Closed door suffering

2
Coordinator : Milan Dharel
Team Leader : Bindu Gautam
Research Associate : Karuna Tamrakar
Editing : Simon Gautam & Michale Croker
Statistician : Mohan Khajum
Pictorial Expert : Prithvi Shrestha
Assistated by : Yubaraj Ghimire, Writu Bhatta, Pratisha Dewan
Enumerators : Kalpana Nepal, Prem Ghimire, Laxmi Khanal,
Prashanta Dangol, Pabitra Oli, RupaAcharya, Radhika
Bhattarai, Bhavani Pandey, Ganga Dahal,
Gita Neupane, Trilochan Neupane, Prakash Sarki &
Samjhana Basnet
Cover Illustration : Rajan Kaphle
Pre-Press : Times Creation, 4410059
Copyrights : @CWISH 2005
Supported by : Save The Children Norway-Nepal Program
R e s e a r c h T e a m - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

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A c k n o w l e d g e m e n t s
In spite of Nepal’s ratification and commitment to various
international standards and treaties, Children in Nepal are
suffering violation of rights. Adults and state mechanism
responsible for respecting, fulfilling and promoting children’s
fundamental rights are failed in several aspects. One of
such rights violation is the problem of child abuse.
A large number of children in Nepal are suffering from
abuse, violence, discrimination and exploitation. Children
living without family care and protection are further
vulnerable to abusive practices. But still the problem is
hidden and rarely exposed. In case of Sexual abuse and
violence it has become further hidden due to the social stigma
attached with this.
Being a Human Rights organization focused on children,
youth and women, CWISH could not overlook such issues.
Working with Child Domestic Workers’ it has received a
lot of complaints of sexual abuse against them by various
actors. Thus in 2003, to combat with the silent suffering of
children especially child domestic workers, CWISH started
the project “Combating Silent Suffering of Children” with
the objective to intensively focused against sexual abuse of
children and protecting them from such suffering including
providing care, support and services.

4
The project was founded on the reference of SCNN-CWIN
study on child sexual abuse “Silent Suffering”, but still there
was not enough information on suffering of out of school
child domestic workers. In fact CWISH has been observing
a huge problem of sexual abuse against these children, while
conducting educational programs.
Therefore, to have information on the problems of sexual
abuse of child domestic workers who are out of school,
CWISH conducted this study “Closed Door Suffering” with
the technical and financial support from Save the Children
Norway Nepal Program. I would like to thank the team of
Save the Children Norway and Sita Ghimire for their
generous help and support.
I hope the study would be valuable reference for people
interested and working on protecting children from such a
heinous crimes. I also expect that this study would be useful
for getting an idea about the vulnerability of children and
the conclusion and recommendations it made would be useful
for programming purpose.
We are thankful to the whole research team lead by Ms.
Bindu Gautam along with Milan Dharel and Karuna
Tamrakar for carrying out such a challenging task, to
Michale Croker and Mr. Simon Gautam for editing of
Language, Prithvi Shrestha for making questionnaire
sketches and Times Creation team for making it possible to
use with children in friendlier way.
The children and the courage who made this study possible
and reveal the issues.The NFE facilitators who involved in
children consultation.
Thanking all other remaining actors to make it a success.
Ms. ShantiAdhikari
Chairperson, 2005 December

5
The work from civil society and the government side in
Nepal for children have been able to make positive changes
on the lives of children. Still some of the issues are
overlooked and not responded properly. One of such problem
was Child Sexual Abuse.
The issues of child sexual abuse have not been appropriately
and intensively addressed by the child rights interventions.
It is also because it was hidden and not much investigated.
There was almost absence of information on this issue.
One of the research done by CWIN and SCNN in 2003
was first such kind of study, which has tried to highlight the
problem, however it is also found not accessed to the out of
school and working children, who are more vulnerable. Thus,
finally the study “Closed Door Suffering” was carried out
to fill up the gaps there.
Doing research with children who are not able to read and
write in such a sensitive issue (Sexual Abuse) was not an
easy task. The research team has proved it’s ability with
accepting and fulfilling the challenges. In Many places
Facilitators (Enumerators) have been harassed by
employers, in many cases children were not interested on
responding to the questions and in some places employers
blocked children to participate on the study process.
Numbers of children were also identified having
psychological trauma and still suffering of abuse during study
period. Thanks to the CWISH Combating Silent Suffering
projects and it’s counseling services, that provided them
necessary support to coup with the problem and protect
themselves. Crossing all the challenges, finally a study report
has come out on your hand.
P r e f a c e

6
We expect the information, analysis; discussion, conclusion
and recommendations from this study would help you all
people to have an idea on the situation of sexual abuse, to
develop appropriate programs and for government to think
of formation and reformation as well as effective
implementation of the policy. We know this is not the end,
rather a beginning point. This report might not represent or
be perfect from all side, we would be more than happy to
receive your suggestion and feedback on this report that
would enhance our work in future.
Finally I would like to thank all my team members involved
in the research without whose active involvement, it was
almost impossible to make it. I would like to thank all those
childrenandtheiremployersforparticipatinginstudyprocess
and also allowing their child domestic workers to involve in
the process. I thank to Michelle Crooker and Mr. Simon
Gautam for their help on making language and writing more
clear; thanks to Mr. Mohan Khajum for data processing and
analysis;thankstoPrithiviShresthaandteamoftimescreation
to design and producing child friendly pictorial questionnaire.
Milan Dharel for excellent coordination and being great
contributor for the study
It was impossible without CWISH interest and commitment
and Save the Children Norway Nepal financial and technical
support to make this study happen. I would like to thank
Ms. Shanti Adhikari, Chairperson of CWISH and her team
as well as Ms. Sita Ghimire from SCNN and the team there
for their cooperation support.
Once again thanking you all those who are involved directly
indirectly in this study.
Ms.BinduGautam,
Research Team Leader, December 2005.

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List of abbreviations
UN UnitedNations
UNCRC UnitedNationsConventionontheRightsofChild
UNICEF UnitedNationsChildren’sFund
ILO InternationalLaborOrganization
IPEC InternationalProgramtoEliminateChildLabor
CWISH Children-WomenInSocialServiceandHumanRights
CWIN ChildWorkersinNepalConcernedCentre
CDWs ChildDomesticWorkers
NLA NationalLabourAcademy
SCNN SavetheChildrenNorwayNepal
UNGASS UnitedNationsGeneralAssemblySpecialSession
NFE Non-FormalEducation
FGD FocusGroupDiscussion
CSA ChildSexualAbuse
UNCHR UnitedNations(High)CommissiononHumanRights
NGO Non-GovernmentOrganization
SMS Short Message Service
DDC DistrictDevelopmentCommittee
VDC VillageDevelopmentCommittee

9
Both Children-Women in Social Service and Human Rights
(CWISH) and Save the Children Norway Nepal (SCNN)
are jointly working on combating Child SexualAbuse (CSA)
since 2003. The study assumes that CSA, a crime against
children, highly prevails in Nepal and it is underreported
Objectives and Methodology
The study broadly seeks to contribute to the identification
of key issues surrounding cases of Child Domestic Workers
(CDWs), and to recommend strategies to address them.
Whereas specifically the study seeks to: investigate the level
of understanding among CDWs and employers about CSA;
identify types and magnitude of CSA and sexual offenders
of CDWs; understand the employers’ perception of CSA;
and finally recommend actions to help prevent and address
sexual abuse of CDWs.
Both qualitative and quantitative tools were adopted to meet
the objectives of the study. This involved letting the children
Executive Summary

10
share their experiences in focus group discussions, recording
their case stories, making informal observations, interacting
with all the stakeholders through checklists, structured and
open-ended questionnaire, and making unstructured
interviews. An extensive pictorial questionnaire was
developed and used to generate information from the
children. The study was conducted with 306 CDWs aged 8
-16, and currently attending non-formal education
programmes (NFE). The study was conducted in two
phases; the first phase involved identifying the CDWs’
understanding level of CSA, and second phase conducting
a prevalence survey ensuring that they respond with a sense
of awareness and freedom of conscience. The children
who were identified with problems of abuse were either
taken to the ANTARJYOTI psychosocial care and support
center or CWISH counselor visited them for counseling
and services. Besides, the CDWs’ respective employers
were also interviewed.
Findings
The findings of the study Closed-door Sufferings are
varied: some relate to new facts, while others confirm the
existing facts. The act of child sexual abuse in the Nepali
society is at alarming level, and the indication is that it can
go further for the reason that it is kept hidden due to the
associated myths and social taboos on sex issues. People
rarely discuss and raise their concern over such issues. Such
social behavior has forced the children to all the more suffer
from the abuses silently in whatever form it may come to
them. And those children who are living out of their home
without their family support and not going to school and
living as workers are further victimized. CDWs are
perceived as highly vulnerable groups because of their
confinement, invisibility and lack of access to family support

11
and protection services. The study records the magnitude
of the perception of both child workers and their employers
which may contribute to future programming in combating
against the act of CSA.
The CDWs’ adult employers too showed low level of
knowledge and understanding of the issue of CSA: out of
90 interviewees, only 55 per cent agreed with both contact
and non-contact forms of activities as sexual abuse. Only
60 per cent thought both boys and girls were vulnerable,
and the remaining thought only girls were vulnerable.Almost
48 per cent of the employers believed both male and female
could sexually molest children, while 44.44 per cent thought
only male could do so and only 1.11 per cent thought only
female could do so. Only 73.33 per cent employers thought
it was only offenders to blame for child sexual abuse, while
others believed children were also responsible for the act.
However, 49 per cent of employers believed persuading
and offering gifts was the way to start abusing children. A
greater number of employers perceived that the offenders
used threats and force to abuse children. A 24.44 per cent
of employers believed that since children did not complain,
they were also responsible for what happened to them.
Similarly, 17.78 per cent thought children made false stories,
and 11.11 per cent said they enjoyed talking about sex, if a
child reported them against sexual abuse case.A96 percent
of employers agreed to educate children about CSA, and
teach them protection skills.
Almost all the out-of-school CDWs were not aware of
different activities that could be considered as CSA cases,
because only 2.30 per cent mentioned the non-contact
forms of abuse also as CSA. However, 59 per cent of them
thought both boys and girls were at risk of sexual abuse,
still 40 per cent stuck to either sex group. Only 19 per cent
of respondents mentioned anyone could abuse children

12
sexually. However, 77.70 per cent children thought the
offender to blame for abusing children, and the rest thought
the children themselves were also responsible. Sexual abuse
against out-of-school CDWs is quite high (54.90%), and
quite against the general belief, the percentages of CSA
cases among the girls (55.25%) and the boys (54.40%) are
almost similar.
Surprisingly contact forms of abuse (56.55%) are found
higher than the non contact forms (43.45%). A 34 per cent
of respondents mentioned that they were even suffering
during the survey period. Majority respondents held males
as the only offenders (82.74%), while a small percentage
held females as the only offenders (4.76%) and equally the
same percentage held both males and females as the
offenders (4.76%). Though a higher number of respondents
said they did not know the offender before, the latter met
the victim frequently they knew each other (26.19%), they
offered friendship (19.05%) and showed affection (17.26%)
before the act of abuse. Only 15.48 per cent threatened
and 11.31 per cent exercised power over the victim. Only
51 per cent children reported what happened to them to
someone and the remaining 49 per cent did not do so, for
they got afraid of (40.48%), and felt hurt (30.95%) after
they were abused. They also did not report the abuse
because almost 29 per cent said the offenders threatened
them, and 25.61 per cent said they feared of losing prestige.
Consequently, the magnitude of the prevalence of the
CDWs’ sexual abuse and the low level of knowledge and
understanding of the issue in parents, employers and children
themselves have further increased their vulnerability and
prevented them from reporting and access to support
services.

