The document discusses different forms of state intervention in market systems and their impact on society. It provides examples of fiscal policy, monetary policy, regulation, and nationalization used by states to influence economic conditions. It also examines the advantages and disadvantages of market systems and debates around balancing state intervention with free markets. Figures and tables are presented analyzing the relationship between different political economies and outcomes like physical well-being, education, and safety. The conclusion discusses finding the right balance between states and markets.
The document discusses several topics related to democracy including:
- The rise of democracy worldwide in the late 20th century, particularly after the fall of authoritarian regimes.
- The definition and types of democracy, including direct vs representative democracy and presidential vs parliamentary systems.
- Factors that influence transitions to democracy such as waves of democratization over time and domestic/international influences.
- The impact of electoral rules and systems on party politics and governance models in different countries.
- Comparisons of economic development and human capabilities under democratic vs authoritarian governments.
This document discusses the effectiveness of "naming and shaming" as a policy tool for enforcing international human rights law. It hypothesizes that less developed and autocratic states are more likely to violate human rights laws because they have less to lose from negative international reputation effects. The author aims to analyze if naming and shaming is less effective on these states compared to developed democracies that are more dependent on global economic participation. Prior research is examined that finds naming and shaming can sometimes increase violations or be strategically ignored. The study will consider political and economic characteristics that impact a state's responsiveness to such enforcement techniques.
This document provides an overview of communism and post-communism in Russia and China. It discusses the key features of communist rule, including communist party rule and centrally planned economies. It examines how post-communist regimes have faced challenges restructuring these institutional features. Case studies of Russia and China are presented. For Russia, it describes the transition from communist to electoral authoritarian rule and the country's mixed economy. For China, it outlines how the communist regime has adapted by allowing more economic freedom and private enterprise while maintaining one-party rule.
This document discusses the nature and functions of political parties. It begins by explaining how political parties emerged from the expansion of suffrage and representative democracy in the 19th century. It then outlines some key characteristics of political parties, including that they are formal organizations that aim to control government power by winning elections. The document also summarizes the main functions of political parties, such as linking citizens to government, aggregating interests, recruiting elites, formulating goals, and mobilizing voters. It discusses the development of different types of political parties like mass parties, elite/cadre parties, and catch-all parties. Finally, it touches on classifying parties along an ideological left-right spectrum.
The document provides an overview of different theories of political power and types of policy outputs in government. It defines four types of policy outputs - majoritarian, interest group, client, and entrepreneurial politics. It also describes four theories of political power - Marxist theory which argues that economic factors shape politics, elitist theory that a single elite makes all policy decisions, bureaucratic theory that career government officials wield power, and pluralist theory that policies emerge from bargaining between interest groups. It provides examples and discusses the advantages and disadvantages of each theory.
Public opinion consists of attitudes held by many people about politics and government. It is shaped by factors like family, education, media, and historical events. Public opinion is measured through elections, polls, and media reporting. Scientific polls sample a representative group to accurately measure views. Major forms of media that influence public opinion are television, newspapers, radio, magazines, and the internet. Television and internet use has grown as sources for political news.
The document discusses different forms of state intervention in market systems and their impact on society. It provides examples of fiscal policy, monetary policy, regulation, and nationalization used by states to influence economic conditions. It also examines the advantages and disadvantages of market systems and debates around balancing state intervention with free markets. Figures and tables are presented analyzing the relationship between different political economies and outcomes like physical well-being, education, and safety. The conclusion discusses finding the right balance between states and markets.
The document discusses several topics related to democracy including:
- The rise of democracy worldwide in the late 20th century, particularly after the fall of authoritarian regimes.
- The definition and types of democracy, including direct vs representative democracy and presidential vs parliamentary systems.
- Factors that influence transitions to democracy such as waves of democratization over time and domestic/international influences.
- The impact of electoral rules and systems on party politics and governance models in different countries.
- Comparisons of economic development and human capabilities under democratic vs authoritarian governments.
This document discusses the effectiveness of "naming and shaming" as a policy tool for enforcing international human rights law. It hypothesizes that less developed and autocratic states are more likely to violate human rights laws because they have less to lose from negative international reputation effects. The author aims to analyze if naming and shaming is less effective on these states compared to developed democracies that are more dependent on global economic participation. Prior research is examined that finds naming and shaming can sometimes increase violations or be strategically ignored. The study will consider political and economic characteristics that impact a state's responsiveness to such enforcement techniques.
This document provides an overview of communism and post-communism in Russia and China. It discusses the key features of communist rule, including communist party rule and centrally planned economies. It examines how post-communist regimes have faced challenges restructuring these institutional features. Case studies of Russia and China are presented. For Russia, it describes the transition from communist to electoral authoritarian rule and the country's mixed economy. For China, it outlines how the communist regime has adapted by allowing more economic freedom and private enterprise while maintaining one-party rule.
