Teaching A Child To Fish - Exploring Life Skills Education in Institutional Care in Nepal

Teaching A Child To Fish:
Exploring Life Skills Education in Institutional Care in
Nepal
By
Stephen Jenkinson
A thesis submitted to the Kimmage Development Studies Centre, Dublin, in
partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MA in Development
Studies.
Kimmage Development Studies Centre, Dublin. 2014

ii
Student Declaration Form and Word Count for MA Dissertations
I, Stephen Jenkinson, do declare that this research is my original work and has never
been presented to any institution or university for the award of Degree or Diploma. In
addition, I have endeavoured to reference correctly all literature and sources used in
this work. I recognise that the onus is on me to ensure that this work is fully compliant
with the KDSC academic honesty policy contained in the KDSC Student Handbook.
In light of the above, I acknowledge that ownership of the intellectual property rights
contained herein stays with me as the author but that the dissertation is the property of
Kimmage DSC, and therefore can displayed in the Kimmage DSC library and used by
Kimmage for publication or other teaching purposes.
Signed....................................... Date............................
Word Count: 24,845

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Table of Contents
Acknowledgements v
Abstract vi
Acronyms vii
Chapter One: Introduction 1
1.1 Background 1
1.2 Objectives 2
1.3 Key Concepts 2
1.4 Rationale 4
1.5 Outline of the Chapters 6
Chapter Two: Literature Review 7
2.1 Introduction 7
2.2 Life Skills 7
2.3 Life Skills-Based Education 12
2.4 Institutional Care 22
2.5 Conclusion 31
Chapter Three: Methodology 32
3.1 Introduction 32
3.2 Overall Approach 32
3.3 Sampling Strategy 33
3.4 Data Collection 34
3.5 Research Process 38
3.6 Data Analysis 39
3.7 Limitations of Research 40
3.8 Ethical Issues 42
3.9 Conclusion 44

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Chapter Four: Research Findings 45
4.1 Introduction 45
4.2 Alternative Approaches to Life Skills Education 46
4.3 Lack of Awareness of the Need for Life Skills 50
4.4 For Want of a Policy 53
4.5 Mind the Gap 57
4.6 Findings from Life Skills Assessment Questionnaires 65
4.7 Other Relevant Findings 67
4.8 Conclusion 68
Chapter Five: Analysis of Research Findings 69
5.1 Introduction 69
5.2 What Is Currently Happening? 69
5.3 Why Is This The Case? 75
5.4 Why Is There A Need To Change? 79
5.5 A Structured Approach Going Forward 81
5.6 Conclusion 86
Chapter Six: Conclusions and Recommendations 87
6.1 Introduction 87
6.2 Evaluation of Life Skills Education in Children’s Homes 87
6.3 Canvassing Opinions of Youths Formerly in Care 88
6.4 Assessment of Domestic and International Life Skills
Education Policy 89
6.5 Moving Forward 91
6.6 Recommendations 91
Appendix 1: Results from Life Skills Assessment 93
Appendix 2: Sample of Translated Questionnaire 102
Appendix 3: Standards for Operation and Management of Residential
Child Care Homes 2012 –Relevant Sections from
‘Unofficial Translation’ 103
Appendix 4: Interview Guides 106
Appendix 5: Focus Group Discussion Consent Form Sample 110
Appendix 6: Social Studies – Class 10 – Table of Contents 111
Bibliography: 113

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Acknowledgements
There are a number of people I would like to acknowledge and thank for their help in
completing this piece of work, and for making this last fourteen months such an
enjoyable and enriching experience.
Firstly I would like to thank the Kimmage DSC staff: to Patrick, Frank, Niamh, Philip,
Eamonn, Fiona and Julius for stretching my mind in numerous ways; to Lorraine,
Kathleen, Catherine, Deirdre, Tom and Rob for all that you do here; to Eilish for the
encouragement; to Paddy for the much-appreciated guidance on this last leg; and to
Anne for all the banter throughout the year…as you did not find me one book!
I would also like to thank all those who made my research in Nepal possible, with
special mention to Rajendra for making valuable introductions and Raj Kumar for
assisting with my focus groups. To the staff and youths from SOS Youth Village,
Koteshwor, Supporting Helpless Children’s Development Organisation and Umbrella
Organisation Nepal, as well as all my interviewees I would like to thank you for your
time, honesty and insight throughout. I also want to thank Tsewang, Shyam, Sujata,
Jay Ram, Raj Kumar and Eadaoin for your help with the questionnaires.
To my housemate, Colm, your support throughout my studies…all the meals and the
tip-toeing…were appreciated more than you’ll know.
And finally I would like to acknowledge and thank Aine Keenan, a friend who
continues to go above and beyond, and whose advice over the last number of years has
been simply invaluable.

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Abstract
Despite institutional care being widely discouraged by leading international agencies
working in child protection, the number of children’s homes in Nepal’s capital
Kathmandu continues to grow. This research aims at analysing how well these
institutions are preparing youths for independent living upon aging out of care, with a
particular focus on the level of life skills education both needed and provided.
Three organisations of differing financial standing were selected for assessment, a
process which involved dialogues with youths who had grown up in their children’s
homes, as well as interviews with key members of staff in each. The Central Child
Welfare Board oversees all 594 children’s homes in Nepal and I met with the
Programme Manager to get the government's view on the subject. I also discussed
with an international child protection consultant UNICEF's reluctance to concentrate
on improvements to the operation of children’s homes at the risk of governments
losing focus on the alternative forms of care they most strongly advocate.
Taking a critical theory approach to this qualitative research, I used semi-structured
interviews, focus group discussions and questionnaires. Considering the
circumstances, there were a number of ethical issues, primarily around anonymity,
which I had to be careful about. Similarly there were limitations, not least my own
involvement with one of the organisations being assessed, and these are also
identified.
This research highlights the need for children’s homes to move beyond merely
providing food, clothing and shelter to those in their care, insisting that adequate
attention must also be given to the emotional, psychological, cognitive, physical and
social aspects of children’s welfare. It argues that these youths in particular and
society as a whole can benefit from a comprehensive life skills education programme
specifically designed to address the deficit of psychosocial competencies and
interpersonal skills of those leaving care.

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Acronyms
CCWB Central Child Welfare Board
CH Children’s Home
CV Children’s Village (SOS)
FGD Focus Group Discussion
FGM Focus Group Member
FHI Family Health International
INGO International Non-Government Organisation
KDSC Kimmage Development Studies Centre
LSA Life Skills Assessment
LSBE Life Skills-Based Education
LSE Life Skills Education
NGO Non-Government Organisation
OECD Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development
SHCDO Supporting Helpless Children Development Organisation
SOS Save Our Souls
TUF The Umbrella Foundation (INGO)
UN United Nations
UNCRC United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
UNESCO United Nations Education, Scientific & Cultural Organisation
UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund
UON Umbrella Organisation Nepal (NGO)
USAID United States Agency for International Development
WHO World Health Organisation

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Children are not future people, because they are people already … whose souls
contain the seeds of all those thoughts and emotions that we possess … [and] as
[they] develop, their growth must be gently directed.
– Dr. Janusz Korczak (1878–1942), Polish-Jewish educator, children’s author and
leading figure in the psychological development of children who, despite several
opportunities to use his fame for freedom, refused to leave the 192 orphans of his Dom
Sierot orphanage in Warsaw, reassuringly guiding them to Treblinka extermination
camp in August 1942.

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Chapter One
Introduction
1.1 Background
‘Giving Nepal’s children a brighter future’ is the catchy byline of an organisation I
have been involved with for the last six years. While The Umbrella Organisation
Nepal (UON) is certainly giving the children under its care a better opportunity in life
than they otherwise would have had, I intend through this research to explore what
they, and similar organisations, are also doing to counteract the negative impacts of
growing up in a children’s home in terms of preparing youths for independent living.
Childcare providers in Nepal are predominantly non-governmental organisations
(NGOs), and overseeing them is the Central Child Welfare Board (CCWB). All
children in care are registered with the CCWB and it is ultimately their responsibility
to ensure that a minimum standard of care is provided by these organisations (Central
Child Welfare Board 2012). Unfortunately, largely due to a lack of resources, how
well this duty is being carried out is debatable. While there are obvious ways to check
if children have received adequate school education, assessing how well an
organisation has prepared youths for life after care is not so easily done.
Nepal, the second poorest country in Asia (UNDP 2013), has a population of just over
29 million and is one of the most mountainous countries in the world, with eight of the
top ten highest peaks found there (Geographia 2014). With 83% of the population
living in rural areas (World Bank 2014), many are isolated and somewhat unaware of
the realities existing outside of their own community or district. The low quality of
rural education and lack of employment often places the burden of responsibility to
support poorer families on the eldest children, who are frequently sent to urban areas
in search of proper education or jobs (Punaks & Feit 2014). The fate awaiting them

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can vary from life on the streets to domestic servitude, from being sold to an Indian
brothel to ending up in a children’s home. While the initial influx arrived in
Kathmandu to avoid the violence and conscription into rebel armies during the ten
year civil war which ended in 2006, eight years on, 594 childcare homes are now
catering for in excess of 16,000 children (see section 4.4.1).
1.2 Objectives
It is the level of care that these childcare homes provide, specifically in relation to
preparing children for independent living, which I intend to explore here. This
research will
1. Evaluate the life skills education in children’s home in Nepal, while suggesting
potential modifications;
2. Canvas the opinions of youths formerly in care in terms of their experience of
life skills education; and
3. Assess domestic and international life skills education policy for children in
institutional care.
1.3 Key Concepts
1.3.1 Life Skills
Life skills are defined by the World Health Organisation (UNICEF 2005, p.2) as
Abilities for adaptive and positive behaviour that enable individuals to deal
effectively with the demands and challenges of everyday life. In particular, life
skills are a group of psychosocial competencies and interpersonal skills that
help people make informed decisions, solve problems, think critically and
creatively, communicate effectively, build healthy relationships, empathise
with others, and cope with and manage their lives in a healthy and productive
manner.