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Recommendations
The findings and the conclusions of the study strongly
suggest the key stakeholders—parents, guardians,
concerned organizations and finally State—to move towards
creating children’s voice nationwide and implementing the
strategic activities by:
educating and empowering children especially the child
workers such as the CDWs with the establishment of
community-based mechanisms and systems of support
for children at home, working places and community
level;
completelybanningtheemploymentofchildrenofsmall
age at domestic level and ensuring them school
education;
empowering all children to understand the happenings
against them and to protest and seek support if need
be;
taking in view the current situation, enabling parents,
guardians and employers of working children to protect
the latter from the risk of their being abused and to
access them to support services; and
establishing functionary child-friendly protection
system guided by necessary instruments of laws and
policies both at local and national levels and tying them
into greater networks.

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C o n t e n t s
Executive Summary 9
1. Introduction
1.1 Background 17
1.2 Define Sexual Abuse 20
1.3 Statement of the Problem 21
1.4 Rationale 22
1.5 Objectives of the Study 25
1.6 Methodology of the Study 26
1.7 Limitations of the Study 33
2. Discussions on Child Sexual Abuse
2.1 Concepts about Child Sexual Abuse 35
2.2 Concepts abou Offenders and Victims 37
2.3 Family Risk Factors 40
2.4 Sympoms and Behavioral Disorders as
Indications of Sexual Abuse 41
2.5 Myths Associated with Child Sexual Abuse 44
2.6 Some Facts about Child Sexual Abuse 46
2.7 Some Facts about Child Sexual Abuse in Nepal 48
2.8 Child Domestic Workers and Sexual Abuse 50

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3. Findings
3.1 Socio-Economic Profiles of Respondents 53
3.2 Perspective and Practice of Employing CDWs 56
3.3 Perspectives on Child Sexual Abuse 61
3.4 Prevalence of Sexual Abuse of CDWs 83
4. Discussion of Key Findings
4.1 Child Domestic and Sexual Abuse 97
4.2 Rights Violations : A Serious Issue 100
5. Conclusion and Recommendations
5.1 Conclusion 105
5.2 Recommendations 108
Bibliography 115
Annexes
Annex 1: Guidelines for Facilitating/Working with Children
Annex 2 : Checklist for Focus Group Discusion
Annex 3 : Questionnaires
Annex 4 : Findings Table Details

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Involving children in domestic service is a traditional practice
in Nepal. In a feudal society children of poor and landless
families are sent to work at their feudal lords’ houses as
domestic servants. Some work as bonded labourers, which
is a slavery-like practice prevalent even to this day in Nepal.
Over time, the practice of Child DomesticWorkers (CDWs)
has become a common phenomenon.
1.1 Background
Introduction
oneChapter

18
1
A Rapid Assessment on Child Domestic Workers in Kathmandu Valley
2001, Dr. Shiva Sharma, ILO-IPEC, National Labor Academy).
2
Annual Status Report, Children in Domestic Service in Kathmandu Valley
2005, CWISH.
One reason behind the increase in the number of child
labourers has been Nepal’s unstable political situation. Since
the rise of conflict, it became a common thing for children
to go to work as domestic labourers. The villages remained
no longer a safe place for even adults. Many schools got
closed due to conflict-led threats, teachers’ abduction, and
forceful recruitment of children as soldiers. Women/mothers
began to be killed for no reason by both the state and the
rebels. Consequently, young children forcefully became
school dropouts that led them, at a tender age, to take up
petty jobs for paltry wages. According to the International
Labor Organization (ILO), the number of children working
as CDWs is dangerously high in the Kathmandu Valley. A
total of 56,000 children are in domestic service spread in all
the 58 urban areas of Nepal1
. Employing children as
domestic servants is more widespread in the cities than in
the villages as most of the poverty-ridden villagers often
feel that sending their children to the cities as domestic
labourers guarantees food, shelter, clothing and even
education.
Children are preferred as domestic labourers mainly
because they are cheap, they tend not to complain, are
vulnerable and easy to manipulate, intimidate and exploit.
Studies reveal that a child works for a wage five times less
that than that demanded by an average adult2
. For instance
the minimum daily wage is Rs. 67, while a child domestic
worker earns only around Rs. 300 per month. CDWs are
often vulnerable to exploitation by their own employers,
physically, mentally and sexually.
Since its establishment in 1996, Children and Women in

19
Social Service and Human Rights (CWISH) has been
addressing the problems of child domestic labour with a
view to improve the children’s situation, and ultimately end
this worst form of child labour. Following its long term
strategic objective to eliminate the practice of child domestic
labour, CWISH has worked with more than 6,000 children
in domestic labour. Through its work with CDWs, CWISH
has identified the prevalence of child sexual abuse as, a
critical issue.
Save the Children Norway Nepal (SCNN) believes that
sexual abuse puts a child’s survival and development at risk,
reinforcesdiscrimination,deniesanymeaningfulparticipation
of the child in matters that affect them and is definitely not
in the best interests of the child. Therefore, SCNN aims to
contribute to protecting children from sexual abuse and
exploitation and to reducing the incidence and impact of
child sexual abuse and exploitation (SCNN Policy).
Child sexual abuse is a major problem experienced by
children worldwide, including Nepal. However, most
Nepalese are ignorant of this issue. Talking about sex,
sexuality and sexual issues is considered a social taboo in
Nepali culture, and so child sex related matters are even
more of an embarrassment, disgrace and taboo. Children
are expected to obey their elders no matter what they ask,
and this cultural factor places them in a relatively powerless
situation. For example, in a situation where an adult abuses
a child, the latter can neither directly oppose the offensive
behaviour, nor share his/her problem with others.
Sexual abuse of CDWs is considered to be common due to
the child’s vulnerability and isolation at their employers’
homes. However, it cannot be ignored that all children are
at risk of sexual abuse everywhere. CDWs are considered
to be in a more vulnerable situation of sexual abuse as they

20
are away from their family and home and there exists a
power hierarchy between the employer, and the employees’
family. CDWs often do not have anyone with whom they
can share their feelings, problems and pains.
Despite the CDWs facing mounting problems, no study has
to date determined, in a focused manner, the extent of
their sexual abuse in the Nepali society. The only related
study made so far was a CWIN and SCNN joint research
on child sexual abuse among school going children in which
some participants were from CDWs. So, with a view to
filling in the information gap, CWISH and SCNN conducted
the study among the out-of-school CDWs in Kathmandu
and Lalitpur districts. Both of these organizations have been
jointly working on combating against CSA since 2003.
1.2 Defining Child SexualAbuse
Child Sexual Abuse (CSA) and exploitation is a global
phenomenon. It is a serious violation of child rights. SCNN
is dedicated to working for the protection of children from
sexual abuse and exploitation pursuant to the UN Convention
on Rights of the Child (UNCRC). The organization works
on the basis of the universally accepted definition of CSA
as “the imposition of sexual acts, or acts with sexual
overtones, by one or more persons on a child” with a view
to effectively address the problems of girls and boys, and
the study is guided by this common definition.
According to a WHO definition,
Child sexual abuse is the involvement of a child in sexual
activity that he or she does not fully comprehend, is unable
to give informed consent to, or for which the child is
not developmentally prepared and cannot give consent, or
that violate the laws or social taboos of society. Child sexual
abuse is evidenced by an activity between a child and an

21
adult or another child who by age or development is in a
relationshipofresponsibility,trustorpower,theactivitybeing
intended to gratify or satisfy the needs of the other person.
This may include but is not limited to the inducement or
coercion of a child to engage in any unlawful sexual activity;
the exploitative use of a child in prostitution or other unlawful
sexual practices; the exploitative use of children in
pornographic performances and materials. (Consultation on
ChildAbuse Prevention (62), 1999)
More specifically, child sexual abuse includes indecent
touching, penetration and sexual torture, as well as indecent
exposure, using sexually explicit language towards a child
and showing children pornographic material. It includes all
forms of sexual abuse and exploitation under the general
definition of sexual abuse.
Note: The legal age of consent defines when a child is
regarded mature enough to consent to mutually desired
sexual relations. The legal age of consent in Nepal is above
the age of 16, however, the UNCRC defines anyone as
child up to the age of 18.
1.3 Statement of the Problem
ILO estimates the domestic work in the households of
families other than that of the child’s own is the largest
single employment category of under 16 girls in the world.
Although the numbers that this represents are ‘don’t know’,
it is likely to run into millions worldwide.
Aside from the magnitude of children involved in domestic
work, the most alarming aspect is their condition of work.
They live and work in a closed-door condition, which is a
life with no public view, at their employers’ home. Their
invisibility, lack of negotiating power, and lack of awareness
of their rights makes CDWs vulnerable to exploitation,

22
including physical, emotional, and sexual abuses.
Of all forms of abuse, perhaps the most difficult one for
people to come to terms with is that of sexual abuse.
However, for long, incidents of sexual abuse were spoken
in hushed voices. Studies suggest that a vast number of
survivors of sexual abuse are the children. It shows that
one in four girls and one in six boys are the victims of
unwanted sexual acts before turning 18. Children are raped,
sodomised and sexually exploited in different ways routinely
in all classes and areas of society. Many children in the
worldaresexuallyabusedintheirfamilies,theircommunities,
at the workplaces and in the streets. With the growing
popularity of internet, children are forced to participate in
the production of pornographic movies or view the images.
CSA affects victims across all aspects of their lives. They
often become physically damaged and emotionally
traumatized. While it is clear that not all CDWs suffer abuse,
neglect, or exploitation and that their working conditions
may not necessarily be dangerous or inhumane, but we
should not ignore the fact that a significant number of CDWs
face sexual abuse. They often do not talk about sexual abuse
committed against them due to shame, guilt and fear of
repercussions or disbelief from their family back home. If
they do speak it out, it is likely that they will experience
shame, guilt and bring dishonour to their own families.
Consequently they meekly accept the abuse and suffer the
pain therefrom.
1.4 Rationale
The underlying rationale for this joint CWISH and SCNN
report is to raise awareness and help facilitate action to
prevent and protect children from sexual abuse and
exploitation. The study primarily focuses on CDWs, because