This document discusses the nature and functions of political parties. It begins by explaining how political parties emerged from the expansion of suffrage and representative democracy in the 19th century. It then outlines some key characteristics of political parties, including that they are formal organizations that aim to control government power by winning elections. The document also summarizes the main functions of political parties, such as linking citizens to government, aggregating interests, recruiting elites, formulating goals, and mobilizing voters. It discusses the development of different types of political parties like mass parties, elite/cadre parties, and catch-all parties. Finally, it touches on classifying parties along an ideological left-right spectrum.
The document provides an overview of different theories of political power and types of policy outputs in government. It defines four types of policy outputs - majoritarian, interest group, client, and entrepreneurial politics. It also describes four theories of political power - Marxist theory which argues that economic factors shape politics, elitist theory that a single elite makes all policy decisions, bureaucratic theory that career government officials wield power, and pluralist theory that policies emerge from bargaining between interest groups. It provides examples and discusses the advantages and disadvantages of each theory.
Public opinion consists of attitudes held by many people about politics and government. It is shaped by factors like family, education, media, and historical events. Public opinion is measured through elections, polls, and media reporting. Scientific polls sample a representative group to accurately measure views. Major forms of media that influence public opinion are television, newspapers, radio, magazines, and the internet. Television and internet use has grown as sources for political news.
The document discusses reasons for differences in economic development levels among countries. It explores factors such as imperialism, geography, culture, institutions, and leadership that may help explain why some nations became highly developed while others remained less developed. Geography can provide advantages or disadvantages, but alone does not account for all variations. Imperialism may have allowed some powers to exploit others' wealth. Culture and institutions also influenced economic success, but also require deeper explanation for why some countries established market-enabling frameworks while others did not. Overall, the document examines complex historical forces behind global imbalances in economic development.
The document summarizes different aspects of the electoral process in the United States, including nomination methods, election administration, and the role of money in politics. It discusses how candidates are nominated through various methods such as caucuses, conventions, primaries, and petitions. It also describes how elections are conducted at the federal, state, and local levels, including voting methods, ballot types, and vote counting. Additionally, it outlines the large amounts of money spent on political campaigns, the sources of campaign funds, and laws regulating campaign contributions and expenditures.
Pressure groups can enhance democracy in several ways: They represent minority interests and give citizens opportunities to participate in politics outside of parties. However, pressure groups are not politically accountable and some may wield disproportionate influence, while others have little. Overall, both pressure groups and political parties disperse power and inform the public, but parties must develop platforms representing all citizens, whereas pressure groups promote single issues.
This document summarizes a research paper that examines the economic development effects of coups. It finds that coups overthrowing democratic governments have distinctly negative effects on economic growth, lowering GDP per capita by 1-1.3% per year over a decade. By contrast, coups in autocratic countries show smaller and imprecise positive effects. These results are robust across different empirical methods and not explained by alternative hypotheses. Additionally, coups reversing economic reforms, increasing debt, and reducing social spending, suggesting a shift in priorities away from the public.
This document summarizes a study examining the characteristics and effects of political influence on firms in developing countries. The study finds that politically influential firms receive economic benefits like lower taxes and easier access to credit. However, these firms also provide benefits to politicians through maintaining higher employment levels and paying more taxes. While influential firms earn higher profits, they are less productive than non-influential firms and are less likely to invest or innovate due to restrictions on firing workers and unpredictable taxes imposed on them. Overall, the study suggests that political influence undermines firm performance and can prolong economic underdevelopment.
Much of the study of politics centers on the tension between human agency and constraints on choice. Political leaders typically emphasize their ability to act in a sovereign fashion, describing politics as the art of the possible. What they less often refer to are the institutional and structural constraints that they face when trying to chart a new path. The old pathway is hard to escape, making them all captives of a certain path dependency.
Arrangements by which politically connected firms receive economic favors are a common feature around the world, but little is known of the form or effects of influence in business-government relationships. We argue that influence not only brings significant privileges for selected firms, but requires firms to relinquish certain control rights in exchange for subsidies and protection. We show that, under these conditions, political influence can actually harm firm performance. Enterprise surveys from approximately 8,000 firms in 40 developing countries indicate that influential firms benefit from lower administrative and regulatory barriers (including bribe taxes), greater pricing power, and easier access to credit. But these firms also provide politically valuable benefits to incumbents through bloated payrolls and greater tax payments. These firms are also less likely to invest and innovate, and suffer from lower productivity than their non-influential counterparts. Our results highlight a potential channel by which cronyism leads to persistent underdevelopment.
The document discusses the evolution of post-communist economic systems in Central and Eastern Europe and China over the past 25+ years. It argues that in Central and Eastern Europe, the collapse of communism led to a process of disintegration of the communist state apparatus and competition between networks seeking to grab power and assets, resulting in weak institutions, corruption and kleptocracy. In contrast, China's transition involved the communist party consciously replacing central planning with market forces to maintain control. Accession to the EU helped strengthen institutions in some Central European countries.