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It is these life skills that are seen as essential for the promotion of healthy child and
adolescent development which are often lacking in those who have grown up in
institutional care (WHO 1999). Through this study I will examine the opinions of
various stakeholders related to residential care in Nepal.
1.3.2 Life Skills Education
An integral concept within my research, life skills education is the way that
organisations and institutions can go about giving children the skills they need to
become confident, well-adjusted and independent adults. They are defined by
UNICEF (2014) as
A structured programme of needs- and outcomes-based participatory learning
that aims to increase positive and adaptive behaviour by assisting individuals
to develop and practice psychosocial skills that minimize risk factors and
maximize protective factors.
Through this research I will explore different types and methods of life skills
education, reasons why it is important and analyse to what extent it is present in
institutional care in Nepal.
1.3.3 Institutional Care
Tolfree (2007) is quoted in a Save the Children (2009, p.vi) report as stating that
institutional care for children is that
Provided in any non-family-based group setting. This includes orphanages,
small group homes, transit/interim care centres, children’s homes, children’s
villages/cottage complexes, and boarding schools used primarily for care
purposes and as an alternative to a children’s home.

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It involves the provision of food, shelter, health care, education, support and safety to
vulnerable children. I will be focusing on three Kathmandu-based organisations in my
exploration of life skills education in children’s homes in Nepal, while also examining
international policy on the issue.
1.4 Rationale
There is a general acceptance of the need to move away from the use of children’s
homes due to the “wide recognition that institutional care is associated with negative
consequences for children’s development” (Browne 2009, p.1). While organisations
like Save the Children highlight family-based care alternatives, with ‘kinship care’ the
most effective in Nepal (Save the Children 2009), these are insufficient to deal with all
relevant cases. A greater emphasis needs to be placed on family reintegration but, for
children where circumstances do not permit, some form of institutional care is likely
to remain. It is important that those currently living in children’s homes are not
forgotten and it is the quality of care that they receive, specifically related to life skills
education, with which this research is concerned.
The numbers of children arriving into the capital are still increasing (Childreach
International 2014). It may not be ideal, but until a reform of the current system of
childcare provision is complete, which would take years, there continues to be a
requirement for a certain number of children’s homes. Organisations running
legitimate homes need to acknowledge the negative implications of growing up in
institutional care and provide adequate life skills education (UNICEF 2005) so
children may have the best chance of overcoming these developmental issues, thus
becoming well adjusted and confident adults.

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Another reason I have decided to tackle this issue stems from the Human Rights and
Advocacy class I attended in Kimmage Development Studies Centre (KDSC).
Considerable attention was given to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of
the Child and, on examining the various articles, I was concerned that many Nepali
NGOs working with children appeared to be in breach of some of them. In particular,
Article 3 which states that “in all actions concerning children, whether undertaken by
public or private social welfare institutions … the best interests of the child shall be a
primary consideration” (Children's Rights Alliance 2010, p.10), and Article 6 which
states that “parties shall ensure to the maximum extent possible the survival and
development of the child” (Children's Rights Alliance 2010, p.12). Whilst aware that
what constitutes ‘the best interest of the child’ and the ‘development of the child’ may
be open to interpretation, an adequate life skills education for vulnerable children in
preparation for independent living seems a critical aspect of an organisation's duty of
care to a child, commensurate with school attendance and the provision of food and
shelter. This research aims to explore the extent to which compliance with these
articles has been addressed.
For children to be sufficiently prepared, it is important that they are equipped with the
psychosocial skills they will need to deal effectively with the demands and challenges
of everyday life, which can be loosely grouped into three categories: “cognitive skills
for analyzing and using information, personal skills for developing personal agency
and managing oneself, and inter-personal skills for communicating and interacting
effectively with others” (UNICEF 2014). If these skills are present, youths have the
best chance of overcoming the negative effects which come with growing up in an
institution.
For the last seven years I have been involved with The Umbrella Foundation (TUF),
an Irish international non-governmental organisation (INGO) which supports the work
of the Umbrella Organisation Nepal (UON), it’s implementing partner in Nepal. UON

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has taken in 386 children from various situations and tried to get them back with their
families. Despite an impressive reintegration record, for many it was not possible to
reconnect with their families and so UON have run their own homes in Kathmandu
since 2005.
There are many organisations like UON offering what they feel is a high standard of
childcare, but questions remain regarding how well prepared youths leaving children’s
homes are for the real world that awaits. To help explore this issue I will assess the life
skills education provided and received by UON and two other organisations, SOS
Children’s/Youth Village, Koteshwor, and Supporting Helpless Children
Development Organisation (SHCDO), Balaju, also both based in Kathmandu.
1.5 Outline of the Chapters
I have given a general background to my research in this chapter. I explore the subject
more deeply in the following chapters, beginning with an in-depth exploration of the
key concepts in Chapter Two. I examine the various methodologies used in Chapter
Three, followed by stating my research findings in Chapter Four and their analysis in
Chapter Five. Finally I offer my conclusions and recommendations in Chapter Six.

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Chapter Two
Literature Review
2.1 Introduction
This chapter examines the theoretical understanding and conceptualization of life
skills-based education in institutional care. It considers the definition of life skills,
identifies the theoretical debates around the content and delivery of psychosocially-
focused programming, and reflects on its impact on youths aging out of institutional
care into independent living.
2.2 Life Skills
2.2.1 Definitions
How life skills are defined significantly affects both the kinds of interventions
developed and the measurements used to assess their success. A key challenge in
developing a conceptual framework for life skills is that there are multiple definitions.
It is of little practical value to generate a comprehensive list of all the skills young
people may need in a variety of contexts and at various times in their lives, and a
better option is to consider only those skills that are most helpful in negotiating
situations in an age-appropriate way. Carefully considering the individual and
psychosocial prerequisites for a healthy and productive individual life and a well-
functioning society, Keller (2004), in Hanbury and Malti points out the ability to
integrate different life skills crucially depends on how young people construct their
social experiences and how they integrate them into their self-concept.

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Teaching life skills is considered essential for the promotion of healthy child and
adolescent development, as well as for the preparation of young people for changing
social circumstances. As Danish and Nellen (1997) acknowledge, they enable
individuals to succeed in the environments in which they live, and can be cognitive,
e.g. making effective decisions; behavioral, e.g. communicating effectively; or
physical, e.g. taking a right posture.
An early mention of life skills, then ‘personal skills’, was in the 1986 Ottawa Charter
for Health Promotion which supported personal and social development through
providing information, education for health, and enhancing life skills (WHO 1986).
But the term itself is open to wide interpretation, with working definitions varying
considerably. Most, however, are along similar lines, with the differences usually
dependent on the situational context. The most recent one used by UNICEF (2012,
p.1) states that life skills
Refers to a large group of psychosocial and interpersonal skills that can help
people make informed decisions, communicate effectively, and develop coping
and self-management skills that may help lead a healthy and productive life.
A life skills approach suggests that where young people are provided with the
opportunity to learn skills in a supportive environment, they can confidently manage
their lives in a positive manner while serving as valuable resources to their
community. Furthermore, addressing the whole individual, they can lead to overall,
sustained life-long psychosocial change. However, research indicates that building
awareness and providing knowledge to children is not enough to influence their
behaviour (UNICEF 2005).
Rychen and Salganik (2003) in turn look at the importance of life skills in order for
society to function properly. They feel that life skills are crucial in helping to shape a

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young person’s world, and not merely to help them survive it. They argue that life
skills should not simply be about coping and adapting to circumstances, but that “it
presupposes an active, autonomous, and responsible stance towards the self in the
social world” (ibid., p.14).
Divided into three broad categories: (1) communication and interpersonal skills, (2)
decision-making and critical thinking skills, and (3) coping and self-management
skills, the term links life skills, life-long learning and sustainable human development
(UNICEF 2005). However, a division between psychosocial and practical skills is not
universally accepted, as highlighted in a UNESCO report on life skills (2004, p.5)
when it states that
Life skills (are) not a domain, or a subject, but cross-cutting applications of
knowledge, values, attitudes and skills, which are important in the process of
individual development and lifelong learning. They are not just a set of skills,
nor are they equal to survival skills, livelihood skills, or vocational skills, but
part of these skills.
During UNICEF’s Global Evaluation of Life Skills Education Programmes (2012), it
found that there was a “complex landscape of activities and associated terminology,
which were not used consistently across all actors and countries” (2012, p.1). Hanbury
and Malti (2011) agrees, highlighting some of the varying understandings of the term
from different organisations, and touching on the significance of a shared
understanding in order to systematically tackle the issue.
The WHO (1994) imply that all life skills must include the ability to facilitate a sense
of belonging, play a key role in the growth and development of self-esteem, social
skills and initiative, and include a sense of physical and emotional safety (Brack 2000;
Anderson and Okoro 2000).