23
there is currently a gap of factual information.
This rationale is consistent with the broader international
view that it is the responsibility of every civil society and its
individuals to bring an end to all forms of sexual abuse and
exploitation experienced by children.
The Child Rights Convention (CRC) 1989 clearly states
the responsibility for protection of children from sexual abuse
and exploitation. Likewise, the Declaration of UNGASS
“World Fit for Children” also calls for work on the protection
of children from sexual abuse. The ILO Conventions 138,182
and recommendation 190 call for actions to end the child
workers’ sexual harassment at work.
TheUNConventionontheRightsofChild(UNCRC)states:
Article 19: (1) States Parties shall take all appropriate
legislative, administrative, social and educational measures
to protect the child from all forms of physical or mental
violence, injury or abuse, neglect or negligent treatment,
maltreatment or exploitation, including sexual abuse, while
in the care of parent(s), legal guardian(s) or any other person
who has the care of the child. (2) Such protective measures
should, as appropriate, include effective procedures for the
establishment of social programmes to provide necessary
support for the child and for those who have the care of the
child, as well as for other forms of prevention and for
identification, reporting, referral, investigation, treatment and
follow-up of instances of child maltreatment described
heretofore, and, as appropriate, for judicial involvement.”
Article 32: (1) States Parties recognize the right of the
child to be protected from economic exploitation and from
performing any work that is likely to be hazardous or to
interfere with the child’s education, or to be harmful to the

24
child’s health or physical, mental, spiritual, moral or social
development. (2) States Parties shall take legislative,
administrative, social and educational measures to ensure
the implementation of the present article. To this end, and
having regard to the relevant provisions of other international
instruments, States Parties shall in particular:
(a) Provide for a minimum age or minimum ages for
admission to employment;
(b) Provide for appropriate regulation of the hours and
conditions of employment;
(c) Provide for appropriate penalties or other sanctions to
ensure the effective enforcement of the present article.
Article 34: States Parties undertake to protect the child
from all forms of sexual exploitation and sexual abuse. For
these purposes, States Parties shall in particular take all
appropriate national, bilateral and multilateral measures to
prevent:
(a) The inducement or coercion of a child to engage in
any unlawful sexual activity;
(b) The exploitative use of children in prostitution or other
unlawful sexual practices;
(c) The exploitative use of children in pornographic
performances and materials.
UN Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of
the Child on the sale of children, child prostitution and child
pornography (come into force on 18 January 2002):
Article 10 (3) States Parties shall promote the strengthening
of international cooperation in order to address the root
causes, such as poverty and underdevelopment, contributing
to the vulnerability of children to the sale of children, child
prostitution, child pornography and child sex tourism. (4.)

25
States Parties in a position to do so shall provide financial,
technical or other assistance through existing multilateral,
regional, bilateral or other programmes.
Nepal’s Tenth National Plan also includes a call for action
to end child abuse. It states a long term objective to end all
kinds of violence, exploitation and discrimination against
women and children. Similarly, on the policy of action to
mainstream child rights, it calls for protection of children
from all kinds of violent activities, abuse and exploitations.
Despite all these policy instruments, the reality in Nepal is
that CSA highly prevails, but it is underreported. Even among
the reported CSA cases, a large number of them lack proper
care and service. There are very few programmes and
services that have targeted children to protect them from
sexual abuse, unlike in trafficking and commercial sexual
exploitation. The children who are poor, disadvantaged and
marginalized such as CDWs are at high risk of sexual abuse
because of their less power in social system and isolation
from family care and support. Therefore there is urgent
need of exact information and figures to draw out concrete
programmes so as to protect the poorest of the poor children
from such heinous crime and also to raise social concern
on child protection. Keeping children’s best interest in view,
this study can be a milestone for child protection advocacy
and campaign against child sexual abuse.
1.5 Objectives of the Study
The broad objective of this study is to contribute to the
identification of key issues surrounding CSA cases among
CDWs, and recommend strategies to address these issues.

26
The more specific objectives of the study are to:
investigate the level of understanding and awareness
of CDWs and employers about child sexual abuse;
identify types and the magnitude of CSA committed
against CDWs;
identify the sexual offenders of CDWs;
understand the perception of employers of child sexual
abuse; and
lay out recommendations for action to help prevent
and address sexual abuse of CDWs.
1.6 Methodology of the Study
The study is based upon both qualitative and quantitative
research techniques. Human behaviour is not easily
encapsulated in numbers and percentages. Therefore, for
purpose of studying a sensitive issue like sexual abuse of
CDWs, it is necessary to employ both techniques to get the
best of information.
1.6.1 Study samples and distribution of sample
locations
The research into sexual abuse of children in domestic
services was carried out on children in domestic services
between 8 -16 who are currently attending the non-formal
education (NFE) programme run by CWISH. There were
306 CDWs involved in the study. Most of the CDWs worked
full time, while others worked part time. Their respective
employers were also involved in the study. The employers’
consent for participation in the study was received before
the research team spoke to them and the CDWs about the
study. CDWs from all 17 CWISH non-formal classes in
the valley participated in the research. They were located
in Chabahil, Dhumbarahi, Maharajgunj, Basundhara,

27
Bouddha, Saraswatinagar, Balaju, Kuleshwar, Kusunti,
Satdobato, Balkumari, Koteshwar, Sanepa, Maijubahal,
Anamnagar and Gyaneshwar.
1.6.2 Questionnaire development and pre-test
The questionnaire for both employers and children was
developed with utmost care in view of the subject’s
sensitivity. The pictorial questionnaire for the children was
carefully scrutinized before it was finalized. This was done
in order to present the pictures of various forms of sexual
abuse in a respectable form. Pilot tests were conducted
separately with the CDWs and employers to assess the
validity of the questionnaire. Some of the employers were
illiterate and they were assisted while filling in the survey
questions. After the test, it was decided not to involve the
illiterate employers in the questionnaire session. Following
the completion of the pilot test, the questionnaire for all the
CDWs attending NFE centres and their respective
employers was finalized.
1.6.3 Construction of study team and its
orientation
Considering the sensitivity of the matter and seriousness of
the study, the team was formulated consisting of a female
team leader with long experience in social research.
Assisting her were a child rights female research associate,
a statistician, and an artist (pictorial expert) and various
other enumerators. In addition, facilitators from all NFE
centres were also involved in the process of administering
questionnaire to the children. Besides, a child counsellor’s
expertise was used in the study. To lead the entire study
project to a successful end, a senior CWISH staff
coordinated it. Other CWISH staff members also gave their
helping hand to the study project.

28
The team members and NFE facilitators were provided
orientation on various aspects of sexual abuse and
communication skills. Proper communication skills were
essential to bring out and address the actual problems faced
by the children while avoiding further victimization of the
children. Different ways of administering both pictorial and
non-pictorial forms of questionnaire to the children were
discussed in order to put the children at ease and conduct
the study in a friendly environment. Emphasis was put on
maintaining confidentiality of any sort of sexual abuse that
the children faced, to avoid further victimization. Ways of
addressing unseen problems and issues in the process of
the study were also discussed. Guidelines were provided to
all the team members and NFE facilitators while working
with the children. (Annex 1)
1.6.4 Management of the fieldwork
Collection of primary data in the field was made through
focus group discussion and filling in of survey questionnaire.
A facilitator from the respective NFE centres administered
thestructuredquestionnairetotheemployers.Whileconducting
focus group discussions with the employers, care was taken
not to involve the employers who had already participated the
questionnaire session in order to avoid repetition.
Focus group discussions were held with the employers of
CDWs of seven different NFE centres. In these sessions
were involved, both employers who were literate, and those
who had difficulty in reading and writing. Two different
facilitators conducted the focus group discussions
simultaneously along with the respective NFE facilitators.
After assessing the views of the employers on the issue of
child sexual abuse, CDWs of the NFE centres were involved
in filling out the questionnaire and discussing their views

29
and experiences in the issue. For this purpose, a daylong
workshop was held for boys and girls separately. This was
done to avoid gender awkwardness. Two different groups
were formed to conduct these workshops simultaneously,
with the CDWs of all 17 NFE centres.
Each research team consisted of five members - a facilitator,
three volunteers, along with an NFE facilitator of the
respective NFE centre. A team of at least five members
was required to give individual attention to the children while
administering the questionnaire.
After conducting the workshops in 6 different NFE centres,
a review meeting was held with the team members.
Problems encountered in the workshops were discussed in
order to make the remaining workshops more successful.
Again, care was taken not to re-victimize the children by
making them give details, in front of other children, of the
sexual abuse they had experienced.
It was also important to ensure that the children felt that
any sexual abuse committed against them was not their
fault. Therefore, the team members were reminded not to
focus on legal punishments. This was to help the children
open up, and feel more comfortable in giving information.
Similarly, emphasis was given on observation to gain clues
about the vulnerability of the children.
1.6.5 Tools of the study
Child sexual abuse is a very sensitive issue and children
have great difficulty in sharing their experiences. Keeping
this in view, different tools of data collection were employed
in the study.