This chapter discusses the linkages between states and societies through various forms of political participation such as political parties, interest groups, social movements, and patron-client relations. It argues that some states can effectively govern despite these demands placed on them, while others experience a crisis of governability in which they struggle to govern effectively. Strong states are generally better able to respond to societal demands and transform them into policy, while weak states become overwhelmed by these demands.
The document discusses theories about how interest groups influence public policymaking. It describes pluralism, where many diverse interest groups compete to influence government. However, some groups have more resources and connections, potentially tilting policy in their favor. Neo-corporatism involves structured cooperation between major interest groups like businesses, unions, and government to pursue shared economic goals, as seen in Scandinavian countries. Both theories have critics, and most real-world systems incorporate elements of pluralism and neo-corporatism depending on a country's unique political and historical context.
This document provides an in-depth analysis of populism as a political phenomenon. It examines 14 past populist leaders across 10 countries to identify common characteristics and develop an "archetypical populist template." Key findings include:
1) Populism typically arises during times of economic weakness, inequality, and political paralysis, as common people feel the system does not work for them and turn to strongmen leaders who attack the establishment.
2) Populist regimes tend toward nationalism, militarism, protectionism, media influence/control, and intensifying conflicts between political factions that can undermine democracy.
3) Case studies of 1930s populists like FDR, Mussolini, and Hitler demonstrate these patterns
Slide 7 WestCal Political Science 1 - US Government 2015-2016WestCal Academy
American Leadership Policy Studies (ALPS) is a for-college credit certificate program that teaches the fundamentals of American government. ALPS includes a custom tailored Political Science 1 – US Government course taught in partnership with accredited colleges to assure students receive college credit. The class is taught from the perspective of industry professionals who work in local/state/federal bureaucracies and/or political/union campaigns. This course program may operate at the site of a partnering college or instructor of record who licenses ALPS course materials from WestCal Academy or at WestCal Academy’s main campus in partnership with an accredited college. WestCal Academy
This slide covers the following:
1. Bureaucratic Power
2. Iron Triangles
3. Presidential Control Of The Bureaucracy
4. Congress And Its Members
5. Congress Versus The Executive Branch
6. Supreme Court
7. Legitimacy Factor In Law Making
8. Federal Court Structure
9. Elite Propaganda & Cinemocracy
10. Thomas Paine’s “Common Sense”
Dictatorships do not survive by repression alone. Rather, dictatorial rule is often explained as an ― authoritarian bargain by which citizens relinquish political rights for economic security. The applicability of the authoritarian bargain to decision-making in non-democratic states, however, has not been thoroughly examined. We conceptualize this bargain as a simple game between a representative citizen and an autocrat who faces the threat of insurrection, and where economic transfers and political influence are simultaneously determined. Our model yields precise implications for the empirical patterns that are expected to exist. Tests of a system of equations with panel data comprising 80 non-democratic states between 1975 and 1999 confirm the predictions of the authoritarian-bargain thesis, with some variation across different categories of dictatorship.
Using individual data on voting and political parties manifestos in European coun- tries, we empirically characterize the drivers of voting for populist parties (the demand side) as well as the presence of populist parties (the supply side). We show that the economic insecurity drivers of the demand of populism are significant, especially when considering the key interactions with turnout incentives, neglected in previous studies. Once turnout effects are taken into account, economic insecurity drives consensus to populist policies directly and through indirect negative effects on trust and attitudes towards immigrants. On the supply side, populist parties are more likely to emerge when countries are faced with a systemic crisis of economic security. The orientation choice of populist parties, i.e., whether they arise on left or right of the political spec- trum, is determined by the availability of political space. The typical mainstream parties response is to reduce the distance of their platform from that of successful populist entrants, amplifying the aggregate supply of populist policies.
1. The document discusses the culture of journalism, including issues like information overload, news values, and clashing ethical issues in journalism.
2. It provides an overview of key topics like the criteria used to determine newsworthiness, the definition of news today, and the conflict between journalists' duty to inform the public versus protecting privacy.
3. The document also examines the rise of fake news and satirical shows that parody conventional media, noting their influence on younger audiences.
This document discusses different models of political participation including getting elected, campaigning, voting, contacting groups, and protesting. It also examines the linkages between citizens and the government through political institutions like parties, interest groups, elections, and media. It asks questions about how these institutions link citizens to the government and their roles in policymaking, specifically looking at how parties, interest groups, elections, Congress, the President, and courts all contribute to the political process.
This document discusses imperfect information in politics and its sources and consequences. It outlines several ways that imperfect information can lead to governmental failure, such as rational voter ignorance, rent-seeking, logrolling, and shortsightedness. It describes rational ignorance as voters intentionally remaining uninformed about issues when the costs of becoming informed outweigh the expected benefits. This can distort political outcomes and decision-making by amplifying narrow interests over general public interests. While natural ignorance can be addressed through education, rational ignorance is more difficult to remedy due to individuals rationally choosing to remain uninformed. Competition between governments in a federal system may help address rational ignorance by incentivizing individuals to seek information.