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Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs (1943) is also quite pertinent in this discussion. He
stated that there were five motivational needs, ranging from basic survival and safety
needs, to love and esteem needs, eventually leading to self-actualisation needs. Once
one need is fulfilled, a person seeks to fulfill the next one, and so on. The reality in
Nepal is that given the level of poverty in the country, it seems that those involved in
childcare are more worried about the first two more basic needs, and less attention is
given to the others.
With cultural differences being an obvious obstacle when addressing life skills on a
global level, five core areas were found to be relevant across cultures: decision-
making and problem-solving; creative thinking and critical thinking; communication
and interpersonal skills; self-awareness and empathy; and coping with emotions and
coping with stress (WHO 1999).
The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) has a similar
definition to those mentioned and recognises the necessity of good life skills for
society and its individual members. The OECD differs however from the others in that
it emphasises ‘competence’, as opposed to ‘skills’. Hanbury and Malti contend that it
implies that competence is more than just skills; “it is also the ability to cope with
complex demands by drawing on and mobilizing all of one’s psychosocial resources
(including skills) in a given context” (2011, p.9).
Hanbury and Malti (2011) also highlight that the three key competencies which the
OECD specifies are: the ability to use a wide range of tools to interact constructively
with the social context; the ability to engage with others in an increasingly
interdependent world; and the ability to take responsibility for managing one’s life,
considering broader society, and behaving autonomously and responsibly. This
reflects a stronger emphasis on fitting in with society, with a view to society
functioning more efficiently as a whole.

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UNICEF’s (2012) global evaluation also found that questions remained regarding the
conceptual boundaries of life skills beyond psychosocial skills. One example of this
would be in relation to literacy. While mentioned in The World Declaration on
Education-for-All (1990) as being “a necessary skill in itself and the foundation of
other life skills” (UNESCO 1990, p.21), it is not however mentioned as an explicit
skill in any current literature on the topic. Where it is discussed, it is largely viewed as
a “parallel aspect of quality education rather than an integral life skill itself” (UNICEF
2012, p.9).
Studies have also shown the importance of early childhood experiences in relation to
the development of an individual’s life skills and attitudes, and in particular the
importance of home and family environment in “establishing the foundations for
skills, attitudes and values” (UNICEF 2012, p.11). The level of life skills and
education which the parents have received also has a major bearing on the child’s
development, and reiterates how this is a significant long term development issue that
can have far-reaching implications beyond simply the child or youth in question but to
their future family and society as a whole (ibid.). Deficiencies in life skills can
contribute to low self-esteem, strained relations and loneliness, and can also handicap
the development of satisfying interpersonal relationships and influence later role
performance (Corey 2004; Geldard and Geldard 1999; Hepworth and Larson 1993;
Potgieter 2004).
Many definitions of life skills are quite broad and generic and are confused with
livelihood skills. While both are needed for youths to become fully independent, it is
important to distinguish between the two. Livelihood skills differ from life skills in
that they refer specifically to “income generation and may include technical/vocational
skills, job seeking skills such as interviewing, business management skills,
entrepreneurial skills, and skills to manage money” (UNICEF 2012, p.2).

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There is a difficulty in deciding upon which skills are relevant for life and which are
not. As WHO states, “skills that can be said to be life skills are innumerable, and the
nature and definition of life skills are likely to differ across cultures and settings”
(ibid., p.7). Despite the fact that more attention is being paid to life skills, from
disaster risk reduction experts to economists trying to identify ways to reduce poverty,
“the task of identifying and prioritizing specific psychosocial skills into a clearly
defined and delineated body of life skills remains a significant challenge” (UNICEF
2012, p.8).
2.3 Life Skills-Based Education
2.3.1 How Life Skills Are Learned
The understanding and approaches to learning life skills have been helped by theories
and research in the field of education, child development and behavioural sciences,
explaining as they do how knowledge, attitudes and skills are shaped through a
complex combination of biological, social and cognitive processes. Thompson and
Rudolph (2000) suggest that people are born in groups, live and work in groups,
becoming dysfunctional in groups, and can be helped in groups. Group work is
defined by Toseland and Rivas (2005) as a goal-directed activity aimed at meeting
socio-emotional needs and accomplishing tasks, while Johnson and Johnson (2003)
claim that groups are uniquely suited to help persons grow and change in constructive
ways.
Johnson and Johnson (2003) also suggest that people are not born with skills, nor do
they magically appear when they are needed: life skills are learned just as any other
skill is learned. Geldard and Geldard (1999) observe that young people are on a

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journey of self-discovery and are mostly hungry to learn about themselves and their
relationships with others, to develop their own identity, and to make sense of the
world around them. A repertoire of life skills appropriate to the developmental tasks
and any special problems, challenges and transitions is recommended by Nelson-Jones
(1993), with life skills education especially suited for adolescents at a time when key
decisions are being made that affect the course of their lives. Youths receiving
assistance at this stage stand a better chance of coping effectively with the
developmental tasks they must face later in life (Anderson and Okoro, 2000).
UNICEF has defined life skills-based education as “a combination of learning
experiences that aim to develop not only knowledge and attitudes, but all skills that are
needed to make decisions and take positive actions to change behaviours and
environments” (2012, p.2). An important vehicle to equip young people to negotiate
and mediate challenges and risks in their lives, it also facilitates productive
participation in society. However, while agreement on the definition of life skills had
considerable challenges, finding an appropriate conceptual framework for life skills-
based education is an even bigger bone of contention, largely due to the fact that
“while the behavioural science behind life skills is strong, the pedagogical theory on
how these skills are learned and used is less developed” (UNICEF 2005, p.6).
It is therefore important to clarify what we mean by knowledge, attitudes and skills,
the three areas that a successful life skills education programme aims to address.
Knowledge refers to a range of information and an individual’s understanding of it.
Greene and Simons-Morton (1984) describe how teachers may combine instruction on
facts with an explanation of how these facts relate to one another, arguing that to pass
on knowledge in a classroom environment is relatively straightforward.

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Attitudes, on the other hand, are a little more complicated to get across. They can
cover a range of concepts, including values, beliefs, social norms and motivations, and
according to the WHO (2003, p.13) are defined as
Personal biases, preferences, and subjective assessments that predispose one to
act or respond in a predictable manner. Attitudes lead people to like or dislike
something, or to consider things good or bad, important or unimportant, worth
caring about or not worth caring about.
Finally, skills are “abilities that enable people to carry out specific behaviours” (World
Health Organisation 2003, p.13).
Upon carrying out the literature review on life skills in general, and life skills
education in particular, I initially found that the vast majority of material was related
to physical health, and specifically to HIV prevention. Family Health International
(FHI) was one organisation that had created an extensive toolkit for life skills
education of orphaned and vulnerable children in India, with a HIV focus (Family
Health International 2007). Enquiring with the former FHI Country Director to Nepal
as to why this was the case, as opposed to other issues being proportionately dealt
with, she suggested that it was most probably due to funding. With significant
resources for those types of health programmes coming from the President’s
Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief through the United States Agency for International
Development (USAID), this seems to have been the case (ibid.). However, as
mentioned in UNICEF’s assessment of life skills-based education (LSBE) in South
Asia, “while the entry point for many organisations to LSBE may be HIV prevention,
their overview made every effort to avoid a singular focus, so as to look at the broader
issues of child and adolescence vulnerability, health and wellbeing” (2005, p.1).

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2.3.2 Types of Life Skills Education Programmes
Brack (2000) defines life skills programmes as activities aimed at empowering people
to internalize a repertoire of life skills according to their developmental tasks and
specific problems of living. Participants are required to collaborate with each other in
their effort to become empowered and to learn life skills necessary to function
optimally (Hoelson and Van Schalkwyk 2001). Partners in Life Skills Education
(WHO 1999, p.i), suggest that life skills education
Is designed to facilitate the practice and reinforcement of psychosocial skills in
a culturally and developmentally appropriate way; it contributes to the
promotion of personal and social development, the prevention of health and
social problems, and the protection of human rights.
A structured process of learning is required for the acquisition of life skills, the basic
requirements of which include a supportive relationship, learning from example,
instruction and self-instruction, information and opportunity, and learning from
consequences (Potgieter 2004).
There are two main types of programmes, those that are general in nature and aim to
help the learner make better choices, and those that are specific, targeting particular
risky behaviours and situations. The former is usually associated with the life skills
taught in school, while the latter tends to be concerned with those children and youths
that are particularly vulnerable and not in formal education (UNICEF 2005).
Anderson and Okoro (2000) suggest that empowering children through appropriate
education is the most effective way of dealing with social and health problems,
directing primary prevention programmes at young people when internalisation of
healthy lifestyles and a sound socially-acceptable value system is still possible.

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It is likewise argued that specific programmes are needed where societies are reluctant
to acknowledge the existence of certain behaviours among their students/participants,
often relating to sexual behaviour, and also in the context of more focused
interventions for those who are particularly vulnerable. By having life skills applied to
a specific situation, it does not mean choosing one life skill over another, as all are
important and interrelated. It means that in a care and support programme with
orphans, for example, coping with emotions and stress may be emphasised (Family
Health International 2007).
There are a number of limitations in using each of these two types of life skills
education programmes. The success of LSBE taught in schools can often hinge on the
capacity of the organisation and the seriousness with which they treat the topic.
Evidence shows that life skills education has a tendency to be squeezed out due to
teacher shortages, packed curricula, limited teaching material, and the pressure to
focus on traditional examinations, of which life skills is rarely a part (UNICEF 2012).
There is also a question around how conducive life skills education is to being taught
in a classroom setting. Research indicates that life skills learning is best facilitated by
the use of participatory learning methods and is based on a social learning process
which includes: hearing an explanation of the skill; observing the skill; practicing the
skill; and giving feedback about individual performance of the skill (WHO 1999). Life
skills tend to be learned “over a period of time and activities need to be repeated,
perhaps with variations to reduce monotony, for real skill building to take place”
(Family Health International 2007, p.99). Since classrooms can sometimes cater for up
to eighty children (Nepal Bureau of Statistics 2011), carrying out some of these
methods becomes questionable, perhaps resulting in the return to teaching by rote, the
default style for many of these teachers and not necessarily ideal for learning new
behaviours.