30
Focus group discussion
In order to facilitate group interaction among the employers
and provide a better understanding of child sexual abuse,
focus group discussions were held in seven different groups
for the employers of the CDWs. This was conducted after
the survey questions were administered to different groups
of employers to avoid repetition and also to involve
employers who had difficulty in reading and filling up the
questions. Each group consisted of about 7-9 employers,
both male and female. Two moderators simultaneously
carried out the discussion in different centres along with an
NFE facilitator as a note taker. Each session lasted about 2
hours. The FGDs were guided by issue-focused checklists.
Structured questionnaire
As mentioned earlier, the employers of CDWs participated
in filling in the questionnaire that required their knowledge
on child sexual abuse. Similarly, CDWs were also involved
in filling in the different sets of structured questionnaire.
Separate day-long workshops were organized for CDW
boys and girls at NFE centres. They were encouraged to
actively participate in the workshop to assess their
knowledge of sexual abuse and the prevalence of child
sexual abuse of CDWs. The workshop used child friendly
tools to create an environment to facilitate rapport building
with the children. Different ways of introducing issues
included songs, role plays, dramas and giving out prizes.
Taking into consideration the children’s level of
understanding, use of technical terms was avoided to make
the child more comfortable. For example, instead of using
the term “child sexual abuse”, simple expressions like
“problems encountered in the daily lives such as eve teasing,
uneasy feelings when fondled by someone, unwanted
kissing,” and the like were used initially to bring out the

31
issue by children themselves. Many children immediately
translated the issue as child sexual abuse.
Before administering the structured questionnaire relating
to knowledge and understanding of child sexual abuse, the
children were told to give their views on child sexual abuse.
Interestingly there were always some children who had some
knowledge on this issue. This prevented the facilitator having
to explain what child sexual abuse is before the children’s
knowledge was assessed.
After completing the first set of questionnaire, orientation
on CSA was given by a team member. Role plays by the
team members further helped the children to open up and
freely conduct the second set of questionnaire mainly
focused on bringing out the magnitude and types of sexual
abuses experienced by the children. Children were asked
to draw pictures on issues of CSA they might have felt,
seen or heard or which had concerned them. The workshop
ended with songs or some other forms of entertainment.
Externalinterferencewasnotallowedtodisturbtheworkshop
sothatthechildrenremainedfocused.Similarly,childrenwere
constantly reminded not to humiliate other children, and to
maintain secrecy about the information shared.
Informal observation
Observationwasanotherimportanttooltocollectinformation
from the workshops held for the CDWs without disturbing
the flow of activity. Factors like facial expressions of the
children while sharing their experiences, and those of other
children who were listening to them, their body postures,
feeling of uneasiness they showed, or their gestures were
constantly kept under observation.
In the observation of the employers during focus group

32
discussion, often girls shared awkward glances and showed
uneasiness in front of the boys. Some girls even giggled
and others looked down instead of sharing their opinions.
To create an environment of confidential sharing, some
participants were given more attention and sharing chance
in other confidential places.
Open ended questionnaire
In the structured questionnaire designed for CDWs and their
employers, some open-ended questions also were included
to get qualitative information. The team members helped
write down the children’s answers because of the children’s
inability to write in readable forms.
Unstructured interview
In the process of facilitating the children in filling in the
questionnaire, some children were identified as cases and
they were on the spot interviewed along with some form of
counselling. For example, when a child expressed indications
that she/he was abused or was still under abuse, they were
immediately taken aside for further and rather detail
information on the issue. While some were reluctant and
unwilling to give information readily, some shared their
experiences openly. This was another tool that provided an
indication of a need for further counselling.
In such cases the study team referred the child to
counselling care and support centre for further assistance
and rescue from the existing situation. The child who was
identified with problems of abuse was either taken to the
CWISH ANTARJYOTI psychosocial care and support
centre or the CWISH counsellor visited her/him for
counselling and meeting other needs.

33
1.6.6 Information processing and analysis
The information received through the survey was processed
through software developed purposely designed for the
research. The data were then analyzed in the context of
child rights, social phenomena and existing national and
international legal standards. On the basis of the analysis,
conclusions and recommendations were drawn.
1.7 Limitations of the Study
Although the employers were positive towards the study
and permitted the collection of information relating to CSA,
it was difficult for them to manage the time to participate in
the questionnaire session. Employer participants were mainly
housewives or shopkeepers, for office workers were often
unable to find the time to participate. Further, some
housewives were illiterate and they did not participate in
the written questionnaire.
In the employers’ focus group discussion, some of them
were reluctant to answer questions relating to CSA. They
believed that such matter should not be discussed so openly,
as there is risk that children might learn bad behaviour. In
some groups the women participants preferred to keep quiet
and passively listen to the male participants. The male
participants actively took part in the discussion on various
forms of sexual abuse.
Arranging a full day’s leave from work for the CDWs to
participate in the study was not an easy task. It was also
significant to get permission from the employers for CDWs
to participate in the study. Some employers showed
impatience to allow the CDWs five hours leave. They were
assured that their particular CDW would have a holiday
the next day as it would be either the boys’ or girls’ turn to
participate in the workshop. Due to this, all the children
from the NFE classes could not participate in the research.

34
The research was conducted towards the end of the 9-
months NFE course.As a result, many children had already
left the NFE classes to go home for Dashain/or Tihar
festival. Therefore, not all the children who initially joined
the NFE classes could participate in the study, further
affecting the number of child participants.
While conducting the workshop for the children, the
participants often took a considerable amount of time
narrating their stories. Unfortunately, all of their stories could
not be heard due to lack of time allocated for the day, which
could again annoy the employers or affect their daily chores.
Some of the children themselves were eager to finish the
workshop, as they were concerned about their daily chores
and other jobs at home.

35
Discussions on
Child Sexual Abuse
twoChapter
There are many studies on child sexual abuse which
consequently have defined it in several ways. The United
Nations defines child sexual abuse and incest as “The
imposition of sexually inappropriate acts, or acts with sexual
overtones by one or more persons, who derive authority
through ongoing emotional bonding with that child” (UN
2000).
2.1 Concepts about Child Sexual Abuse

36
This definition includes non-contact forms of abuse, such
as flashing, sexualized talk and showing pornography to
children, in addition to actual touching and penetration. Some
studies focus only on direct physical contact while others
define it as a mixture of contact and non-contact forms.
Incest has also been defined by some as both sexual abuse
by close family members and anyone trusted by the child
(Heidberg 2001).
Finkelhor (1984) has defined sexual abuse with some
guidance on the age of development level of the participants,
sometimes with a clause concerning the experienced
aversiveness of the activity and the element, which make it
abusive. He defines sexual victimization as sexual
encounters of children under thirteen with persons at least
five years older than themselves and encounters of children
of thirteen to sixteen years with persons at least ten years
older. Sexual encounters are defined as intercourse, anal-
genitalcontact,fondlingoranencounterwithanexhibitionist.
Baker and Duncan (1985) have defined sexual abuse as,
“a child under age sixteen is sexually abused when another
person, who is sexually mature, involves the child in any
activity with the other person expects to lead to their sexual
arousal.” In these definitions a chronological age has been
selected to define the limits of abuse. However, a central
factor in any form of sexual abuse involves the use of
coercion in an explicit or implicit way, and this is indeed a
central factor in designating it as abusive.
Some definitions have included a child’s ability to consent
to sexual contact. For example, Schechter and Roberge
state: “Sexual abuse is defined as the involvement of
dependent,development,developmentallyimmaturechildren
and adolescents in sexual activities they do not truly
comprehend to which they are unable to give informed

37
consent, or that violate the social taboos of family roles.”
According to this definition, child sexual abuse includes the
situation where the child does not resist sexual advances
by an adult. Such an activity is still regarded as an abuse
because the child is unaware of the social meanings and
psychological effects of sexual encounters. In addition, a
child may be unable to give informed consent due to the
dependence on or power relations with an adult. This is
particularly relevant to CDWs whose dependency on their
employer and the associated power relationship can lead to
theemployermanipulatingthechildforhisorhergratification
and against the well being of the child.
CWISH defines child sexual abuse is as any kind of activity
over children with sexual overtones mostly by adults and
many times by elder children. This includes both contact
such as kissing, fondling and rape and non-contact such as
pornographic activities, teasing, making to see and hear
sexual pictures and sounds with intention to have sexual
act with children. CSA happens mainly on the basis of
power hierarchy rather than the sexual intention, hence an
abuse of power over children.And it often occurs in a one-
child to one-adult situation; nonetheless, it can happen
anywhere to any child by anyone.
2.2 Concepts about Offenders and Victims
The offender
Perpetrators are most often those the child knows and trusts.
“An estimated 90 per cent of sexual abuse is at home or at the
hands of someone known to the family. The majority of
perpetrators are relatives, most notably fathers, stepfathers,
uncles, grandfathers, older siblings, as well as mothers,
grandmothers,andaunts”(Engel22-23).Otherfemaleoffenders
might include older cousins, babysitters, older girls in the
neighbourhood, and female teachers and coaches (Engel 16).

38
Usually the perpetrator has easy access to the child because
she/he has sole responsibility for the child, or takes care of
or visits the child, and is trusted by the child’s parents. It
has been found that children are most at risk of abuse in
and around their home environment by people they normally
trust. Sexual abuse usually occurs in places regarded as
safe for children.
Many researches have confirmed that:
most offenders are not strangers to their victims, they
are well known to their victims;
approximately 25 per cent of offenders are adolescents;
most of the reported offenders are males;
offenders use a number of tactics to gain access to
children and ensure their victim’s silence, including
threats, psychological coercion, physical force and
bribery; and
most of the sexual abuse takes place in the context of
an ongoing relationship between the offender and the
child.
Children are often advised to keep themselves away from
strangers and unfamiliar places to protect themselves from
any form of sexual abuse. However, this does not effectively
protect them from abuse that takes place within the home.
In Baker and Duncans’ (1985) study, in 49 per cent of the
abuse cases, the victims knew their offenders and 14 per
cent of the abuses took place within the family. Similarly, in
Dejong et al. (1983) study, 26 per cent of the abused children
were assaulted at their own home and 21 per cent at the
offender’s home. Russell (1983) study shows that 60 per
cent were known to the victims but were unrelated to them.

39
The victim
All children are vulnerable to sexual abuse. Sexual abuse
and incest occur in every race, class, religion, culture, and
country. Children whose emotional needs are not met, who
are emotionally deprived of, or otherwise abused, can also
be more vulnerable because their perpetrators exploit their
need for attention. Some of the following facts referred to
in the National Clearinghouse on Family Violence
Publication, 2005 give an indication as to why some children
are at high risk of getting sexually abused.
Victims of child sexual abuse are found in all classes and
ethno-cultural communities. Children who have physical or
mental disabilities are especially vulnerable to sexual abuse:
Children who are isolated from others are at greater
risk of being sexually abused. These children have
little contact with friends, brothers and sisters or adults
whom they can trust.
Children want to report their abuse so that it can be
stopped, but they are often afraid that they will not be
believed or protected, or they are afraid of what might
happen if they do tell.
There is little evidence that many children deliberately
make false allegations or misinterpret appropriate
adult-child contact as sexual abuse. False denials of
sexual abuse and recanting a disclosure of abuse are
much more common than false reports.
When a child victim receives professional support prior
to giving testimony in court, her/his statements are
more likely to be clear and accurately reflect the time
and details of the event. The experience is also less
stressful for the child when she/he has received such
support.