This document discusses strategies for sustaining civic engagement. It identifies barriers to participation such as lack of civics education and voter suppression. It describes a spectrum of civic actions from lightweight to heavyweight. Tactical actions are reactive while strategic actions work to implement long-term policy goals. Sustaining engagement requires countering fatigue, recognition for contributions, gamification, civic education, connecting actions to daily life, building community, and empowerment.
This document summarizes some key democratic challenges in contemporary society. It discusses how special interest groups, ethnic and single issue parties, and organized religion can potentially undermine democracy. It also examines how multinational corporations can maneuver around nation states' laws. Other challenges include lack of time leading to mass stupidity, voter apathy, government suppression of the press, the influence of mass media, and powerful lobbying groups distorting public opinion. Overall, the document analyzes factors that can destabilize democracy and how its principles of individual worth, equality, and opportunity need active protection and defense against these influences.
Perfectessay.net coursework sample #1 mla styleDavid Smith
In their article, authors Nichols and McChesney discuss the crisis of journalism in America and its decline, which threatens democracy. They argue that media companies prioritized profits over professional journalism, leading to less news content. While some blame new technologies or economics, the authors believe the crisis stems from media consolidation reducing authentic journalism. To revive the industry, they propose government intervention through indirect subsidies, which they argue need not threaten media independence.
The document discusses media bias and whether it truly exists. It argues that while both liberals and conservatives claim bias in the media, the bias may be more of a myth perpetuated by political leaders to convince their followers. It aims to analyze cable news and talk shows to determine if provable bias exists or if the perception of bias depends on one's political viewpoint. It also discusses how context and a communicator's situation can influence the understanding and perception of messages.
The document discusses reasons for differences in economic development levels among countries. It explores factors such as imperialism, geography, culture, institutions, and leadership that may help explain why some nations became highly developed while others remained less developed. Geography can provide advantages or disadvantages, but alone does not account for all variations. Imperialism may have allowed some powers to exploit others' wealth. Culture and institutions also influenced economic success, but also require deeper explanation for why some countries established market-enabling frameworks while others did not. Overall, the document examines complex historical forces behind global imbalances in economic development.
The document summarizes different aspects of the electoral process in the United States, including nomination methods, election administration, and the role of money in politics. It discusses how candidates are nominated through various methods such as caucuses, conventions, primaries, and petitions. It also describes how elections are conducted at the federal, state, and local levels, including voting methods, ballot types, and vote counting. Additionally, it outlines the large amounts of money spent on political campaigns, the sources of campaign funds, and laws regulating campaign contributions and expenditures.
Pressure groups can enhance democracy in several ways: They represent minority interests and give citizens opportunities to participate in politics outside of parties. However, pressure groups are not politically accountable and some may wield disproportionate influence, while others have little. Overall, both pressure groups and political parties disperse power and inform the public, but parties must develop platforms representing all citizens, whereas pressure groups promote single issues.
This document summarizes a research paper that examines the economic development effects of coups. It finds that coups overthrowing democratic governments have distinctly negative effects on economic growth, lowering GDP per capita by 1-1.3% per year over a decade. By contrast, coups in autocratic countries show smaller and imprecise positive effects. These results are robust across different empirical methods and not explained by alternative hypotheses. Additionally, coups reversing economic reforms, increasing debt, and reducing social spending, suggesting a shift in priorities away from the public.
This document summarizes a study examining the characteristics and effects of political influence on firms in developing countries. The study finds that politically influential firms receive economic benefits like lower taxes and easier access to credit. However, these firms also provide benefits to politicians through maintaining higher employment levels and paying more taxes. While influential firms earn higher profits, they are less productive than non-influential firms and are less likely to invest or innovate due to restrictions on firing workers and unpredictable taxes imposed on them. Overall, the study suggests that political influence undermines firm performance and can prolong economic underdevelopment.
Much of the study of politics centers on the tension between human agency and constraints on choice. Political leaders typically emphasize their ability to act in a sovereign fashion, describing politics as the art of the possible. What they less often refer to are the institutional and structural constraints that they face when trying to chart a new path. The old pathway is hard to escape, making them all captives of a certain path dependency.
Arrangements by which politically connected firms receive economic favors are a common feature around the world, but little is known of the form or effects of influence in business-government relationships. We argue that influence not only brings significant privileges for selected firms, but requires firms to relinquish certain control rights in exchange for subsidies and protection. We show that, under these conditions, political influence can actually harm firm performance. Enterprise surveys from approximately 8,000 firms in 40 developing countries indicate that influential firms benefit from lower administrative and regulatory barriers (including bribe taxes), greater pricing power, and easier access to credit. But these firms also provide politically valuable benefits to incumbents through bloated payrolls and greater tax payments. These firms are also less likely to invest and innovate, and suffer from lower productivity than their non-influential counterparts. Our results highlight a potential channel by which cronyism leads to persistent underdevelopment.
