriteWork. Mme Bovary Notes | Emma (Novel) | Madame Bovary | Free 30-day Trial .... Reading Madame Bovary by Amanda Lohrey | Black Inc.. Summary of madame bovary by gustave flaubert Madame Bovary Essay Madame Bovary Essay

2The Central Frames ofColor-Blind RacismThe mas.docx

rhetttrevannion

2 � The Central Frames of Color-Blind Racism The master defense against accurate social perception and change is always and in every society the tremendous conviction of rightness about any behavior form which exists. —John Dollard, Class and Caste in a Southern Town I f Jim Crow’s racial structure has been replaced by a ‘‘new racism,’’what happened to Jim Crow racism? What happened to beliefs about blacks’ mental, moral, and intellectual inferiority, to the idea that ‘‘it is the [black man’s] own fault that he is a lower-caste . . . a lower-class man’’ or the assertion that blacks ‘‘lack initiative, are shiftless, have no sense of time, or do not wish to better themselves’’;1 in short, what happened to the basic claim that blacks are subhuman?2 Social analysts of all stripes agree that most whites no longer subscribe to these tenets. However, this does not mean the ‘‘end of racism,’’3 as a few conservative commentators have suggested. Instead, a new powerful ideology has emerged to defend the contemporary racial order: the ideology of color-blind racism. Yet, color-blind racism is a curious racial ideology. Although it engages, as all ideologies do, in ‘‘blaming the victim,’’ it does so in a very indirect, ‘‘now you see it, now you don’t’’ style that matches the character of the new racism. Because of the slipperiness of color-blind racism, in this chapter I examine its central frames and explain how whites use them in ways that justify racial inequality. THE FRAMES OF COLOR-BLIND RACISM Ideologies are about ‘‘meaning in the service of power.’’4 They are expres- sions at the symbolic level of the fact of dominance. As such, the ideolo- 25 26 Chapter 2 gies of the powerful are central in the production and reinforcement of the status quo. They comfort rulers and charm the ruled much like an Indian snake handler. Whereas rulers receive solace by believing they are not involved in the terrible ordeal of creating and maintaining inequality, the ruled are charmed by the almost magic qualities of a hegemonic ideology.5 The central component of any dominant racial ideology is its frames or set paths for interpreting information. These set paths operate as cul-de-sacs because after people filter issues through them, they explain racial phe- nomena following a predictable route. Although by definition dominant frames must misrepresent the world (hide the fact of dominance), this does not mean that they are totally without foundation. (For instance, it is true that people of color in the United States are much better off today than at any other time in history. However, it is also true—facts hidden by color-blind racism—that because people of color still experience sys- tematic discrimination and remain appreciably behind whites in many important areas of life, their chances of catching up with whites are very slim.) Dominant racial frames, therefore, provide the intellectual road map used by rulers to navigate the always rocky road of .

CHARLES W. CHESNUTT LIBRARY ELECTRONIC RESERVE COLLECTION The Electronic Reserve Collection is a service for FSU students, faculty, and staff. Access to the collection is by professor’s name or course number only. The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Under certain conditions specified in the law, libraries and archives are authorized to furnish a photocopy or other reproduction. One of these specified conditions is that the photocopy or reproduction not be “used for any purpose other than private study, scholarship, or research.” If a user makes a request for, or later uses, a photocopy or reproduction for purposes in excess of “fair use,” that user may be liable for copyright infringement. The Chesnutt Library reserves the right to refuse to accept an electronic reserve request, if, in its judgment, fulfillment of the request would involve violation of copyright law. Robert C. Williams During the tenth decade of his unusually eventful and scholarly life, the Afro-American thinker William Edward Burghardt DuBois (1868-1963) ut- tered insightful and prophetic words which summarized his view of American..- .-.._ social reality: Government is for the people’s progress and not for the comfort of an aristocracy. The object of industry is the welfare of the workers and not the wealth of the owners. The object of civilization is the cultural progress of the mass of workers and not merely of the intellectual elite. (from a speech to the world over delivered in Peking, China, on his n i n e t y - f i r s t b i r t h d a y , 1 9 5 9 ) No universal selfishness can bring social good to all . . [or] restore democracy in [the USA] . . . [the path of social progress in America] will call for: 1. Public ownership of natural resources and of all capital. 2 . P u b l i c c o n t r o l o f t r a n s p o r t a t i o n a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n s . 3. Abolition of poverty and limitation of personal income. 4. No exploitation of labor. 5. Social medicine, with hospitalization and care of the old. 6. Free education for all. 7. Training for jobs and jobs for all. 8 . D i s c i p l i n e f o r g r o w t h a n d r e f o r m . 9. Freedom under law. 10. No dogmatic religion. (from letter of application for membership in t h e C o m m u n i s t P a r t y o f t h e U S A , 1 9 6 1 ) In this all too brief essay I will not attempt to challenge the above as- sertions since I regard them as well-founded. Instead, I will argue that the writings of DuBois support the above observations as characteristic of his evolving social philosophy. His views, as expressed above, are substantiated in at least two ways. First, they relate to the realities of politics and social change/stratification which he repeatedly experienced in twentieth century America. Second, they convey his sense---expressed in numerous wa.