40
Children vary in their responses to sexual abuse. The
manner in which adults react to the child’s disclosure
is an important factor in influencing how the child’s
view about the abuse and his or her own role in it.
Being believed and having family support can help the
child to cope and adjust.
All studies have shown a prevalence of girls over the boys
among victims of sexual abuse. In the college students by
Finkelhor (1979), the rates of sexual abuse experienced in
the childhood were twice as high for women (19 percent)
as for men (9 percent). Interestingly, studies have also
shown that offenders tend to blame the child for the abuse
rather than take the responsibility for it themselves. The
abuse of boys is another aspect of child sexual abuse which
has received limited attention. Clinical cases reported so far
show a much lower proportion of boys as victims. This is
perhapsduetothevariousdefinitionsandtheinhibitingfactors
specific to reporting of sexual abuse of boys. Despite the
likely underreporting of this aspect of sexual abuse, studies
have shown that a growing number of boys are involved in
prostitution and pornography (Heidberg,Turid 2001).
2.3 Family Risk Factors
Child sexual abuse is not randomly distributed through the
population. It occurs more frequently in children from
socially deprived and disorganized family backgrounds
(Finkelhor and Baron 1986; Beitchman et al. 1991; Russell
1986; Peters 1988; Mullen et al. 1993 in Paul E Mullen
and Jillian Fleming 1998). Marital dysfunction, as
evidenced by parental separation and domestic violence, is
associated with higher risks of child sexual abuse, and
involves interfamilial and extra familial perpetrators (Mullen
et al 1996; Fergusson et al. 1996; Fleming et al. 1997 in
Mullen and Fleming 1998).

41
A lack of adequate care, supervision and protection leaves
the child exposed to the approaches of molesters, and
vulnerable to offers of apparent interest and affection
(Fergusson and Mullen in press as referred to in Paul E
Mullen and Jillian Fleming 1998). These findings could
indicate that a CDW is vulnerable in terms of her/his lack
of protection, supervision and care from the immediate
family member while living with their employer.
2.4 Symptoms and Behavioural Disorders as
Indications of Sexual Abuse
The impacts of sexual abuse have been studied in great detail.
Research indicates that sexual molestation of a child usually
begins at an age of 8-9 years old, and is perpetrated by
someone who is in the mid-20s or older who is typically male.
(Finkelhor1979;Russell1986inBriere,JohnN.1992).When
a child is sexually assaulted she/he is not only subjected to
immediate effects of the abuse but also it affects the child’s
long-term developmental, psychological and social maturity
(Briere 1992.).
The first phase of modern research on child sexual abuse
was often driven by the self-disclosures of sexual abuse
exclusivelybywomen,facingpersonaldifficultiestheirsexual
abuse as children. In contrast, current studies on child sexual
abuse are predominantly carried out by observations of
professionals caring for abused children. It has now become
a subject of public health and research issue. Due to this
there is a strong emphasis and a grave concern on the long-
term consequences of sexual abuse in adult life, apart from
its immediate implications for an abused child.
Finkelhor and Browne (1985), through their traumatogenic
model explain why certain children manage to cope with
sexual abuse or can deal with their experience while others
suffer long term difficulties. They describe four

42
traumatogenic factors, which can lead to negative
psychological effects in children after sexual abuse. These
are the betrayal by the adult, stigmatization, traumatic
sexualisation and powerlessness of the child.
Due to the overwhelming power of the adult, a child cannot
attempt self-protection and stop the abuse. The power of
the adult makes the child feel powerless physically and
emotionally. Resignation and adjustment lead to a vicious
circle in which powerlessness is reinforced. The child thus
develops a “victim identity” or alternatively, aggressive
behaviour, during the years of growing and in adulthood.
There have been numerous studies examining the
association between the history of child sexual abuse and
mental health problems in adult life that have employed
clinical samples, convenience samples (usually of students),
and random community samples. There is now an
established body of knowledge clearly linking the history of
child sexual abuse with higher rates in adult life of depressive
symptoms, anxiety symptoms, substance abuse disorders,
eating disorders and post-traumatic stress disorders (Briere
and Runtz 1988; Winfield et al. 1990; Bushnell et al. 1992;
Mullen et al. 1993; Romans et al. 1995 and 1997; Fergusson
et al. 1996; Silverman et al. 1996; Fleming et al. in press as
referred to in Paul E. Mullen and Jillian Fleming 1998).
Diana Russell’s (1986) study of 930 women in the general
population revealed that of 80 per cent of those sexually
abused as children, 78 per cent reported experiencing
negative long-term psychological effects. Various studies
have found that if untreated any form of sexual victimization
in childhood increases the risk of later mental health
problems. Certain characteristics of sexual abuse are found
to be more likely to result in long-term psychological
impacts. As referred to in John N, Briere, (1992), these
characteristics include:

43
greater duration and frequency of the abuse (Elliot
and Briere 1992);
multiple perpetrators (Peters 1988);
presence of penetration or intercourse (Finkelhor etal.
1989);
physically forced sexual contact (Fromuth 1986);
abuse at earlier age (Zinvey, Nash, and Hulsey 1988);
molestation by perpetrator substantially older than the
victim (Finkelhor 1979);
concurrent physical abuse (Briere and Runtz 1989a);
abuse involving bizarre features (Briere 1988);
the victim’s immediate sense of personal responsibility
for the sexual abuse (Wyatt and Newcomb 1991); and
the victim experiencing feelings of powerlessness,
betrayal, and/or stigma at the time of the abuse
(Henschel et al. 1990).
Often sexually abused children live with their secret, their
shame and their guilt. For some may it be so disturbing to
the extent they may suffer mental illness and some may
even attempt to commit suicide or self-harm (Heidberg
2001). In Nikaraguwua, 33 per cent of the women who
were sexually abused in childhood revealed that they had
contemplated suicide and 19 per cent had actually attempted
it (Heidberg 2001). Among males abused, 39 per cent had
contemplated suicide and 25 per cent had attempted
(Herrera in Heidberg 2001).
Child sexual abuse inflicts fundamental damage to the child’s
capacity for developing trust, intimacy, and their own
sexuality. While the damaging effects of sexual abuse can
manifest at many levels of a child and later in adulthood,
the resilience of some does enable them to live normal lives.

44
Those who have been abused and subsequently have positive
school experiences, where they feel to have succeeded
academically, socially or at sport, have significantly lower
rates of adult difficulties (Romans et al. in Mullen and
Fleming 1998). Those who had a positive and supportive
relationship with their parents subsequent to abuse also
fared better (Romans et al. in Mullen and Fleming 1998).
2.5 MythsAssociated with Child SexualAbuse
Sexual abuse is cloaked in stigma and myths and is
characterized by many misconceptions. Some common
myths include:
children make up stories or lie about sexual abuse;
strangers most often commit abuse;
offenders look sleazy, cruel or unusual;
acts like fondling, kissing, or touching are not really
sexually abusive, and don’t really harm the young
person;
if a male child or young man has an erection, or if a
female child or young woman doesn’t complain or
display any signs of distress during the sexual abuse,
then what is occurring is not abuse;
the child or young person is at fault for encouraging or
allowing the sexual abuse to happen;
sexually abused children and young people are scarred
or damaged forever;
children and young people who have been sexually
abused by a member of the same sex (or opposite
sex) grow up to be homosexual;

45
an offender may be so drunk or high that he/she cannot
be considered responsible for what he/she did;
children and young people are sexually abused because
their parents/caregivers neglected to care for, or
supervise them properly; and
children and young people are sexually abused because
their mothers are not sexually available to their
husbands or partners;3
CWISH has recorded the following commonly found myths
in Nepal:
Children tend to forget the sexual abuse if it has been
committed at a very tender age and it does not have
any effect on their later life.
It is a child’s family’s willingness and consent to engage
the child in commercial sex that leads to sexual
exploitation of that child.
Sexual abuse in very young children does not occur; it
is usually teenagers who are sexually abused.
Only violent sexual behaviour and acts of coercion
are associated with child sexual abuse.
Children have full right to decide for their own good
even in terms of commercial sex.
Expressing or sharing about the incidence of sexual
abuse with others is often more dangerous and painful
than the act of sexual abuse.4
3
Kids Intervention Prevention Program, Wide Bay Sexual Assault
Assocation Inc. The State of Queensland (Department of Communities)
2005
4
Handout on child sexual abuse and communication skills, 2004, CWISH

46
While it is popularly thought that far more girls are sexually
abused than boys, current research estimates show that
one in every three children (including boys) is abused (Engel
19). When a boy is abused, he is revictimized by his culture
and by himself because of the expectation that he should
be able to defend himself (Engel 19).
2.6 Some Facts about Child SexualAbuse
While children do make up stories, they seldom lie
about sexual abuse. Children who have not been
abused do not usually have explicit knowledge of
intimate sexual behaviour. Statistics indicate that most
reports of child sexual abuse are true.
Most abuse is committed by someone the victim knows
and trusts.
Offenders come from all walks of life and are ordinary
people. It is because they are ordinary people that it is
easy for them to offend undetected. They can be family
members, babysitters, coaches, teachers, doctors,
social workers, neighbours, and the like.
Any form of direct or indirect sexual contact with a
young person by an adult, an older child, or a sibling
who is more mature, is abusive.
Every individual has a unique reaction to sexual abuse
regardless of the type, extent or duration of the abuse.
Physical reactions to sexual stimulation indicate only
that one’s biological body functions are healthy. Under
no circumstances should these types of physical
reactions be taken to mean that the child or young
person is enjoying the abuse.
Sexual assault is a criminal offence regardless of
whether or not some of the acts make the child or

47
young person feel good physically. In many cases, a
child does not have the emotional tools to understand
what is happening.
Adults are responsible for their own behaviours. A
child or young person is never responsible for
behaviours displayed by an adult.
Many children and young people who have been
victims of sexual abuse do heal and go on to lead normal
lives like everyone else.
In most cases, sexual abuse leaves no visible physical
marks on a person, and no one will know that abuse
has occurred unless a person is told.
The sex of the person who commits the abuse does
not determine the victim’s sexual orientation.
Offenders use a range of tactics to gain access to
their victims. The offender alone is responsible for
their actions. Many offenders are experts in
manipulating both the victim and the people who care
for them.
Offenders may have normal sex lives with their
partners and still abuse young people.
With or without alcohol or drugs, the offender is
responsible for his/her actions and may need specialized
treatment for his/her offending behaviours and for the
alcohol and/or drug abuse.
Many children who are sexually abused do not become
child sexual offenders when they grow up.
Various sources of documentation reveal that children find
it difficult to talk about sexual abuse, both when it is in
progress and in later life. A survey conducted in Sweden
among children in pornography rings in Huddinge and