The document discusses the evolution of post-communist economic systems in Central and Eastern Europe and China over the past 25+ years. It argues that in Central and Eastern Europe, the collapse of communism led to a process of disintegration of the communist state apparatus and competition between networks seeking to grab power and assets, resulting in weak institutions, corruption and kleptocracy. In contrast, China's transition involved the communist party consciously replacing central planning with market forces to maintain control. Accession to the EU helped strengthen institutions in some Central European countries.
This chapter discusses the linkages between states and societies through various forms of political participation such as political parties, interest groups, social movements, and patron-client relations. It argues that some states can effectively govern despite these demands placed on them, while others experience a crisis of governability in which they struggle to govern effectively. Strong states are generally better able to respond to societal demands and transform them into policy, while weak states become overwhelmed by these demands.
The document discusses theories about how interest groups influence public policymaking. It describes pluralism, where many diverse interest groups compete to influence government. However, some groups have more resources and connections, potentially tilting policy in their favor. Neo-corporatism involves structured cooperation between major interest groups like businesses, unions, and government to pursue shared economic goals, as seen in Scandinavian countries. Both theories have critics, and most real-world systems incorporate elements of pluralism and neo-corporatism depending on a country's unique political and historical context.
This document provides an in-depth analysis of populism as a political phenomenon. It examines 14 past populist leaders across 10 countries to identify common characteristics and develop an "archetypical populist template." Key findings include:
1) Populism typically arises during times of economic weakness, inequality, and political paralysis, as common people feel the system does not work for them and turn to strongmen leaders who attack the establishment.
2) Populist regimes tend toward nationalism, militarism, protectionism, media influence/control, and intensifying conflicts between political factions that can undermine democracy.
3) Case studies of 1930s populists like FDR, Mussolini, and Hitler demonstrate these patterns
Slide 7 WestCal Political Science 1 - US Government 2015-2016WestCal Academy
American Leadership Policy Studies (ALPS) is a for-college credit certificate program that teaches the fundamentals of American government. ALPS includes a custom tailored Political Science 1 – US Government course taught in partnership with accredited colleges to assure students receive college credit. The class is taught from the perspective of industry professionals who work in local/state/federal bureaucracies and/or political/union campaigns. This course program may operate at the site of a partnering college or instructor of record who licenses ALPS course materials from WestCal Academy or at WestCal Academy’s main campus in partnership with an accredited college. WestCal Academy
This slide covers the following:
1. Bureaucratic Power
2. Iron Triangles
3. Presidential Control Of The Bureaucracy
4. Congress And Its Members
5. Congress Versus The Executive Branch
6. Supreme Court
7. Legitimacy Factor In Law Making
8. Federal Court Structure
9. Elite Propaganda & Cinemocracy
10. Thomas Paine’s “Common Sense”
Dictatorships do not survive by repression alone. Rather, dictatorial rule is often explained as an ― authoritarian bargain by which citizens relinquish political rights for economic security. The applicability of the authoritarian bargain to decision-making in non-democratic states, however, has not been thoroughly examined. We conceptualize this bargain as a simple game between a representative citizen and an autocrat who faces the threat of insurrection, and where economic transfers and political influence are simultaneously determined. Our model yields precise implications for the empirical patterns that are expected to exist. Tests of a system of equations with panel data comprising 80 non-democratic states between 1975 and 1999 confirm the predictions of the authoritarian-bargain thesis, with some variation across different categories of dictatorship.
Using individual data on voting and political parties manifestos in European coun- tries, we empirically characterize the drivers of voting for populist parties (the demand side) as well as the presence of populist parties (the supply side). We show that the economic insecurity drivers of the demand of populism are significant, especially when considering the key interactions with turnout incentives, neglected in previous studies. Once turnout effects are taken into account, economic insecurity drives consensus to populist policies directly and through indirect negative effects on trust and attitudes towards immigrants. On the supply side, populist parties are more likely to emerge when countries are faced with a systemic crisis of economic security. The orientation choice of populist parties, i.e., whether they arise on left or right of the political spec- trum, is determined by the availability of political space. The typical mainstream parties response is to reduce the distance of their platform from that of successful populist entrants, amplifying the aggregate supply of populist policies.
1. The document discusses the culture of journalism, including issues like information overload, news values, and clashing ethical issues in journalism.
2. It provides an overview of key topics like the criteria used to determine newsworthiness, the definition of news today, and the conflict between journalists' duty to inform the public versus protecting privacy.
3. The document also examines the rise of fake news and satirical shows that parody conventional media, noting their influence on younger audiences.