17
As a result the content and delivery of life skills education is often “restricted in its
capacity to move beyond knowledge and into the development of psychosocial skills,
attitudes and behaviours” (UNICEF 2012, p.ix). This supports the observations of a
UNICEF report on life skills education in South Asia, which states “the literature
indicates that there is little evidence to suggest that teaching general life skills in
schools will lead to desired behaviours” (2005, p.2). This is further exacerbated by the
reality that a significant number will already have been exposed to the risks in
question prior to entering secondary school itself, where social studies classes usually
commence, and many of the most vulnerable children will never actually attend school
(ibid.).
Furthermore, it is not as easy to get a picture of the effectiveness of life skills
education outside of the school system. According to the Global Evaluation of LSE
Programmes, most are run by non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and as a result
tend to be small scale, with little coordination, reporting or quality assurance
mechanisms (UNICEF 2012).
2.3.3 Planning a Life Skills Education Programme
2.3.3.1 Understanding Life Skill Needs
Child participation in a needs assessment is an essential element in a successful life
skills education programme, the satisfaction of which can be determined later in the
evaluation phase. It is important when carrying out such needs assessments, that the
positives of the individuals are also highlighted and built on. Many of the children in
question will have been through difficult times, and identifying their resilience and
other strengths, as well as positive skills and behaviours, can be an important starting
point (Family Health International 2007).

18
Input of relevant experts and community members is also critical for gaining a more
comprehensive appreciation of the issues at hand (Family Health International 2007).
As mentioned in the WHO’s Skills for Health document, the development of
appropriate life skills and behaviours are influenced by social and cultural influences,
both inside and, more significantly, outside the classroom. Family and community
buy-in ensures relevance, sustainability and effectiveness (World Health Organisation
2003). At a higher level, the success of a national life skills programme needs the
backing of national leadership from the planning stages, with “the political
commitment and coordination from a range of ministries, donor agencies and other
regional and national agreements” (UNICEF 2012, p.21).
2.3.3.2 Setting Objectives and Indicators
The next step in the planning process is to establish objectives which will act as targets
during the implementation phase, so facilitators know they are on track. These will
define what they want to do during the programme. Objectives that are SMART
(specific, measurable, achievable, realistic, and time-bound) make it easier to plan,
implement and evaluate a life skills education programme. Furthermore, performance
indicators will let people know about the quality of programme implementation and
whether the scheduled activities have been carried out correctly or not (Family Health
International 2007).
It is also important to keep the process positive and to move away from trying to scare
people into adopting certain skills. The Peace Corp’s Life Skills Manual encourages
practitioners to “avoid fear and negativity, and instead focus on positive messages,
creating, maintaining and reinforcing healthy behaviours” (Peace Corps 2001).

19
2.3.3.3 Making an Action Plan
The action plan acts as a comprehensive road map, and by following the correct route
the destination is reached, i.e. the attainment of desired knowledge, attitudes and
skills. It describes the target audience, specifies logistics, sets a core curriculum, and
identifies facilitators’ roles and responsibilities (Family Health International 2007).
2.3.3.4 Implementation
A basic principle of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child is the ‘right to
participate’ (UNICEF 2010). The literature shows that teaching life skills education
works best when learning is participatory and child-centred. This allows children to
learn and practice new skills in a safe environment, and then transferring these new
skills into those real life situations they are likely to face outside of the classroom or
training facility (Family Health International 2007).
One of the topics covered during the ‘Managing Development Organisations’ course
in KDSC was the importance of genuine participation. A useful tool encouraging those
working with children to think more closely about the nature and purpose of young
people’s engagement is Roger Hart’s ‘Ladder of Participation’. It lists the five levels
of genuine participation as: assigned but informed; consulted and informed; adult-
initiated, shared decisions with children; child-initiated and directed; and child-
initiated, shared decision with adults, while also highlighting the three levels of non-
participation as decoration; tokenism; and manipulation (Hart 1992).

20
2.3.3.5 Evaluation
Providing the planning stage has been performed correctly, with clear objectives and
indicators, the evaluation stage should be straight forward. It is important to figure out
the most appropriate tools to be used, the appropriate person(s) to carry out the
assessment, and what exactly should be evaluated (Family Health International 2007).
2.3.4 Contemporary Concerns and Debates
Whilst the potential of life skills education for changing psychosocial outcomes is
widely acknowledged in the literature, a number of concerns are raised in UNICEF’s
report on Life Skills-Based Education in South Asia (2005). Highlighting that for the
most part life skills education programmes are apolitical and gender neutral, it argues
that there is a strong argument that more account has to be made for the specific issues
facing the sexes, in particular those that confront vulnerable girl children and
adolescents. Related to this would be the lack of political commitment to
acknowledging and confronting issues relating to gender, sexuality and age, with no
attempt being made to challenge power structures that restrict young people (UNICEF
2005).
With regards to the teaching of life skills in school, there is debate regarding the
effectiveness of introducing LSE without reforming the wider education system,
potentially improving the capacity and motivation of teachers; introducing a learner-
centred pedagogy which does not rely on exam-based assessment; giving life skills a
more central role in the curriculum; and building child-friendly schools where the
exclusions that may persist within certain societies are forgotten. The quality of the
training-of-trainers programmes would be another related issue (UNICEF 2005).

21
Delivery mechanisms currently employed in South Asia for in-school programmes
vary from stand-alone life skills curricula in Sri Lanka, to programmes integrated into
existing curricula in Nepal, to extracurricular activities in Pakistan, and a number of
national school systems blending different elements of each of these. While the
literature supports the idea of widespread integration, this was found to be unrealistic
(UNICEF 2005).
Currently there is a “dichotomy between in-school programming and programming for
especially vulnerable children and adolescents” (UNICEF 2005, p.6). It appears that
life skills education is heading in two different directions. For example, sexual health
training can be delivered in stand-alone, external programmes but, while it is relevant
to all children, the same programme may not get clearance in certain schools. That
being said, the reality is that while not perfect, schools are still the most sustainable
place for life skills education to take place on a large scale due to the organisational
structures in place, not to mention the secure learning environments, trained teachers
and access to large numbers of students (UNICEF 2005).
For those especially vulnerable children not in school, however, the mechanisms can
range from non-formal education programmes to structured short-term courses, to less
structured open classes at drop-in centres and clinics. A particular challenge for this
form of life skills education include teaching to many children who may be illiterate or
semi-illiterate, making appropriate learning materials difficult. Also by their very
nature, they can have a diverse range of children, in terms of ages, male/female, and
levels of vulnerability and risk (UNICEF 2005).

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2.4 Institutional Care
Institutional care is defined as “a group living arrangement for more than ten children,
without parents or surrogate parents, in which care is provided by a much smaller
number of paid adult carers” (Browne 2009, p.1). Tolfree (2007) further clarifies that,
apart from children’s homes, the term also encompasses orphanages, small group
homes, transit care centres, children’s villages, and boarding schools used as an
alternative to a children’s home (Save the Children 2009).
I intend to use institutional care, residential care and children’s homes at different
points throughout this document, as the first two are familiar global terms that are used
interchangeably (Save the Children 2003), whereas the latter is how such facilities are
referred to on the ground in Nepal.
UNICEF estimates there are 2.2 million children living in institutional care at present,
but also acknowledge that this may be an underestimation due to the fact that in many
countries there is a lack of regulation and under-reporting is common (Browne 2009).
While there is a common misconception that children in such care are predominantly
orphaned, research into residential care has shown that at least four out of five children
have one or both parents alive (Save the Children 2009).
It is perhaps worth noting that there are different understandings of the term ‘orphan’.
While some will use ‘single’ and ‘double orphans’ to clearly describe children who
have lost parents, not all organisations use the same terminology. FHI uses the USAID
definition of an orphan, which is “a child who has lost one or both parents” (USAID
2010), whereas other international agencies like UNICEF, Save the Children UK and
the International Red Cross define orphan as “a child, both of whose parents are
known to be dead” (Save the Children 2009, p.vi). Considering UNICEF’s estimate

23
that there are 132 million single orphans, as opposed to 13 million double orphans
(UNICEF 2014), it’s an important distinction to make. The term ‘social orphan’ is also
widely used and describes children living in residential care who have parents and are
predominantly there due to reasons of poverty (The World Bank 2014).
2.4.1 Reasons for Institutional Care
Children end up in institutional or other forms of alternative care around the world for
a variety of reasons. According to Sigal et al. (2003), the root cause for children from
countries in ‘economic transition’ ending up in institutional care can be traced back to
poverty. In economically developed countries, such as the USA and western Europe,
one of the main reasons for children entering residential care was found to be more
stringent child protection services, who have the power to remove a child from the
care of a parent that is judged to be incapable of providing the appropriate level of
physical and/or psychological needs (Browne 2009). In Nepal, a recent study found
that by far the main motivation for parents sending their children to the capital
Kathmandu was education, followed by families which hoped their children would
find food and lodging, as well as an education (Terres Des Hommes 2008).
2.4.2 The Consequences of Institutional Care
Institutional care is now considered a last resort in terms of caring for children, due
largely to the extensive research carried out which shows the negative impacts that
growing up in an institution has on a child’s psychosocial development (Carter 2005;
Johnson et al. 2006). The damaging psychological consequences of residential care
were first reported as far back as the 1940s, where the publications of Goldfarb (1944)
and Bowlby (1951) brought attention to the many emotional, behavioural and
intellectual issues facing children who grow up in such conditions.