48
Norrkoping (Sveden in Svedin et al. 1996) emphasizes this.
Ninechildreninvolvedintheringshadbeensubjectedtosexual
abuse for a total of 28 years and kept the matter to themselves
for 42 years without telling anyone. Only after presenting the
actual evidence material by the police they could talk about
this. Guilt, shame, and fear of both the perpetrator and their
parents’ views were all reasons the children gave for keeping
quiet. Surveys made by Elliot and Briere (1995), and Fish and
Scott(1999)showthatwhenonlythevictimandtheperpetrator
know about the sexual abuse, it results in events occurring for
extended periods of time.
Many victims and the families of victims are reluctant to
report the incidence of sexual abuse due to the social stigma
attached to it. Because sexual abuse is a taboo and a crime,
the family dare not disclose it and instead deny it, forget it
and suppress it by behaving as if nothing happened and
reject external interference. In addition, the families may
face social exclusion and psychological problems associated
to it. If the offender is from outside the family, he/she will
have, in many cases, to pay compensation or marry the
girl. The family usually does not like to take the case to
court and due to stigma and subsequent difficulties in getting
the girl married (Heidberg 2001). Prevalence studies in UK
and USA suggest that less than 10 per cent of the cases is
reported to the police and less than 1 per cent result in
arrest and conviction of the Offender (Russell 1984;
Morrison et al. 1996 in Heidberg, Turid, 2001).
2.7 Some Facts about Child SexualAbuse in Nepal
In Nepalese society talking about sex and matters related
to sex are still taboos. Due to this many incidents of sexual
abuse are never discussed or reported, especially about child
sexual abuse. Fear of rejection, dishonour and humiliation
of family members are reasons for such abuses not being

49
reported. In a study conducted on child sexual abuse (1999)
by Teaching Hospital under “Mental health project”, 25 per
cent of college students expressed that they were sexually
abused as children in various forms. The study revealed
that children, 11 to 13 were most vulnerable to sexual abuse
and the perpetrators were predominantly their relations,
family members, and neighbours (Nepal 17).
CWIN’s research on CSAamongst children studying in both
government and private schools and street children revealed
that 45 per cent of the respondents had experienced verbal
sexualabuse;29percenthadseenpornmoviesandmagazines;
14 per cent were involved in kissing, fondling of the genitals,
oral sex, and the like.According “new kerala.com” there were
137 cases of serious child sexual abuses in Nepal within the
last six months of 2004 (Nepal 17).
Nepal’s conversation with 10 street children showed that
seven were sexually abused and four had at least two sexual
experiences with foreign paedophiles (Nepal 14). Foreigners
are mostly regarded with respect and revered in Nepal.
However, some of these foreigners have been involved in
sexually abusing children in the name of running shelter
homes for street children. Children living in the streets are
vulnerable to sexual abuse by foreign paedophiles as they
are attracted to the prospect of money, food or clothing and
ultimately fall victim to sexual abuse. In close association
with INGOs and NGOs, Nepal Women Children and Social
Welfare Council (NWCSWC) prepared a paper on Child
Sexual Exploitation,Abuse andTrafficking (2001), according
to which 5000 children in Kathmandu Valley alone were
reported of being sexually abused.

50
2.8 Child Domestic Workers and SexualAbuse
The existence of CDWs is a grim reality in Nepal. A study
conducted by CWISH (2005) among 415 CDWs shows
that
36.14 per cent children work for more than 8 hours
per day;
20.72 per cent children are ignorant about their wages
while 28.92 per cent children receive less than Rs 500
per month;
85.88 percent children are school dropouts;
21.45 per cent children do not have anyone to turn to
in times of need; and
76.63 per cent children express their desire to return
home.
A report by the United Nations Commission on Human
Rights (2002) shows that 90 per cent of CDWs worldwide
are girls, although in some countries (such as Nepal and
Haiti) a significant number of boys are employed as
domestics. The majority of children in domestic labour are
between 12 and 17, but in many countries children routinely
begin working as domestics well before 12 years. The state
of these working children is often characterized by long
working hours; harassing attitude of the employer’s family
members, physical and mental abuse and, above all, the
child is often subjected to sexual abuse. Most of these
children come from rural areas through various connections.
Poverty, illiteracy, and lack of awareness are some of the
reasons for the children to become domestics. Most of their
parents are illiterate and the children possess little
knowledge about their rights.

51
Studies show that CDWs fall prey to the employers’ sexual
exploitation due to the formers’ vulnerability and isolation
at the latters’ homes. For example, several studies show
that, in Latin America, many men have their first sexual
encounter with a domestic worker. In Fiji, eight out of 10
domestic workers reported that their employers sexually
abused them and in Haiti, girls are sometimes called “la
pou sa”, meaning “there for that”. They are accepted sexual
outlets for the men or boys of the household (UNCHR,
2002).
Sexual abuse of CDWs often results in pregnancy, which
is a matter of shame and guilt for the young girls. In many
incidences girls are thrown out of the employers’ house
and ultimately some even end up in the streets forced to
work as sex workers for a living. They do not want to return
home fearing rejection and becoming a source of dishonour
for their families. In Bangladesh, for example, a local NGO
interviewing children working in commercial sexual
exploitation in the capital Dhaka found that all of them had
previously worked as child domestic workers and had been
sexually abused by the employer family (UNCHR 2002).

53
Findings
threeChapter
3.1 Socio- Economic Profiles of Respondents
3.1.1 Employers
There were 60 female and 30 male employers interviewed.
CDWs are very much the products of gender role division
at Nepali households, because they are mostly trained by
women and are viewed as responsible persons for household
chores. Majority of employers (53.33%) were between 26-
40, followed by less than 25 (24.44%) and those 41-60
(22.22%). In terms of caste, 43 out of 90 employers were
Brahmin/Chhetri, 37 were from Janajati, 1 from Dalit
community and 9 from others category (those who could
not be classified into any group)

54
Table 3.1.1: Demographic Information of Respondents
3.1.2 Child Domestic Workers (CDWs)
Out of total CDW respondents participating on awareness
survey session, the majority were girls (60.32%) followed
by boys (39.67%) (Table 3.1.2). Most CDWs belonged to
the 10 -14 age group (73.77%) and very few (9.18%)
belonged to the less than 10 years.Asignificant percentage
of (17.05%) CDWs belonged to 15-18 age group. The
smallest child domestic worker who participated in the study
was 7.
Agegroup
Boys Girls Total
Number Percent Number Percent Number Percent
05-09Years 10 8.26 18 9.78 28 9.18
10-14Years 93 76.86 132 71.74 225 73.77
15-18Years 18 14.88 34 18.48 52 17.05
Total 121 39.67 184 60.32 305 100.00
Agegroup
Boys Girls Total
07-09Years 10 8.26 18 9.78 28 9.18
10-14Years 93 76.86 132 71.74 225 73.77
15-18Years 18 14.88 34 18.48 52 17.05
Total 121 39.67 184 60.32 305 100.00
Age Sex Group Cast Group
Group
Female Male Total
Brahmin/ Janajati
Dalit Others Total
Xetri
No. Pct No. Pct No. Pct No. Pct No. Pct No. Pct No. Pct No. Pct
<25Years 14 23.33 8 26.67 22 24.44 6 13.95 13 35.14 0 0.00 3 33.33 22 4.44
26-40Yrs. 34 56.67 14 46.67 48 53.33 26 60.47 18 48.65 1 100 3 33.33 48 53.33
41-60Yrs. 12 20 8 26.67 20 22.22 11 25.58 6 16.22 0 0.00 3 33.33 20 22.22
Total 60 100 30 100 90 100 43 100 37 100 1 100 9 100 90 100
Table 3.1.2: Age group of CDWs

55
Most CDWs were from the indigenous groups and very
few were from Brahmin community (13.11%). In spite of
the existing caste discrimination, 5.90 per cent of CDWs
were from Dalit community (Table 3.1.3 ).
Among the CDWs participating in prevalence study, majority
(147) were from hilly ethnic groups of whom 61 were boys
and 86 were girls. Terai ethnics constituted the lowest in
number (only 4 boys, no girls). There was only one boy but
19 girls among the Dalit group. Out of 65 Brahmin/ Chhetri,
29 were boys and 36 were girls. Other caste groups
consisted of 70 respondents with 30 boys and 40 girls.
Together there were 125 boys and 181 girls. By age group,
majority respondents belonged to 10-14 (227), followed by
the 15-18 (52). Respondents belonging to the 7-9 age group
were the lowest (only 27 children).
Table 3.1.3: Cast Details of CDWs
Cast
Boys Girls Total
Tamang 13 10.74 27 14.67 40 13.11
Chhetri 17 14.05 22 11.96 39 12.79
Newar 12 9.92 11 5.98 23 7.54
Magar 9 7.44 17 9.24 26 8.52
Rai/Limbu 11 9.09 23 12.50 34 11.15
Brahmin 16 13.22 24 13.04 40 13.11
Tharu 10 8.26 15 8.15 25 8.20
Dalit 7 5.79 11 5.98 18 5.90
Gurung 2 1.65 2 1.09 4 1.31
Sherpa 3 2.48 8 4.35 11 3.61
Yadav/Ahir 3 2.48 2 1.09 5 1.64
Rajbansi 1 0.83 1 0.54 2 0.66
Gharti 0 0 2 1.09 2 0.66
Mandal 2 1.65 1 0.54 3 0.98
Others 15 12.40 18 9.78 33 10.82
Total 121 39.67 184 60.33 306 100

56
3.2 Perspective and Practice of Employing CDWs
3.2.1 Employer’s perspective
Usual work of CDWs
The majority of employers agree that the major household
job of their domestic helpers is washing utensils (73.33%)
followed by cleaning the house (67.78%) and washing
clothes (50%). Other jobs included cooking, baby sitting
and grocery shopping. For employers, CDWs must comply
with their demands. They must do their job with a feeling
of being a part of the family and not an outsider. They must
not lie or steal things. They must take initiative to do any
work without having to remind them and become
responsible, disciplined and hardworking. They are also
expected to become fast and good learners so that they
can immediately carry out their duties. In case of confusion
they must speak up for clarity. Some of the employers are
considerate towards the domestic chores and behaviour they
expect from their CDWs due to their age factor—a child
worker. They are also aware of the importance of providing
education to the child and encourage him/her for the same.
On the other hand, some expect that a child must do
household work perfectly and almost all the work that an
adult is expected to do.
CDWs’ reward system
It was found that 48.89 per cent of employers preferred to
give cash to CDWs in appreciation of the jobs done, and it
was more common among male employers (60%) than
among female employers (43.33%). However, giving verbal
appreciation (38.33%) and giving clothes (10%) was found
more prevalent among female employers than among male
employers (30% and none respectively). This may be due
to differences of access to finance. Only a few employers
took the domestic helpers for an outing or outdoor
entertainment.