This document discusses different models of political participation including getting elected, campaigning, voting, contacting groups, and protesting. It also examines the linkages between citizens and the government through political institutions like parties, interest groups, elections, and media. It asks questions about how these institutions link citizens to the government and their roles in policymaking, specifically looking at how parties, interest groups, elections, Congress, the President, and courts all contribute to the political process.
This document discusses imperfect information in politics and its sources and consequences. It outlines several ways that imperfect information can lead to governmental failure, such as rational voter ignorance, rent-seeking, logrolling, and shortsightedness. It describes rational ignorance as voters intentionally remaining uninformed about issues when the costs of becoming informed outweigh the expected benefits. This can distort political outcomes and decision-making by amplifying narrow interests over general public interests. While natural ignorance can be addressed through education, rational ignorance is more difficult to remedy due to individuals rationally choosing to remain uninformed. Competition between governments in a federal system may help address rational ignorance by incentivizing individuals to seek information.
This document discusses strategies for sustaining civic engagement. It identifies barriers to participation such as lack of civics education and voter suppression. It describes a spectrum of civic actions from lightweight to heavyweight. Tactical actions are reactive while strategic actions work to implement long-term policy goals. Sustaining engagement requires countering fatigue, recognition for contributions, gamification, civic education, connecting actions to daily life, building community, and empowerment.
This document summarizes some key democratic challenges in contemporary society. It discusses how special interest groups, ethnic and single issue parties, and organized religion can potentially undermine democracy. It also examines how multinational corporations can maneuver around nation states' laws. Other challenges include lack of time leading to mass stupidity, voter apathy, government suppression of the press, the influence of mass media, and powerful lobbying groups distorting public opinion. Overall, the document analyzes factors that can destabilize democracy and how its principles of individual worth, equality, and opportunity need active protection and defense against these influences.
Perfectessay.net coursework sample #1 mla styleDavid Smith
In their article, authors Nichols and McChesney discuss the crisis of journalism in America and its decline, which threatens democracy. They argue that media companies prioritized profits over professional journalism, leading to less news content. While some blame new technologies or economics, the authors believe the crisis stems from media consolidation reducing authentic journalism. To revive the industry, they propose government intervention through indirect subsidies, which they argue need not threaten media independence.
The document discusses media bias and whether it truly exists. It argues that while both liberals and conservatives claim bias in the media, the bias may be more of a myth perpetuated by political leaders to convince their followers. It aims to analyze cable news and talk shows to determine if provable bias exists or if the perception of bias depends on one's political viewpoint. It also discusses how context and a communicator's situation can influence the understanding and perception of messages.
This document provides an analysis of populism as a political phenomenon. It begins by examining the rise of populism in recent years using an index tracking support for populist parties in developed countries since 1900. Populism is currently at its highest level since the 1930s. The document then outlines an "archetypical populist template" involving the common man rebelling against elites, wealth gaps, and ineffective government, leading to strong populist leaders pursuing nationalist, protectionist and militaristic policies that increase conflicts within and between countries. Examples are given of iconic populist leaders from the 1930s interwar period that followed this template.
This document summarizes the key outcomes and objectives of a seminar on journalism issues. The seminar aims to help students learn about current issues in journalism, understand how media shapes public opinions and produces stories, and reflect critically on media structures and content. It also aims to help students demonstrate understanding of journalistic practices, critically analyze media content and major outlets, and develop guidelines to improve reportage on journalism issues.
The role of the media in promoting issue based politics.cmd. james gondiJames Gondi
The document discusses the role of the media, or "Fourth Estate", in promoting issue-based politics in Kenya. It notes that the media observes the political process to ensure it is not exploited, and influences political outcomes and candidates. However, the media faces challenges like stringent laws, ownership monopolies, and threats of violence. It also contends with issues in Kenyan politics like ethnicity dividing access to resources, and grand corruption undermining development. The document calls on political journalists to promote accountability, expose corruption, and investigate the misuse of public funds and political mobilization along ethnic lines.
The document discusses several ways in which mass media may fail to fulfill ideal functions in a democracy. It describes how people experience social and political reality increasingly through mediated sources like TV rather than direct experiences. TV is cited as the primary source of political information for most Americans, though news presented is often superficial with an emphasis on spectacle over substance. The business interests of media owners shape content to maximize profits over public interests. This can lead to homogenized, sensationalized news with limited perspectives.
Jjournalistic routines on political news-gathering.
The second part looks at the role played by organizational forces
The third section explores the ways that an array of economic factors shape news.
The final portion describes the complex ways that the larger political system influences news, particularly coverage of recent wars.
The document discusses the impact of social media on politics in Bangladesh. It analyzes how social media influences politics and political parties in the country in various ways, through both primary and secondary research. The document finds that social media has significant influence on political movements and allows politicians to more directly communicate with citizens. However, it can also spread misinformation if the information portrayed is inaccurate. The document examines different levels of influence from individual media workers to large organizations and how they can shape political coverage.