24
There are also studies from the authors below that document the effects of institutional
care on the developing brain. Glaser (2000) states that while an environment full of
stimulation promotes brain growth in children, residential care has proven to have the
opposite effect and often will suppress brain development. One of the many ways this
can impact on a child is in relation to their intellectual and linguistic development.
Roy and Rutter (2006) found that children raised in institutions had deficits in
language skills and early reading ability, as well as poorer vocabulary.
Similarly, the effects on a child’s social and emotional behaviour seem to be in line
with the delays in their intellectual development (O'Connor et al. 2003). Research has
shown the importance of a child’s first emotional attachment to their caregiver, usually
a mother figure, and how this can then act as a ‘blueprint or inner working model’ for
all future emotional attachments (Grossman & Waters 2006). Not having had this
foundation, the child in residential care is at a considerable disadvantage, with a higher
risk of low self-esteem, anxiety and depression, which can often lead to social
withdrawal, antisocial behaviour and delinquency (Andersson 2005).
Yang et al. (2007) found that one of the results of childhood institutional care was the
risk of developing adult personality disorder, while Mupedziswa (1998) notes that
children with this type of upbringing fail to define who they are, who their relatives
are and where they come from. The effect of this identity crisis is that the children are
caught in a maze of confusion which creates a feeling of hopelessness.
A lot of the views of those who have gone through institutional care would echo the
above findings. In Joanna Penglase’s (2009) book which looks at growing up in a
children’s home in the twentieth century, she talks of how the lack of love and care,
the disregard for children’s feelings and the assault on their sense of self were some of
the most difficult aspects to deal with. Mental illness seems to be another common

25
thread. Instances of depression, psychosomatic illness, post-traumatic stress disorder,
anxiety, dissociation and personality disorder were regularly found among Australian
care leavers (Harrison 2014). Dziro and Rufurwokuda (2013) found in their study of
eight Zimbabwean women who had gotten married after leaving care, six of them
were divorcees. This they found to be in line with Chamberlain’s (1999) conclusions
that children who grew up in institutional care can have significant issues in forming
lasting relationships.
2.4.3 Children’s Homes In Nepal
The consequences of growing up in an institution in Nepal are equally negative. A
particular concern is in relation to impaired post-care survival skills which are
relevant in Nepal as “a young person’s links to his/her family, community and local
dialect are essential social capital to help them obtain employment, arrange a marriage
and inherit land” (Punaks and Feit 2014, p.182). When such family links do not exist
and with minimal social welfare provisions, it leaves the young person isolated and
vulnerable.
Similarly, the risk of physical, verbal and sexual abuse in Nepal is very real. In recent
years there have been a number of high-profile cases of those running children’s
homes, as well as foreign volunteers physically and sexually abusing children in their
care (Punaks & Feit 2014).
The extent to which psychosocial issues specific to children living in institutional care
is of significance to those in charge of childcare provision in Nepal, and those running
international agencies for that matter, is open to debate. In 2005 (New ERA) a
‘comprehensive study’ of institutional care in Nepal was carried out. It was funded by
USAID and looked at 335 children’s homes catering for 8,821 children living in 11

26
districts. The specific objective of the study was to assess the status of the children in
the homes, as well as preparing a comprehensive list of existing homes and to assess
the trends of those being admitted. Despite the fact that it found 56% (4,940) of
children were single or double orphaned and that 9% (794) were admitted due to civil-
war-related reasons, it declared that a mere 3% (265) were found to be suffering from
psychological problems. It seems to be this unwillingness to recognise or acknowledge
a child’s psychosocial needs which lies at the crux of the issue.
While the above report found that 49% (164) of children’s homes had trained or
experienced staff to deal with “psychologically traumatized children” (New ERA
2005, p.21), a subsequent report of 71 children’s homes found that despite the
frequency of reported psychosocial issues not being addressed, with a lack of attention
being paid to root causes and potential consequences, none of the homes reported
having professional child counsellors on the payroll or a retainer (Terres Des Hommes
2008).
The reason that the psychosocial wellbeing of institutionalised children is not given
more importance in Nepal appears to be twofold. On the one hand, there seems to be a
misunderstanding, or dare I say apathy, from the relevant stakeholders involved in
childcare provision in relation to the issue and its long-term effects on both the
individual and society in general, which are highlighted by Hanbury and Malti (2011).
On the other hand, with a view to moving away from the negative psychosocial
implications associated with children’s homes, the international community has
labeled residential care as an absolute last resort and are not putting pressure on
governments to improve the situation, instead encouraging alternatives (Browne
2009). While this position may be justified when considering what is best in the long
run, in the short- to medium-term in means children currently in care pay the price.

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The alternatives forms of care referred to above are those that all child protection
agencies are currently encouraging governments to adopt (SOS Children‘s Villages
2009). The ideal scenario suggested is that with the help of additional support from
relevant social services, governments will work to try to keep vulnerable children
within their own families or communities. Whenever this is not an option, family-
based care that is well monitored and supported is being promoted as the best form of
alternative care, which includes extended family/kinship care, adoption, fostering and
support for child-headed households (Save the Children UK 2005).
The Nepal Central Child Welfare Board’s (CCWB) recent ‘Standards for Operation
and Management of Residential Child Care Homes’ (2012) makes reference to these
points, while the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) also recognises
the benefits of this type of care (Save the Children 2009). Small group homes are the
only form of long-term institutional care now officially condoned, where six-to-eight
children are cared for in a family environment in a house indistinguishable from others
in a neighbourhood (Tolfree 2007).
The standards laid out in the report addresses the legal, administrative and structural
arrangements for the protection of rights of children in institutional care (Central Child
Welfare Board 2012). It asserts that the state has to prepare the necessary environment
for physical, mental, emotional and social development, minimizing risks against
children during their stay in protection in accordance with national and international
principles and values. Standard 24 in particular specifies that children should be
provided with life skills, civic, vocational and socialization education. Standard 43
outlines the psychosocial services all children in residential care should be provided
with, including a personal evaluation/analysis by a psychologist within seven days
from the date of admission, the immediate provision of psychosocial services to the
victims of abuse, and the arrangement for additional psychosocial treatment if the
psychological counselor recommends it. And Standard 68 maintains that child care

28
homes should have at least one full-time/part-time psychologist (Central Child
Welfare Board 2012).
The relevant highlights of this report have been included in Appendix 3. The ‘basic
principles’ of the document are also worth noting, given their mention of the need for
those in care to receive ‘holistic and harmonious development’, as well as protection
from ‘psychological and emotional abuse’ (Central Child Welfare Board 2012).
The reality is that resources are not available to children’s homes to finance such an
aspiration, nor are government agencies in a position to provide such services
themselves. It is in order to address this particular deficiency in psychosocial
competencies and interpersonal skills that a call is now being made for a structured
life skills education programme to be introduced for children living in residential care
in Nepal.
2.4.4 Modernising Institutional Care
There is growing recognition that more effort is required in preparing youths formerly
in care for independent living and managing this important transitional phase in a
young person’s life. On September 17th
2014 in New Delhi there was a ‘Multi-
Stakeholder Consultation on After Care Services in India’, organised by Udayan Care
and supported by UNICEF (2014). While the focus of the seminar was on the lack of
after care services, sufficient time was given to the level of care in children’s homes,
acknowledging this equally critical period of development. As Razia Ismail, the
Secretary General of the National Human Rights Commission put it, “the nature of
upbringing of children in care institutions is a critical part of the problem” (Udayan
Care 2014, p.12). She stated that some of the primary issues included “the state of the
young person leaving an institution in terms of his/her emotional self-sufficiency; if

29
s/he feels liberated or fearful; his/her level of preparedness to step into mainstream
society and to integrate with it” (ibid.).
They analysed what other countries were doing in terms of after care, looking at
examples from USA, UK, Canada and Australia. Different forms of life skills
training/education for children and adolescents were evident in each. Interestingly, it
reported that in the USA they used Ansell-Casey Life Skills Assessment, a web-based
tool to assess various skills. In Chapters Three and Four I describe using an edited
version of the same assessment tool with the youths I met with.
From the combined experience of the child psychiatrists, psychologists, social workers
and other childcare professionals present, as well as young people who had grown up
in children’s homes, a number of recommendations were made related to how
institutional care should be carried out. As their cultures are so similar, I believe many
of these recommendations could be transferable in a Nepali context.
2.4.4.1 Mental Health
It was felt that efforts should be made to build up the emotional immunity of children
in care. They found that a child’s “mental well-being was closely associated with the
development of a positive self identity” (Udayan Care 2014, p.20), which is said to
occur when a child is provided consistent care and a feeling of security in the
children’s home.
The seminar also found that “programmes should be developed to prepare [children]
to face the outside world in order to handle new individuals and new relationships”
(Udayan Care 2014, p.21). They argued that through a comprehensive after care plan
you could decrease the chances of re-traumatising a youth on leaving care and also

30
reduce “the long-term impact this may have on their psychological, physical, cognitive
and social development” (ibid.).
2.4.4.2 Capacity Building
It was also found that childcare in institutions should not remain limited to providing
food, clothing and shelter. Emotional, psychological, cognitive, physical and social
aspects also need to be considered. “Young adults should be prepared to be self
reliant, by imparting everyday skills” (Udayan Care 2014, p.21). The provision of
aptitude or psychometric tests in order to identify capabilities and skills which the
children in institutions were most proficient was also recommended, so as children
could become more aware of their skills, and in turn play to them.
2.4.4.3 Importance of Security
Helen Langa, a trauma specialist, also discussed the universal need to feel safe and
described how past experiences assist in the development of skills which enable a
young adult to handle an unfamiliar situation. These same experiences impact on how
well a young adult can deal with the overwhelming impact of stress and insecurity
(Udayan Care 2014).
Ms. Langa also detailed the multiple losses faced by children who live in care and how
this feeling of vulnerability can be triggered when it comes time for a youth to leave
care and become separate from the place which offered a sense of familiarity and
security. She described how positive relationships with care givers were shown to
impact upon the sense of security which children felt and helped build up their
resilience to stress, helping to create meaningful interpersonal relationships in the
future (Udayan Care 2014).