CharlottesvilleStudent nameprofessorDate.docx

bissacr

Charlottesville Student name professor Date Made abstruse in political perception, the genuineness and viciousness of the Charlottesville’s rally bares truth to America’s sustained problem of racial tension. On August 12, 2017, the white nationalists and alt-right groups, in protest of the city’s decision to remove the statue of a General of Confederate army in civil war, descended in masses in the college town of Charlottesville in Virginia. As evident by the accounts of the event, the oxidized statue of General Robert E. Lee’s removal, although the basis for protest, was hardly the source of grievances of the protestors. The rally termed “Unite the Right” was Jason Kessler’s brainchild. Around 600,000 strong rally had attendees from 35 states and some making the trip from as far as Alaska. It was a prelude to deadly violence erupting from clashes between the protesters and counter protestors. The white nationalists, neo-nazi, Kux Klux Klan (KKK) and alt-right groups constituted majority of population protesting the removal of the statue, while people counter protesting championed “Black Lives Matter” movement and other socio-progressive slogans. The night before, edginess of racial and social tension in anticipation of white supremacist’s rally in Charlottesville was further strained when the protestors executed an undisclosed, but rumored, torch parade in the campus of University of Virginia. Enormous number of people carrying lit torches wasn’t the only reminisce of ultra-right nationalist propaganda methods from fascist rules; according to eye witnesses, protesters also evoked slogans such as “You will not replace us” and “Our blood, our soil”, popular then in the Nazi Germany. On the day of the rally, as protestors and counter protestors confronted each other, the vitriol and hate between the groups were magnified. Eyewitness states, “He spouted racist theories about the testosterone levels of black women and the difference in brain sizes between the races. I was unnerved; he truly believed what he was saying.” (New York Times, 2017) The violence in the rally caused the death of a 32-year-old woman and injured about 35 more. The woman was runover and killed by a protestor, James Alex Fields Jr., when he drove his vehicle into hordes of counter protestors. The perpetrator has been charged with second-degree murder. The deadly violence prompted the Governor to declare state of emergency and use national guard as police to clear the city. While this event has been interpreted in different versions to fit the required narrative in politics, there is no denying that it was the tangible reminder that racial tensions still run deep in United States, and, when at breaking point, it culminates into violence. Regardless of the underlying fundamental causes or just of the cause, it is evident that the events of Charlottesville because the white supremacist wanted to organize a protest taking down of the statue. The protestors coming .

03 text krastev_06 octjhenri5

Resources from TV ReedT.V. ReedThe Art of Protest Culture an.docx

sjennifer395

Resources from TV Reed: T.V. Reed The Art of Protest: Culture and Activism from the Civil Rights Movements to the Streets of Seattle. University of Minnesota Press, 2005, 216 pp. $US 24.95 paper (0-8166-3771-7), $US 74.95 hardcover (0-8166-3770-9) In the past twenty years or so, students of social movements have rediscovered the importance of culture. European theorists of post-industrial movements (like Touraine or Melucci), whose works were translated into English in the 1980s, have helped to inspire researchers to rethink their commitment to mobilization and political process approaches through a rediscovery of culture. Even some theorists most associated with the mobilization paradigm (Gamson, Oberschall, McCarthy) have recognized the importance of culture in protest. In The Art of Protest, T.V. Reed focuses on the dramatic actions of U.S. social movements. His book serves as an introduction to the movements, but also offers a new perspective. The author’s claims are modest, his goal being to reinterpret and synthesize elements already available in the large body of literature through cultural issues. By doing so, he challenges easy distinctions between culture and politics, and questions how culture works in and around movements. From “We shall overcome” to cyberculture, Reed pairs each movement with a defining cultural practice: singing with the Civil Rights movement, drama with the Black Panthers, poetry with Women’s Rights, murals with Chicano/a movements, movies with the American Indian Movement, rock music with actions against famine and apartheid, graphic arts with action against AIDS, literature with the environmental movement, and cyberculture with the Global Justice movement. The book’s main focus is the civil rights movement, with music and religion as the forms of culture at its centre. Although measuring subjective change or a change in consciousness is a challenge, Reed believes that “freedom songs are one of the best records we have of the transformation of consciousness in the ordinary people, the masses, who took part in the movement” (p. 14). Yet music did not enter the movement spontaneously. A legacy had to be uncovered and reworked, sometimes with radical alterations, adding political content to the emotional content. “Three clusters of events in particular are key to the rise of both the music and the movement: the Montgomery bus boycott, the student-led sit-ins, and the Albany, Georgia, movement” (p. 16). A musical group from Albany, the Freedom Singers, played a role in singing the movement’s story and raising funds through their concerts, thereby bringing the movement’s messages to the North and to young people while helping to create a network for the Freedom Summer of 1964. Freedom songs brought people together and became “litanies against fear” (p. 25). Music transformed the personal and collective identities of the movement’s activists; it was not the only force shaping the movement’s identities, but it wa.

Resources from TV ReedT.V. ReedThe Art of Protest Culture an.docx

audeleypearl

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Each group will write a research paper on an organization of their.docx