57
Preferred sex, age and caste of CDWs
Employers, especially females (62.22%) preferred to have
female CDWs. The common trend of preferring female
CDWs is likely to stem from the traditional belief that girls
are more suitable for household work. However, it was found
that elder employers do not have a preference for either
male or female helpers.
In houses having more male members, a male CDW is preferred,
for it is safer than female. Girls are more risky in a sense they are
more vulnerable, fear of being lured or even trafficking or leaving
the employer’s home without anyone’s consent. In few cases
the employers or family members purposely employed boys as
domestic workers because they could sexually abuse them.
Participants’ view in FGD
Employers preferred to have CDWs belonging to the age
group 11-14 (36.67%) and 15-16 (30%). Male employers
tended to prefer older CDWs, with 26.67 per cent identifying
the 15-16 age group and 23.33 per cent the 18+ age group.
The preference is different among female employers; a
larger number (46.67%) preferred the 11-14 age group
followed by the 15-16 years age group (31.67%). It is highly
serious that a large number of employers preferred children
of 11-14 to employ as domestic worker, which is strictly
prohibited by law. However, the employers from ethnic
community were more interested in hiring the CDWs of
above 16.
A 53.33 per cent of the employers from other groups said
they did not prefer CDW of any specific caste. Only 2.33
per cent of the employers belonging to Brahmin/Chhetri

58
group said they would accept Dalits as their employees.
This indicates the traditional attitude to Dalits still very strong
in the Brahmin/Chhetri group. But oriented to change as
they are, a large number (70.27%) showed no specific caste/
ethnicity preference, any group would be acceptable for
them. The majority of employers (50%) employed CDW
through their close relatives, followed by their own initiative
(25.56%) and through friends (10%).
3.2.2 Child Domestic Workers’Experience
Living arrangements of CDWs
The highest number of children (64.92%) lived with the
employers and worked as residential domestic workers. This
is followed by those living with their own family members
and working as non-residential domestic workers (20.98%)
and children working for their extended relations’ family
(13.77%). Only a few were found living with their friends
(0.33%).
Younger children were more frequently found to be working
as non-residential domestic workers. For example, 42.86
per cent of children of the 7-9 age group were living with
their own parents and 14.29 per cent were working with
their extended family relations. Only 25 per cent of children
of more than 15 years were found to be living with their
family, relations or friends.
Contact with families
Almost all (98.03%) of the CDWs’ families knew where
and with whom they were staying. The majority of CDWs
(96.39%) said they often visited their family and were in
contact.

59
Most children visited their families during festivals according
to their religion such as Dashain (64.92%), Tihar (19.02%),
Iid (1.31%) and Chhath (1.31%). Comparatively, girls
(70.11%) were found to be sent home during Dashain more
than the boys (57.02%). Conversely, it was boys (22.31%)
who were sent home more than the girls (16.85%) during
Tihar.
The boys tended to be in close contact with their families
than the girls. The number of children who said it was less
than 3 months since their last family contact was 48.76 per
cent for boys compared to 33.70 per cent for the girls.
Similarly, this statistic is also influenced by the age group of
children. The younger children had more frequent contact
with their family.
An 11.80 per cent of children were away from their homes
without contacting their parents for more than a year.
However, 41.31 per cent of the children had met their families
in the last 4-6 months and 7.21 per cent were in contact
during the last 7-12 months.
Entrance, recruiting and working conditions
In most cases the parents made the decision to send their
child to work at the employer’s houses. This is especially
the case for younger children while older children were
more likely to make their own decision to become a domestic
worker.
The majority of respondents woke up and started their work
between 5 - 6 a. m. From a gender perspective, the study
indicates that the girls woke up earlier than the boys.
Likewise, the respondents’ time of waking up in the morning
seems to be later if they are younger.About bed time, 39.29

60
per cent of the respondents said 9 -10 p.m. was their usual
time: with male respondents tending to go to bed earlier
than the females. It was also evident that the older children
had a later bedtime.
CDWs’Work at Employers’ Home
The CDWs suggested a number of key factors the
employers considered when they recruited a domestic
worker. These were age (46.89%), skill (42.30%) and
cleanliness and health (40.33%).
Buying milk, collecting
flowers for pray and
worship, cooking food,
washing dishes, taking
children to school,
buying fuels, fetching
water from the tap,
working at employers’
business,takingcareof
dog, its kennel and
plates, mopping the
floor, wiping mirrors,
makingbedandrooms,
polishing shoes,
tendingplants,assisting
and doing shopping,
waking up the
employers, ironing the
clothesandwashingcar
Sweeping the whole
house, preparing tea,
buyingthingsfromshop,
watching television,
combing dog’s furs,
playing computer
games, doing school
homework,washingthe
dishes, preparing for
evening pray, grinding
thespices,cleaninggas
stoves, serving drinks
to the guests, taking
goodcareoftheguests
and getting cigarettes
andalcoholreadyforthe
master.
Vegetable shopping,
havingteaandwashing
the dishes, taking care
of the siblings, taking
children from school,
taking dog for a walk,
watering the plants,
settingupthecupboard,
working at employer’s
business, cleaning the
kitchen, attending the
non formal education
classes,Cleaningtoilet,
paying the bills and
taking care of older
peopleathome
Morning Day Evening

61
3.3 Perspectives on Child Sexual Abuse
3.3.1 Employers’ perspective
Understanding of CSA
Employers defined child abuse differently. For some, child
abuse was giving physical punishments for minor mistakes,
making them work against their working capacity, being
cruel to them, locking them in rooms without food, denying
them nutritious and enough food and sleep. Besides, they
also indicated verbal abuse, hurting their feelings, mentally
torturing them through threats, inhuman treatment, making
them sleep in the cow sheds, compelling them into criminal
acts, teaching them offensive and vulgar languages, making
them work for meagre wages and denying them fundamental
rights. At the same time they also identified other different
forms of abuse such as sexual exploitation of children,
involvingtheminwatchingpornmovies,touchingorfondling
their genitals, exhibiting one’s genitals, forcing to have sex
with the child or raping them. Apart from physical and
mental tortures, some employers included sexual abuse
under child abuse. Some related child abuse to the abuse of
CDWs. Others expressed child abuse as an abuse
committed to children under 14. A 73.33 per cent of
employers claimed that they were aware of child sexual
abuse. The number is comparatively higher among the
employers from Brahmin/Chhetri community, but the single
Dalit employer mentioned not being aware of child sexual
abuse. More than half the employers from the other caste
group (55.56%) mentioned not being aware of child sexual
abuse. The number of employers who mentioned not being
aware of CSA was comparatively higher among female
(11.67% female compared to 6.67% men) and younger
employers (13.64%).

62
In spite of employers claiming that they were aware of
child sexual abuse, only 55.56 per cent considered that both
contact and non-contact forms of sexual abuses were
prevalent. Interestingly, 10 per cent of the employers had
no idea about sexual abuse. Though the single employer
from Dalit community said he was not aware of child sexual
abuse, but when he was asked to define it he was able to
mention both contact and non-contact forms of abuses.
The lesser number of aware female employers has put both
CDWs and possibly employers’ children at risk of abuse.
As almost all the CDWs are supervised by female
employers, it is all the more necessary that they be aware
of CSA issues in order to protect them and any other children
including their own.
Table 3.3.1A: Employers’perception of Child Sexual
Abuse (by caste)
Response
Cast Group
Brahmin/Xetri Janajati Dalit Others Total
No. Pct No. Pct No. Pct No. Pct No. Pct
Only non-contact 1 2.33 1 2.70 0 0.00 0 0.00 2 2.22
forms of abuse
Only contact 14 32.56 6 16.22 0 0.00 2 22.22 22 24.44
forms of abuse
Both of above 23 53.49 23 62.16 1 100.00 3 33.33 50 55.56
Don’t know 4 9.30 4 10.81 0 0.00 1 11.11 9 10.00
Not mentioned 1 2.33 3 8.11 0 0.00 3 33.33 7 7.78
Total 43 100.00 37 100.00 1 100.00 9 100.00 90 100.00

63
Table 3.3.1 B: Employers’ Perception of Child Sexual
Abuse (by sex and age)
Child’s Vulnerability to Abuse
A large number of employers seem to have a misconception
that children of a certain age, social status or character are
more likely to be sexually abused.
According to sex and age
In regard to vulnerability of children to CSA, by sex, 60 per
cent respondents felt that both boys and girls were equally
so. The number of employers that identified both boys and
girls as vulnerable was considerably higher among male
employers of 41-60 age group (70%) and from the Brahmin/
Chhetri community (67.44%).
None of the employers thought that only boys were
vulnerable to sexual abuse.A33 per cent of the respondents
thought that only girls were at risk. The number of employers
with this misinformation was found higher among female
employers (36.67%) of less than 25 yrs (40.91%) and from
Janajati group (37.84%).
Response
SexGroup AgeGroup
Female Male Total <25Yrs. 26-40Yrs. 41-60Yrs. Total
No. Pct No. Pct No. Pct No. Pct No. Pct No. Pct No. Pct
Onlynon-contact 1 1.67 1 3.33 2 2.22 0 0.00 1 2.08 1 5.00 2 2.22
Formsofabuse
Onlycontactforms 16 26.67 6 20.00 22 24.44 8 36.36 7 14.58 7 35.00 22 24.44
ofabuse
Both of above 32 53.33 18 60.00 50 55.56 10 45.45 31 64.58 9 45.00 50 55.56
Don’t know 7 11.67 2 6.67 9 10.00 3 13.64 6 12.50 0 0.00 9 10.00
Not mentioned 4 6.67 3 10.00 7 7.78 1 4.55 3 6.25 3 15.00 7 7.78
Total 60 100.00 30 100.00 90 100.00 22 100.00 48 100.00 20 100.00 90 100.00

64
The majority employers (54.44%) identified any age group
to be at risk. The number of employers with this belief is
found to be greater among males (56.67%) of less than 25
yrs (68.18%) and from the Janajati community (56.76%).
Misinformation and the absence of knowledge among a large
proportion of the population that children of any sex are at
risk of sexual abuse, is likely to have put boys in a relatively
more vulnerable situation. This also reinforces the social
gender stereotype that leads to only girls asking for help or
being given consideration in terms of safety.
Accordingtosocialstatus
When the employers who participated in the study were
asked to identify the category of children which was more
at risk of sexual abuse by social status, majority of them
(57.78%) pointed out one that worked in small teashops.
Such belief is more prevalent among female employers
(65%), employers of 26-40 age group (64.58%) and
employers from the Brahmin/Chhetri community (65.12%)
in addition to the single Dalit employer.
We do not think that our child helpers are undergoing sexual
abuse. If they were undergoing such abuse, they would
have told us and as they have not come to us to complain
against sexual abuse, it is clear that it’s not happening to
them in anyway.
Employers with the perception that all CDWs are
vulnerable to sexual abuse were found to be 41.11 per
cent (45% female and 33.33% male employers).
Employers with the same belief were found to be
comparatively higher among those of 41-60 age groups
(50%) and among Brahmin/Chhetri community (51.16%).
Participants’ view in FGD