31
The take-home message from the Udayan Care organised event (2014, p.VIII) was
that
The After Care Programme, which is a key pillar in the delivery of
rehabilitative services for adolescents and young adults out of home care, is a
neglected and largely unaddressed programme. Hence the Government of India
needs to revive, revise and invest significantly in this programme with clear
guidelines
The same is potentially true of Nepal and what needs to be done there, but laying the
foundations with a comprehensive and structured life skills education programme for
children in institutional care would need to come first. The two complementary
programmes could produce results not seen before, with the next generation of young
adults leaving care equipped to not only survive in Kathmandu, but possibly thrive in
it, contributing to society in a real way.
2.5 Conclusion
Throughout this literature review I have recorded the material I have found relating to
my chosen topic and the three main concepts which I have highlighted. I will return to
some of these relevant sections in chapter five, where I will attempt to make sense of
some of them in light of my findings from my data collection in Nepal, thus hopefully
adding to the knowledge on the topic. I have also gone into detail regarding the
findings from the conference in New Delhi, given the transferable lessons learned. In
the next chapter on methodology I will describe how I carried out my research.

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Chapter Three
Methodology
3.1 Introduction
In this chapter I will outline the methodological approach I used in carrying out my
research. I will explain the choice of this particular methodology and the advantages
and disadvantages of such an approach. The methods of data analysis used are also
presented and I conclude with a discussion on the limitations and ethical
considerations I encountered during the process.
3.2 Overall Approach
The overall approach which I felt most suitable for my research was a qualitative one.
In keeping with how I wished to undertake my research, it “aims to understand people,
not measure them” (Sarantakos 1998, p.46). I was predominantly concerned with how
the youths viewed their own reality, in terms of the care they received. Qualitative is
distinctive from quantitative research in terms of its overall purpose. Brynam
distinguishes the two methods by saying “it is common to describe qualitative research
as concerned with the generation, rather than testing, of theories” (2004, p.20).
I took a critical theory perspective to my research as it seemed the most appropriate. It
believes that research “should focus on the lives and experiences of diverse groups
that traditionally have been marginalised” (Robson 2002, p.28) and that “the excluded
should be the subjects, as opposed to the objects, of social research” (ibid.). As my
research involved working with a marginalised group, i.e. youths formerly in care, I
was keen to have their interests and concerns at the forefront of my research.

33
In terms of the development of my ideas and theories in relation to my data collection,
I used an inductive approach. Bryman describes this process by saying “with an
inductive stance, theory is the outcome of research” (2004, p.9). A deductive approach
is more related with observation, and so there would have been small elements of this
at play also. From my focus group discussions I would have made a number of
conscious and subconscious observations which may have impacted on my research,
some of which I make reference to in my analysis. As Bryman states, “deductive and
inductive strategies are possibly better thought of as tendencies rather than as hard-
and-fast distinctions” (2004, p.11).
An inductive approach also involves “(a) condense raw textual data into a brief,
summary format; (b) establish clear links between the evaluation or research
objectives and the summary of findings derived from the raw data; and (c) develop a
framework of the underlying structure of experiences or processes that are evident in
the raw data” (Thomas 2006, p.237), which was similar to how I approached my data
collection.
3.3 Sampling Strategy
Sampling describes the selection of participants for the research. There are two main
types of sampling: probability and non-probability. Probability sampling would have
meant that every children’s home in Nepal would have had an equal chance of being
selected for research. I decided on non-probability sampling, which recognises that
“some people have no opportunity to be included” (Kane and O’Reilly-de Brun 2001).
This meant I could select organisations which I deemed appropriate for my research
purposes, i.e. those based in Kathmandu that were still in contact with their youths,
had been operating for over ten years and which had different levels of financial
support.

34
I selected SOS as it is the most established and well funded organisation, often being
cited by the CCWB as an example of best practice. I have been involved with UON
for a number of years and have a nuanced understanding of how they operate and
knew all of those I talked with which I felt could add a certain depth to my
understanding of an organisation which I may not have gotten had I chosen one at
random. For the third home I approached the CCWB and requested the details of a
children’s home which had minimal financial and human resources.
3.3.1 Purposive Sampling
In terms of the selection of youths to take part in the focus group discussions, I did not
want to leave it to the organisation to select youths at random and so decided on
purposive sampling. By using this technique “researchers purposely choose subjects
who, in their opinion, are thought to be relevant to the research topic” (Sarantakos
1998, p152). According to Laws et al. (2010) there are different types of purposive
sampling, and ‘quota sampling’ was the one that suited my needs, which meant that I,
the researcher, set quotas for the organisations I was dealing with.
In institutional care there are some children who may be orphans or abandoned with
no external support and some that are referred to as ‘social orphans’, those who have
parents and are predominantly there due to reasons of poverty (The World Bank
2014). Social orphans have more external support and as such could potentially pick
up life skills through these family connections. It was for this reason that I requested
to talk with those youths with the least family support. I also wanted to get a fair mix
of female and male youths.
Given SHCDO were a small organisation which had only had five youths leave care,
four male and one female, there was no quota set. As UON have had over 150 youths

35
leave care, I requested the youth officer to choose those that were deemed the most
vulnerable, and knowing some of their cases, I was able to verify these were in fact the
most at risk youths. In the case of SOS I also requested to meet with seven or eight of
their vulnerable youths, and met with three female and four males. Obviously I had to
have faith that they were a sample of SOS’s neediest youths, and nothing during our
discussions would lead me to believe the contrary. Given the ease of access to the
UON youths and staff, it could also be said that there was an element of convenience
sampling used.
As Laws et al. (2010) point out, there is potential for the researcher’s bias to come into
play when using this kind of sampling, and so after giving the description of
participant I was after, the organisation staff chose the individuals.
Regarding the seven semi-structured interviews, there was an element of purposive
sampling in terms of meeting with the relevant staff in the three organisations, as well
as the CCWB representative. There was also an element of ‘snowball sampling’ which
means a researcher “uses respondents to make contact with other relevant
respondents” (Sarantakos 1998, p.153). Two of those I interviewed were presented to
me by interviewees.
3.4 Data Collection
3.4.1 Semi-Structured Interviews
I used semi-structured interviews when talking to representatives of the various
institutions, the CCWB and other key informants. As Patton explains, “interviewing
opens up what’s inside people” (2002, p.407). One of the appeals to this type of
interviewing, as opposed to one which is structured, is that “interviewers have their

36
shopping list of topics and want to get responses to them, but they have considerable
freedom in the sequencing of questions, in their exact wording, and in the amount of
time and attention given to different topics” (Robson 2002, p.278).
Related to this point, when talking with a consultant hired by UNICEF I found her to
be quite open and willing to talk freely, which meant that I was able to probe deeper
then I would have expected to and get richer data. This would not have been possible
using a structured format.
There are also challenges with using this research method, as the researcher must
always be open, flexible and sensitive, and avoid value judgments or assumptions
(Mikkelson 2005). I found this to be true on a number of occasions where I was
receiving replies which I would not have agreed with and had to avoid some of these
pitfalls. See appendix 4 for the interview guidelines I used.
3.4.2 Focus Group Discussions
The second data collection tool I used was the focus group discussion, which provided
me with some of my most insightful findings, see guideline questions also in appendix
4. My focus groups consisted of talking with between five and eight youths. When
done well, it is said that a focus group can create a safe and encouraging environment
that puts participants at ease and allows them to thoughtfully answer questions in their
own words with as much detail as they feel comfortable (Duke University 2005).
Morgan (1998a) suggests that the typical group is between six to ten members,
particularly when participants are likely to have a lot to say, so this is what I aimed
for. Bryman suggests that there is no one best way to conduct a focus group and that
effectiveness can depend upon “levels of interest and/or knowledge among

37
participants” (2004, p.356). I certainly found this to be the case, with the SOS and
UON youths showing a real interest in the discussions which meant that information
flowed and it was informative. With the SHCDO youths they seemed to lose interest a
lot quicker. This could have been partly to do with the need for a translator at times for
one participant who’s English was not as strong.
Risks that come with this method which I encountered include the “obvious problems
of dealing with reticent speakers and those who hog the stage” (Bryman 2004, p.360).
I experienced both and found the tips covered in research class in KDSC worked well.
3.4.3 Questionnaire
In order to gain additional information from the youths I met with, I organised for the
youths to fill out a questionnaire after completing the discussions. Based on the Casey
Life Skills Assessment (2014) which has over a hundred questions, I chose 74 and
with the help of some UON staff made them appropriate for Nepali youth and had
them translated. I was then able to input the data into an online questionnaire hosted
by SurveyMonkey.com, which correlated the data (see appendix 2). As part of my
desire was to show the benefits to NGOs of using a questionnaire and
SurveyMonkey.com to gather useful data, I have displayed some answers comparing
NGOs while others highlight the girl’s responses, the most vulnerable of those I met
with.
I ensured that it was clear to participants that I was not interested in gathering names
so as they would feel comfortable in answering truthfully. As Robson points out, one
of the main benefits is of the questionnaire is that it “allows anonymity, which can
encourage frankness when sensitive areas are involved” (2002, p.234).