Influences on content from outside of media orgraniztion (assignment)AbdulWakeel26
Outside influences can significantly impact media content. Sources that journalists rely on, like government officials and interest groups, can shape coverage through the information they provide or withhold. Advertisers also wield influence as media organizations rely on advertising revenue, and may suppress unfavorable stories. Government policies like regulations and licensing can pressure media as well. Market forces also impact content as media organizations compete for audiences and adapt to new technologies to remain commercially viable. Overall, multiple social institutions outside of media organizations can influence the information that is reported and how stories are covered.
The document discusses the basic tasks of journalism in a democracy. It identifies three main tasks: 1) observing and informing the public, 2) participating in public life through critical commentary and expression of opinions, and 3) providing a platform for other voices to reach audiences. Journalism can fulfill these tasks through different types of media outlets, ranging from internally pluralistic commercial media to partisan media oriented towards particular groups. Common journalistic roles include being a monitor, facilitator, and advocate.
This document discusses the relationship between media organizations and economic conditions. It provides two examples of how individual journalists' financial situations were impacted by the economic environment in their countries. It then discusses how media organizations rely on financial independence to operate freely, but economic pressures can threaten that independence by forcing organizations to seek support from political or business interests. The document examines factors like press freedom, advertising markets, and literacy that influence the economic strength of media in different countries and regions.
The document discusses the complex relationship between politicians, journalists, and spin doctors. Politicians need positive publicity from journalists to help their careers, while journalists need newsworthy stories to engage audiences. This dynamic has led to the rise of spin doctors, who work to frame information in a favorable way for the politician. While spin doctors help manage large amounts of media, they also create barriers between journalists and real stories and questions the quality of democracy.
Who decides what is news and what is not news?Eduardo Herrera
1) Journalists Jane Akre and Steve Wilson reported on the health risks of Monsanto's bovine growth hormone product being used in dairy farms and present in milk.
2) Their news station Fox, which is owned by the same parent company as Monsanto, pressured them to only report positively on the product and retracted the negative reporting due to fears of losing advertising dollars from Monsanto.
3) When Akre and Wilson refused to change their reporting, they were fired. They sued and initially won but the decision was later reversed on appeal. The case shows the conflict between honest reporting and commercial pressures from large advertisers.
Local media systems in the US have become severely diminished due to consolidation of commercial media ownership. Six companies now own 90% of US media outlets, leaving many communities without proper local journalism. This has inadequate local reporting and leaves communities vulnerable without independent oversight of those in power. Barriers to improving local media include lack of funding for investigative reporting, decline of print media, corporate control of local news, and "professionalism" in journalism that favors official sources over critical analysis.
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Level 3 NCEA - NZ: A Nation In the Making 1872 - 1900 SML.pptHenry Hollis
The History of NZ 1870-1900.
Making of a Nation.
From the NZ Wars to Liberals,
Richard Seddon, George Grey,
Social Laboratory, New Zealand,
Confiscations, Kotahitanga, Kingitanga, Parliament, Suffrage, Repudiation, Economic Change, Agriculture, Gold Mining, Timber, Flax, Sheep, Dairying,
3. Theories of politics-media
relationships
• Media as instrument/channel of informing the citizens
(symbiosis: dependent on politicians & politicians depend on it)
• Media as players in the political process, e.g. watchdog role,
representation
• Grey zone between interdependence and corruption has been
largely ignored in academic, policy research and by the NGOs
4. Politics-media relationships in
new democracies
Contradictory developments:
• Embracing press freedom.
• Leapfrogging into ‘third age’.
• Footprints of the old regime on structures and
practices of political communication.
• Dysfunctional transition.
5. What is corruption?
• People controlling something that does not belong to them and they fail the rules
and trust placed in them
• Corruption analyzed only from institutional point of view
How to measure it?
• Perception of general public and stakeholders
How does it happen?
• Corrupt contracts are not enforceable by law, but instead by self-enforcing (long-
term; overlapping interests), informal enforcing institutions (mafia, ethnic groups…),
perverse use of formal enforcing institutions (blackmailing with compromats and
creating interlocking dependencies)
• The act of corruption creates a bond as both sides share the guilt
Corruption
6. Why is media corruption so under-research?
• No will to do it; too fuzzy to identify
What is media corruption?
• Liberal market and everything being for sale – where is the boundary
• Market and/vs. social function of media
• Functional interdependency and corruption interdependency
• Corruption as a consequence of professionalism of media-politicians relation
• Personal transactions (often), but a structural problem (usually)
Who is who in media corruption?
• Poor journalists “media proletariat” vs. rich editors “media bourgeoisie”
• Do politicians corrupt media or vice versa?
Media corruption
7. The study, data
Project “Political Communication in New Democracies: Government-
Media Relationships in Transition” (British Academy, LRG-45511).
8 countries from 4 continents.