65
According to the literacy status of children, the majority of
employers (53.33%) believed that illiterate children were
at risk of sexual abuse, while a significant percentage of
them (34.44%) believed that even educated children were
vulnerable.
Some employers believed that sexual abuse happened more
to poor children (45.56%) while others thought that it
happened to those from rich families (34.44%) as well. As
high as 47.78 per cent of employers believed that children
from any social status were vulnerable to sexual abuse, but
over fifty percent of them (52%) misconceived that children
of certain social status were at risk.
According to the child’s personal character
Employers were also requested to express their belief in
the vulnerability of children according to their personal
character. Over fifty percent (53.33%) said CDWs were
at risk of sexual abuse regardless of their personal
characteristics, while little less than fifty percent (47
percent) believed that children with certain characteristics
were more at risk. Such characteristics included innocent
children (55.56%), mentally ill/retarded children (42.22%)
and attractive children (43.33%).
Perception about offender
According to sex of the offender
Although 47.78 per cent of the respondents said both male
and female could abuse children sexually, 44.44 per cent
said only a male could sexually abuse children. A single
female employer said only females could sexually abuse
children. Among the employers who held the belief that

66
both males and females could sexually abuse children, the
number was found to be higher among male employers
(60%), among employers of less than 25 yrs age (54.55%)
and among the Brahmin/Chhetri community (51.16%) along
with single Dalit employer. Mostly female employers
believed that only males could sexually abuse children.
The findings indicate that there exists the myth that males
are the major sexual offenders. This misconception puts
children at risk as females are not always identified as
possible offenders.
Table 3.3.2A: Employers’Perception of Offender ( by Caste/
Ethnicity)
Response
SexGroup AgeGroup
Male only 30 50.00 10 33.33 40 44.44 9 40.91 22 45.83 9 45.00 40 44.44
Female only 1 1.67 0 0.00 1 1.11 0 0.00 0 0.00 1 5.00 1 1.11
Both of above 25 41.67 18 60.00 43 47.78 12 54.55 22 45.83 9 45.00 43 47.78
Don’t know 3 5.00 2 6.67 5 5.56 1 4.55 4 8.33 0 0.00 5 5.56
Not mentioned 1 1.67 0 0.00 1 1.11 0 0.00 0 0.00 1 5.00 1 1.11
Total 60 100.00 30 100.00 90 100.00 22 100.00 48 100.00 20 100.00 90 100.00
Response
Caste/Ethnicity
Male only 19 44.19 17 45.95 0 0.00 4 44.44 40 44.44
Female only 0 0.00 1 2.70 0 0.00 0 0.00 1 1.11
Both of above 22 51.16 16 43.24 1 100.00 4 44.44 43 47.78
Don’t know 2 4.65 2 5.41 0 0.00 1 11.11 5 5.56
Not mentioned 0 0.00 1 2.70 0 0.00 0 0.00 1 1.11
Total 43 100.00 37 100.00 1 100.00 9 100.00 90 100.00
Table 3.3.2 B: Employers’Perception of Offender (by Sex
and Age Group)

67
According to the offenders’ personal character
Regarding the offenders’ personal character, majority of
respondents (63.33%) thought that people with offensive
behaviour were more likely to be sexual offenders. They
identified drug addicts and alcoholics as the second most
likely sexual offenders (62.22%) followed by the mentally
ill (43.33%) and survivors of childhood sexual abuse
(43.33%). Only 38.89 per cent of employers believed that
seemingly civilized people could sexually abuse children.
AccordingtoRelationshipwithchild
Regarding the offenders’ relationship with child, 42.22 per
cent employers identified people in relations more likely to
be offenders, followed by strangers (40%).About the same
percentage (38.89%) believed that family members, friends/
peers and the neighbours could sexually abuse children.
Concerning the professional attachment with the child, 42.22
per cent of employers mentioned it might be teachers who
sexually abuse children, followed by 38.89 per cent hostel
warden and 37.78 per cent baby sitters.
By profession, 45.56 per cent employers believed transport
workers (e.g. drivers, helpers and conductors) were more
likely to be the offenders, while 36.67 per cent believed the
domestic workers themselves could be the offenders.
Over fifty percent (53.33%) employers said anyone could
sexually abuse children, regardless of personality. This trend
was across both male and female respondents and different
agegroups.TheDalitemployerthoughtthatonlydrugaddicts
could be sexual offenders.
The employers’ view from different perspectives of sex,
age and ethnicity is similar to commonly held misconceptions
that sexual offenders are mostly people who deviate from

68
socially accepted behaviours. This reinforces the higher
amount of risk of abuse for children, makes it all the more
difficult for children to voice their abuse concern against
an individual who has so-called accepted, disciplined and
decent behaviours.
Risky Places
Well over sixty per cent (66.67%) respondents rated lonely
places as the most vulnerable places where CSA could be
committed. Dark place was rated 55.56 per cent, bedrooms
48.69 per cent, hostels 35.56 per cent and any place 41.11
per cent.
Little over thirty percent (33%) employers believed that
sexual abuse occurred mostly outside home, while 28 per
cent believed it could happen inside home as well. They
identified the kitchen, terrace and toilets as areas of risk
inside the home and buses and factories (places of work)
outside home.
The employers’ perception that CSA happens only outside
home have put children in greater risk of sexual abuse as
the fact of this study showed that 29 per cent survivor
children faced sexual abuse inside home.
Vulnerable Communities
Just over sixty per cent (61.11%) employers rated an illiterate
community as the most probable community where CSA
could occur. A significant percentage of employers
(25.56%) believed CSA could happen within the educated
community as well. Only 36.67 per cent employers opined
that CSA could occur in any community.
Pointing to the financial position of community, 43.33 per
cent employers believed that CSA mostly occurred in poor

69
communities, while 27.78 per cent believed it could occur
in both the middle class and rich communities. At the same
time, 41.11 per cent employers believed children were more
vulnerable in the working class community than in a slum
community (40%), rural community (25.56%) or urban
community (32.22%).
Although the respondents generally believe that CSA takes
place in societies where people are poor, illiterate and
underprivileged, yet they also mention that urban and rich
families or societies too are not entirely free from it. It is to
be noted that a third of respondents believe that CSA can
happen in any community.
Responsibility of the Crime
The majority of respondents (73.33%) think that the child
offenders (as opposed to the children) are responsible for
child abuse. Employers with this view were found to be
comparatively higher among female (76.67%), employers
If CSA is committed for the first time it is the fault of an
offender but if it continues for longer period then a child
is responsible.
Participants’ view expressed in FGD
older than 25 (75%) and among the Brahmin/Chhetri
community (74.42%) together with the other caste group
category (77%). However, there are still 13.33 per cent
employers who believe both offenders and the children to
be responsible for the abuse. And they are more males
(20%) in 41-60 age group (15%) from the Brahmin/Chhetri
community (16.28%).

70
Table 3.3.3 A: Employers’ Perception to be Responsible
for CSA (by Caste/Ethnicity)
There are 2 out of 90 respondents, who think child sexual
abuse is the fault of the child. This number constitutes 2.22
percent of the total respondents, and is from the 41-60 age
group.
Response
SexGroup AgeGroup
Childrenthemselves 1 1.67 1 3.33 2 2.22 0 0.00 2 4.17 0 0.00 2 2.22
Offenders 46 76.67 20 66.67 66 73.33 15 68.18 36 75.00 15 75.00 66 73.33
Both of above 6 10.00 6 20.00 12 13.33 4 18.18 5 10.42 3 15.00 12 13.33
Others 2 3.33 0 0.00 2 2.22 0 0.00 1 2.08 1 5.00 2 2.22
Don’t know 5 8.33 3 10.00 8 8.89 3 13.64 4 8.33 1 5.00 8 8.89
Total 60 100.00 30 100.00 90 100.00 22 100.00 48 100.00 20 100.00 90 100.00
Table 3.3.3 B: Employers’ Perception to be Responsible
for CSA (by Sex and Age)
Response
Caste/EthniGroup
Male only 19 44.19 17 45.95 0 0.00 4 44.44 40 44.44
Children themselves 1 2.33 1 2.70 0 0.00 0 0.00 2 2.22
Offenders 32 74.42 27 72.97 0 0.00 7 77.78 66 73.33
Both of above 7 16.28 5 13.51 0 0.00 0 0.00 12 13.33
Others 0 0.00 2 5.41 0 0.00 0 0.00 2 2.22
Don’t know 3 6.98 2 5.41 1 100.00 2 22.22 8 8.89
Total 43 100.00 37 100.00 1 100.00 9 100.00 90 100.00

71
The concept that both children and the offenders are
responsible for child sexual abuse provides offenders with a
pretext (albeit false) to escape from responsibility and legal
punishment. It also increases the re-victimization of children
and restricts child complaints for fear of further suffering.
Reasons behind CSA
Forty per cent of employers felt that child sexual abuse
was committed because children were weak and helpless.
About thirty-seven percent (36.67%) thought that it occurred
as children could not oppose or say no to what was
happening. Thirty-two percent (32.22%) believed it was
easy to persuade children and 32.11 per cent thought it was
easy to threaten children. About twenty-seven percent
(26.67%) employers believed that the offender thought and
knew that a child’s complaint would not be taken seriously
or believed. Only 13.33 per cent thought that CSA happened
because the child was attractive.
Similarly, 34.44 per cent employers believed that offenders
sexually molested children primarily for their own enjoyment
and entertainment or because they could not maintain an
adult-adult sexual relationship (16.67%).
An offender commits CSA taking advantage of his/her status or power
relations. She/he has the advantage of being in a powerful or superior
position. In terms of abuse against CDW, the children are in a lowly
position compared to their employer, and far away from home or people
with whom he/she can rely on. Thus if the offender happens to be the
employer he/she thinks children cannot oppose him or speak against
him/her. In some cases, she/he threatened the child saying he/she
would be sent home with false accusation like theft. Thus the helpless
child is left with threat, and sometimes his/her own desire to stay in the
cities forces him/her to rather quietly accept the abuse and suffer in
silence.
ParticipantsviewinFGD

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