38
3.5 Research Process
I had to travel to Nepal in July for a month and so I used this time to approach
managers of seven NGOs running children’s homes, either in person or by telephone
and email, where I would explain my research and gauge their suitability and interest
in taking part. All seven were interested and I choose the organisations that were the
most and the least financially secure, as well as UON, whom were somewhere in
between. I returned to Nepal late August to carry out my data collection.
I carried out four semi-structured interviews in person in Nepal, one on Skype as the
interviewee was in New York, and three via email, which consisted of me sending a
number of questions to interviewees in Nepal and Holland. All were conducted in
English and I explained my research and that I would send a transcription of the
interview for their approval following our interview.
I had a translator with me for the SOS and SHCDO focus groups, which was needed
for the latter a number of times. Youths from UON and SOS were comfortable
conversing in English. Prior to our meeting I learnt that although they had finished
school two years and were currently working full-time jobs, two of the youths from
SHCDO were not yet 18 and so, on the advice of my supervisor, the translator I used
was also a child protection and development officer from UON and not known to the
youths. The two youths were made very aware of his role and that they did not have to
answer anything they were uncomfortable with. This was simply a precaution as it was
not my intention to ask any probing questions. All twenty participants from the three
organisations signed consent forms, see appendix 5, and after receiving permission, all
discussions were recorded.

39
In relation to both the interviews and focus groups I followed the guidelines and tips
as set out by Laws et al. (2003) and Robson (2002), which ensured that participants
were made feel comfortable, reassured that there were no right or wrong answers and
with the focus groups in particular I tried to keep the whole process as informal as
possible. Mikkelsen (2005) highlights the importance of reflexivity in social research,
which is in relation to how researchers should reflect on their own practices. I had no
experience of focus group discussions and found myself reflecting on and learning
from each.
After the focus groups were complete all participants were given the questionnaire to
fill in, with the process taking between ten and fifteen minutes. Two from SOS were
not able to complete it. As Laws et al. point out “ticking boxes can frustrate
respondents, and put them off participating” (2003, p.309), which I believe was the
case for one SHCDO youth who seemed to complete it particularly fast. All reported
enjoying the discussions and the questionnaire, and appreciated having their views
listened to.
3.6 Data Analysis
Analysis is the process of establishing what data ‘means’ in light of the research
objectives, the literature and the limitations of the research methods (Bryman 2004).
During this process it is important that “data are collected, coded, conceptually
organised, interrelated, evaluated and used as a spring-board for further data
collection” (Sarantakos 1998, p.315). I planned it so as I would have the focus groups
prior to meeting with the staff from an organisation, as I found I would invariably pick
up information during those discussions which I wanted to question the respective
managers about.

40
As Laws et al. (2003) point out that the central task in analysing data is to seek out
patterns and trends within the data. I received advice that the more time you invest in
analysing your data, rereading transcripts and searching for themes and highlighting
codes, the easier the process becomes, as hidden themes begin to ‘jump out at you’,
which was the case for me. I tried to use the three stages of analysis which are: data
reduction, i.e. summarizing, coding and categorizing; data organisation, assembling
information around certain themes and putting structure to it; and interpretation,
making decisions and drawing conclusions on the back of the data collected
(Sarantakos 1998).
I took solace from Robson’s (2002) stance that there is no one standardised approach
to data analysis, but that much depends on interpretation. This advice was echoed by
my supervisor and I found it useful, when data wasn’t fitting neatly into certain boxes
as I had hoped, at times I fell back on intuition.
3.7 Limitations of Research
Although I made every attempt to ensure my overall approach and the methods used
were the most appropriate, it is important that I acknowledge the limitations of how I
carried out my research.
3.7.1 Potential Objectivity
I was conscious that my personal involvement with UON could potentially raise issues
of objectivity, especially at the risk of being overly lenient or, inversely, overly critical
of their practices. As I feel this process has potential to improve how all three
organisations operate, I considered it beneficial to be honest in critiquing how each
addressed the matter of life skills education. As Schutt states, “by reporting how and

41
why they [the researcher] think they did what they did, they can help others determine
whether, or how, the researchers’ perspectives influenced their conclusions” (2012,
p.333).
Furthermore, this research is based not on statistical analysis but on an interpretation
of data collected. To avoid previous experiences of working in Nepal from biasing or
limiting this research, I have endeavored to ensure ‘reflexivity’, which Mikkelson
describes as the researcher’s “awareness of the possible implications and bias of
his/her choice of methods, values, decisions” (2005, p.348).
3.7.2 Interviews, Focus Groups and Questionnaires
There were also issues in terms of whom I got to meet with for my research. Despite
the Assistant Director and SOS youths giving me a good idea of what happened in the
SOS Children’s Villages (CV), it is a regret that I didn’t manage to talk directly with a
staff member from the CV. Also in relation to the SOS youths, I requested to speak to
a number of their most vulnerable youths but there is no way for me to know if those I
met with had the least external support or if they were the ones who would talk most
favourably regarding their time with SOS.
As Sarantakos mentions, there can also be a risk of certain members of the group not
feeling comfortable to share their views, as “group conditions might force people to
hide their real opinions” (1998, p.185), fearing negative opinions may get back to
management. I feel this was an issue in two of the focus groups, while the UON
youths didn’t hold back in terms of negative opinions they had of their care, which
was welcome.

42
3.7.3 Representativeness
This research was qualitative and so the sample size cannot be considered as a
representation of children’s homes in Nepal as it is too small to “reflect attributes of
the population concerned” (Sarantakos 1998, p.28). In relation to the organisations I
met with, I was able to interview all of SHCDO’s youths, but both SOS and UON
have had over 340 and 150 youths respectively leave their care, so my sample could
not be said to even be representative of those organisations. Therefore I cannot make
generalisations about the state of institutional care in Nepal. However, I can highlight
some of the main issues relating to life skills education which I encountered.
3.7.4 Critical Analysis
It may also come across that I was overly critical of SOS and their practices. The
reason they appear to receive more attention than the other organisations is firstly I
found the focus group discussion to be particularly insightful and secondly SOS are
widely regarded as offering the highest standard of care, and so I felt a very detailed
look at their procedures was justified. Given their strong connection with the CCWB,
any positive amendments they might bring to their organisation could have further-
reaching implications.
3.8 Ethical Issues
Any research project is likely to have some ethical issues and all the more so when
you are dealing with vulnerable young adults. Gilbert states that “ethics is a matter of
principled sensitivity to the rights of others” (2003, p.45). He states that “researchers
have always to take account of the effects of their actions upon those subjects and act

43
in such a way as to preserve their rights and integrity as human beings. Such
behaviour is ethical behaviour” (ibid., p.46).
McNeill and Chapman (2005) and Laws et al. (2003) suggest that the researcher
should be aware of the ethical considerations inherent in the qualitative research
approach and I tried to keep this thought to the forefront of my research. Key
considerations for this research included: concern for the welfare of the respondents,
including making sure that nobody was identifiable by a comment that may lead to
guilt, embarrassment or discomfort; free and informed written consent; avoidance of
undue intrusion; the right to privacy; the right to anonymity; and the right to
confidentiality.
I was also aware that given that I was talking to the youths about their time in care,
there was a chance that participants could use the opportunity to talk about certain
grievances they may have, or to report certain abuses which may have occurred. In
preparation I had a trained child protection and development officer with me while
with SOS and SHCDO youths, and if an incident had occurred I would have reported
it to the CCWB and arrange for adequate counseling if deemed necessary.
In relation to the life skills assessment questionnaires that were filled out
anonymously, I was able to tell that one girl had answered that she was in a
relationship which involved abuse, and so I decided to waive the right to
confidentiality and bring the issue to the attention of the relevant organisation, which
it turned out they were aware of.

44
3.9 Conclusion
This chapter outlined how this piece of research is based on a qualitative approach. It
discussed why I decided on the data collection tools I did and how I choose my
sample. It details how the data was analysed, the research process involved, and
looked at some of the many limitations and ethical considerations relevant for this
study. In the next chapter I present my findings.

45
Chapter Four
Research Findings
4.1 Introduction
This chapter sets out the findings from the interviews, focus group discussions and
questionnaires which were carried out during my research. Upon analysing this data,
the following recurring themes became apparent: (1) the alternative approaches taken
towards life skills education by the three children’s homes examined; (2) the lack of
awareness of the need for psychosocial skills for children living in care; (3) the deficit
of a clear policy on life skills education in institutional care, both from the Nepali
government and international agencies; and (4) the main issues of concern for youths
who have recently aged out of care.
In relation to my focus group discussions I had seven youths from SOS, eight from
UON and five from SHCDO. I have identified them as Focus Group Member 1 to 20
in the order I met with them, so SOS youths being FGMs 1 to 7, with UON youths
FGMs 8 to 15, and SHCDO’s FGM 16 to 20.
I gave a life skills assessment to eighteen of the twenty participants in the three focus
groups (as two SOS youths could not complete them). The 74 questions were adopted
from the Casey Life Skills Assessment (2014) and while the findings are not intended
to be generalisable, they give an indication of how such assessments may be carried
out.
By laying out my findings in this manner, I seek to demonstrate what I consider to be
the highlights of my study and in so doing address the three objectives which this
research set out to tackle, namely:

46
1. To evaluate the life skills education of children’s homes in Nepal, while
suggesting potential modifications;
2. To canvas the opinions of youths formerly in care in terms of their experience
of life skills education; and
3. To assess domestic and international life skills education policy for children in
institutional care.
Throughout my findings I will use a mix of my three research gathering methods in an
attempt to show a certain issue from more than one perspective. A lot of data was
gathered which does not necessarily fall neatly under these themes but which I feel is
worth recording, so I will make mention of some of these points at the end of this
chapter.
4.2 Alternative Approaches to Life Skills Education
Through my discussions with staff and youths from the three organisations it became
apparent that while it may not have been referred to in as many words, there was
already varying degrees of life skills education within the different children’s homes.
4.2.1 SOS
When I talked with Uttam Devkota, Assistant Director of SOS Youth Village in
Koteshwor, I questioned whether SOS carried out any training to prepare youths for
independent living, to which he replied:
We conduct training occasionally on life skills. We focus on certain
communication skills, house management skills, money management,
relationship management skills.