Here: Bulgaria, Brazil
Semi-structured interviews with politicians, journalists and
intermediaries (total N used here: 55)
Question wording: “To your knowledge, are there journalists here in
[country] who accept money or any other favours in exchange for
favourable news coverage?”
8. The cases
Bulgaria
End of communist rule in 1989, but begin of reforms delayed until
1997.
EU concerns about high level of corruption, but growth of mafia-
style organised crime.
Brazil
End of military rule in 1985, but continued veto power of the army.
Closed circle of elites control political and economic power. History
of impunity of corruption.
Signs of change: recent large-scale corruption trials.
To what extent are the media able to keep distance; to what extent
are they part of the system of clientelism and corruption?
10. Media corruption – does it exist
and to what extent?
Frequent, pervasive phenomenon
• Media hijacked by political and economic
interests
[commissioned publications] are inseparable from our
media life (P3BG)
… problems are the corruption and business interests in
politics as well as the intrusion of economic & other
interests in media (P6BG)
• ‘Watchdog coverage’ = smear campaigns
The ‘big’ talking does not mean that the truth is coming
out. There can be economic and political interest behind
it (J8BG)
Exception
• Predominantly on local level;
exchange of favours (not cash)
…this still happens all the time in small cities. But
since it has proven ineffective with the big media, it
is no longer done in the main cities (I5BRZ)
• Threat of main media by corporate
power
I don’t quite believe that the Brazilian press is
free… the Brazilian press is controlled by large
economic groups (J6BRZ)
Bulgaria Brazil
All stakeholders (politicians, journalists &intermediaries) talk about corruption &admit its existence
11. Who is corrupt?
Pressure is passed down to journalists,
who see themselves as victims of
corruption
[The politicians] would normally call the bosses;
they know that calling the journalists wouldn’t do
it. Such decisions can only be made by the big
bosses of the media (J6BG)
How can you expect the journalists to oppose the
external influences if their managers are not able
to resist and protect media integrity? (J3BG)
Regional editors or political owners
strike the deals; but frequently collides
with journalistic ethics
There are people who call the editors up to complain
about a piece of information or to prevent it from
being published (P2BR)
When a politician runs a media group , for example, his
personal enemies will automatically become his
corporation’s enemies as well (I7BRZ)
I know about some colleagues that have been through
that, especially in the regional media. If that ever
happens to me, that is the day I will retire. (J7BRZ)
Bulgaria Brazil
Attributed to high-level (editors, owners) rather than to low-paid journalism (envelope journalism)
12. Mechanisms of media-politics
corruption
Brazil Economic dependency used to pressure media
– Advertising and political ownership
Mostly the big newspapers, the ones that don’t depend on government
advertising to prosper, those tend to be more responsible. Those that
depend on ads from Petrobrás [Brazilian oil company], and so on, can
never be trusted upon. (J1BRZ)
In order to survive, today the media have merged into big corporations.
So, the businessmen who run the companies are linked to the economic
and political powers to some extent. … I’ve seen politicians pressurising,
…a politician blackmailing and saying: “If this continues like this, I’ll
withdraw my sponsorship of this TV programme” (I8BR)
– Government funding
The regional media have sold themselves out. They buy, they are bought,
they are constantly depending on government funding to continue in
business (I6BRZ)
13. Mechanisms of media-politics
corruption
Bulgaria A two-way relationship
• Advertising and other business interests
They are subject to the political approval as they, directly or indirectly,
receive funding from political clans. […] through different economic
entities and their advertising if those entities belong to the state, the
municipalities or political figures. (P8BG)
• Media as active players: Racketeering politicians,
black funds and elections
Who pays? The politicians do. They have to […] After [the media] write
some explicitly negative articles about you, you know you should pay […]
even though they haven’t asked for it explicitly (P5BG)
Here is a paradox: the media constantly make noise about the financial
resources, which the political parties spend during their electoral
campaigns, and at the same time, the media themselves racketeer the
politicians horribly during the campaigns (I1BG)
14. Assumed causes
National level web of vested interests
Lack of democratic values and maturity
in society and media
Small and not-vibrant market, lack of
protection against unfair business
practices, especially out of the capital
Local level
Transition strengthens the role of
institutions and media as watch dogs
Dependence on few key advertising
sources due to ownership
concentration in Brazilian economy,
especially in local media
Bulgaria Brazil
Unclear media ownership – non-transparent political & business alliances
Transition in progress
Economic weakness
15. Corruption in journalism is widespread and often
disguised under a rhetoric of press freedom.
It is not confined to a poor ‘media proletariat’ (Coman
2004). Rather, an emerging media elite
becomes/remains entrenched in collusive relationships
with the politico-corporative power elite.
Conclusion
16. Suggested solutions
Lack of clear solutions, but presence of factors that would
minimize media corruption:
• Increased transparency of ownership and political alliances
• Effective system of horizontal accountability and enforcing
regulations
• Financial independence of media
• Professional associations to strengthen journalistic
independence and professional practices.