47
When asked if this training was structured or if it just happened, Devkota replied:
Both. Sometimes we have structured training. We had [one] two years ago.
Sometimes we have informal mentoring.
When the youths from this organisation were asked the same question, Focus Group
Member (FGM) 5 made reference only to the informal training which was evident:
There is no kind of life skill training. From children’s village our mother
taught us, and from books also. But there is not any integrated programme, we
learn all things from TV and books, informal mediums. I feel there is a big
need to have such trainings, that kind of facility. If we had that life skills
training that would be very good for us.
Regarding formal trainings, FGM 1 mentioned:
Last year there was a programme about how to get enrolled in the civil
service, and two or three years back there was a programme on efficient time
management and communication, a one day training. And there was also one
psychological counseling. That was 2009 or 2010.
When asked whether or not they try to assess the children in their care to check if they
may be lacking in any important skills, Devkota responded:
We do it, not in a structured way, but because of our own experience we can
easily identify if there is any problem with the [child]. We hold one meeting
with child’s ‘mother’, director and child … we also do our own assessment
here, but not a structured one. Because we have so much experience.
I questioned did SOS do anything to counteract some of the specific challenges
experienced by youths who grow up in children’s homes, as opposed to their
counterparts living in the traditional family unit, to which Devkota responded:

48
They have experience of the family home when they visit their friend’s home,
and we encourage them to do this. Spend the night there, we encourage them
to go to friends and relatives homes also, and to spend time there … as far as
situation permits.
Devkota also described the plan SOS make with their youths:
We call it a five year development plan … when youth is 18 we sit with
‘mother’, director of children’s village, director of youth village and youth and
make five year reintegration plan. We meet twice a year to review how things
are going.
4.2.2 Umbrella Organisation Nepal
Having met with the Programme Director, Rajendra Kumar Raut, and the Child
Protection and Development Manager, Raj Kumar Magar, in UON, I was able to ask
more specific questions relating to the extent of life skills education evident in their
three homes.
I asked what UON was currently doing to counteract the negative implications
growing up in a children’s home has on a child’s development, in particular related to
a psychosocial needs and interpersonal skills, and received the following responses
from Mr. Magar:
We organise different activities for the psychosocial wellbeing of children in
Umbrella. Such programmes include ‘stay safe training’, which teaches
children how to stay safe, as well as girls receiving ‘girls’ empowerment
workshops’ … we also do group counseling and individual counseling are also
organised to provide psychological support to children. They are also
encouraged to visit family.
On asking the same question Mr. Raut had the following to say:

49
We organised orientation on child protection, care givers training for staff,
orientation on sexual health for girls and psychological counseling training to
relevant staff. But I think these are not enough to address all the issues covered
under psychosocial needs and interpersonal skills, and some orientations to
the children and staff is necessary to ensure effective child’s development.
Similarly, if there are any psychosocial issues noted, then counselors take the
initiative to settle the issue and it could be individual or group counseling.
When asked if human or financial resources were not an issue, which types of
trainings would they like, Raut answered:
Some capacity-building initiatives especially for house staff … Children can
also involve in purchasing of vegetables and other day-to-day necessary items
and this will give more idea about the market and learn how to negotiate on
the price of items.
While Magar replied:
If there were no human resource or financial constraints, I would like children
to be having trainings in the areas of problem solving, decision making,
teamwork skills and skills for managing feelings, emotions and stress. Another
important training I would like them to have is confidence building.
4.2.3 Supporting Helpless Children Development Organisation
At SHCDO I talked with the NGO’s Programme Manager Sabin Gurung. Given their
significant resource constraints, there were not many examples of formal life skills
education programmes being conducted with the children and youths. That said,
through my focus group discussions I found that all were either in full time
employment for the last few years or supported externally to do a college course. It
would appear that despite not receiving any kind of formal life skills training, as
opposed to their counterparts in SOS and UON, in relation to emotions felt about

50
leaving care their responses were among the most positive, with FGM 17 proudly
stating that: “It was our decision to leave here. I felt happy to be with new friends.
There was no problem leaving here”.
Mr. Gurung confirmed that there was no form of life skills training currently
happening at SHCDO:
We don’t have a chance to give that kind of training, but it would be good to
have such training. I would be happy as the kids have to know these things.
4.3 Lack of Awareness of the Need for Life Skills
The most prominent theme I encountered during discussions with 28 people
throughout my research was the lack of awareness of the life skill needs of children
growing up in residential care. This arose from an absence of appreciation of the
unique psychosocial concerns of such youths, confusion regarding the actual definition
of the term ‘life skills’, and an unwillingness to assign scarce resources to such issues.
4.3.1 What’s the Problem?
When asking whether the psychosocial wellbeing of children was given enough
consideration from organisations running children’s homes, Raut felt that:
Most of the children’s homes have not developed and followed the child-
friendly system and policies to ensure the psychosocial wellbeing of children.
If they are not treated well then there might be psychosocial problems arise in
long run.
Upon raising the same question in relation to the views of parents and relatives of
children in care, I got the following reply from Magar:

51
Well, I do not think this part of the care is given enough consideration in
Nepal. Parents or relatives are not aware of such things as ‘psychosocial
wellbeing’. Many of them still believe that food, education and shelter are the
most important things for children to grow up with. They are unaware of
psychosocial part of people.
With Raut believing that:
In some cases, parents or relatives do not properly consider the psychosocial
wellbeing of children and it might be because of ignorance and illiteracy.
4.3.2 A Question of Definition
Understandably, many were unfamiliar with the meaning of life skills as described in
chapter two in terms of psychosocial competences and interpersonal skills, and made
an assumption that the term was related to the type of skills required to gain
employment.
This confusion regarding the definition presented itself while interviewing Namuna
Bushal, Programme Manager of the Central Child Welfare Board (CCWB). She talked
about the fact that psychosocial needs and life skills had been included among some of
the 78 Standards mentioned in the CCWB’s recent ‘Standards for Operation and
Management of Residential Child Care Homes’ (2012), which was very reassuring to
see. It became apparent, however, that despite ‘life skills’ and ‘vocational skills’ being
described separately in Standard 24, that Ms. Bushal understood the former to mean
employment/vocational/livelihood skills, when she stated:
If some children do not want to continue their education, then definitely they
will need life skills training. It’s the most sustainable way for reintegration
into society.

52
When I asked Mr. Gurung from SHCDO whether he had the option to provide life
skills training to help the children in his care become independent and confident adults
when they left the residential home, explaining that I did not mean ‘technical training’,
he responded:
Yes, first to see what kind of works the boys are interested in first, if they want
to be involved in workshop, vocational training, and if they are interested in
this type of training to try organise.
4.3.3 A Matter of Resources
While many organisations may not be aware of life skills education or all that it
encompasses, they may still wish to provide some forms of care addressing
psychosocial needs but cannot do so due to financial constraints. Gurung described the
situation he is faced with one of the girls in his organisation:
Copala (not real name) is a good girl for study, but always takes stress in
study, in homework, and she don’t have a self-esteem, she doesn’t want to talk
with people in groups. She is 12 years old or something. She has problem in
mental. Before her father is a really good teacher in village and someone shoot
the father. And always the accident gives torture to her. And that way she
doesn’t want to open up, maybe. She wants to divert the memory of the
accident, but automatically they come.
When asked whether he was able to provide any counseling for Copala, he said
himself and his mother, the organisation’s founder, had spoken with her. Questioned
about getting professional counseling for her, he replied: “We cannot provide. It’s too
expensive”.

53
Backing up this point, when talking to Mr. Magar regarding whether he felt life skills
were an important thing for organisations like UON to be concerned with, he replied:
Yes, I think every organisation should be concerned with such skills …
although it is not always possible because of the financial and human
constraints.
4.4 For Want of a Policy
Closely linked with the previous theme is the lack of any definitive life skills
education policy, be that domestically through the CCWB or internationally through
the likes of UNICEF.
4.4.1 A Domestic Affair
Ms. Bushal informed me that there were currently 594 child care homes in Nepal
catering for over 16,000 children. It was encouraging to learn that the CCWB had
recently carried out training for staff of children’s homes regarding their ‘Standards
for Operation and Management of Residential Child Care Homes’ (2012), which have
mention of ‘life skills’ and ‘psychosocial service’. When I asked Bushal how the
CCWB tries to monitor something as complex as the psychosocial wellbeing of
children in care, she replied:
That kind of thing it is quite difficult to find out. But we can suggest to
childcare home that there should be a psychosocial counselor in their home.
Sometimes we might find when we are visiting to home, or if the school
suggests, if children have certain behaviours and may need psychosocial
counseling, the school may identify. It’s very difficult but it should come
through relatives, friends, schools or anyway it should come out, otherwise we
cannot find easily.

Teaching A Child To Fish - Exploring Life Skills Education in Institutional Care in Nepal

Teaching A Child To Fish - Exploring Life Skills Education in Institutional Care in Nepal

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