Attitude Similarity in Three-Generation Families: Socialization, Status Inheritance, or
Reciprocal Influence?
Author(s): Jennifer Glass, Vern L. Bengtson and Charlotte Chorn Dunham
Source: American Sociological Review, Vol. 51, No. 5 (Oct., 1986), pp. 685-698
Published by: American Sociological Association
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2095493 .
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ATTITUDE SIMILARITY IN THREE-GENERATION FAMILIES:
SOCIALIZATION, STATUS INHERITANCE,
OR RECIPROCAL INFLUENCE?*
JENNIFER GLASS VERN L. BENGTSON
University of Notre Dame CHARLOTTE CHORN DUNHAM
University of Southern California
This study examines hypotheses of attitude transmission across three ideological domains
(gender roles, politics, religion) to access the adequacy of direct socialization, status
inheritance, and reciprocal influence models in a developmental aging perspective. Data
are from 2,044 individuals, members of three generation families, grouped to form
parent-youth (G2-G3) and grandparent-parent (GJ-G2) dyads. Results suggest, first, that
there is little convergence of parent-child attitudes with age when viewed cross-sectionally.
Second, status inheritance processes do account for a substantial amount of observed
parent-child similarity, but parental attitudes continue to significantly predict childrens'
orientations after childhood. Third, child influences on parental attitudes are relatively
strong and stable across age groups, while parental influence decreases with age, although
the exact pattern of influence varies by attitude domain.
For many years, social theorists have considered
the role of the family in maintaining continuity in
social ideologies over time (Engels [1884], 1967;
Adorno et al., 1950; Parsons and Bales, 1955;
Thomas and Znaniecki, 1958; Chodorow, 1978).
The resulting view of the family as conservative
(for example, slowing the pace of social change)
and monolithic (influencing individual beliefs in ...
CHAPTER 4 From Family Deficit to Family Strength Examining How Fa.docxspoonerneddy
CHAPTER 4 From Family Deficit to Family Strength: Examining How Families Influence Children’s Development and School Success
Ellen S. Amatea
Learning Objectives
After reading this chapter, you will be able to:
■ Explain the changes in thinking of researchers who investigate how families influence their children’s learning and social adjustment.
■ Describe the assumptions of family systems theorists and ecological systems theorists regarding the influences on children’s development of the family and larger social systems.
■ Identify specific family processes demonstrated by families varying in structure and social background and how these processes influence children to be successful academically.
■ Describe strategies for assessing and using a family’s strengths to foster their child’s school success.
The summer that I turned 13, my father sat my 12-year-old sister and me down and showed us how to make a weekly schedule in which we laid out our week’s activities of chores, swimming at the community center, and trips to the library. Every Sunday night, he would ask us how our schedule had helped us keep track of what we did with our time. He would then have us make up a new schedule for the coming week. That habit of thinking purposefully about how I spend my time has stood me in good stead for the past 40 years as I tackled the multiple responsibilities of running a household, raising children, and having a demanding career.
Like this successful professional woman in her late 50s, every one of us can tell a story about the lessons our families have taught us about managing our lives. Through one’s family, children learn who they are, where they fit into society, what kinds of futures they are likely to experience, and how to plan for those futures. Although families have frequently been blamed for children’s academic difficulties, particularly when families are poor and not consistently involved with the school, most educators are not exactly sure how families, particularly those of oppressed minorities, shape their children’s future. How do families prepare their children to be successful academically? What do families, especially families who are very poor or are headed by a single parent or a grandparent, do at home to groom their children for school success?
A considerable body of research is now available that describes how families who vary in structure and social background rear children who are academically successful and socially adjusted. The purpose of this chapter is to examine what we have learned about such families. We first look at how, since the early 1960s, family researchers have changed their research perspective and moved from looking only at the surface characteristics and deficits of families to looking at the internal lives of families. Next, we discuss family system theory and ecological systems theory, and how these two theories have become the major theoretical frameworks that organize how researchers have studied .
8Associated PressConnecting With Families and Communiti.docxsleeperharwell
8Associated Press
Connecting With Families and Communities
Chapter Learning Outcomes
After reading this chapter you should be able to
· Explain the bioecological theory of human development and its importance
· Discuss the importance of families as children’s first teachers
· Explain the importance of home–school partnerships
· Identify elements of the larger community that contribute to centers and schools and vice versa, as well as plan for your potential leadership roles as an early education professional
· Discuss ways in which teachers or caregivers can interact most effectively with a school’s or center’s community
Introduction: The Adults in Children’s Lives Introduction: The Adults in Children’s Lives
nteracting with young children in ways that are most beneficial is more than possessing good teaching techniques and affection for youngsters as individuals. It is important for teachers to realize that much of what children are comes from their family and cultural backgrounds, and that this fact determines, to great extent, their responses to what their teachers do and say.
I
In the education field, it is often regarded as a truism that parents are children’s first teachers. The intent of this statement is to convey the point of the parents being first sequentially, but also as first in importance. This reminder is a good one for teachers and caregivers to keep in mind, but it needs to go further, given the many models of family in today’s world. In this chapter we will discuss some of these models and how they impact what children bring to a center or to school.
Also of importance is the cultural community and its influence on young children. As one writer has powerfully stated, educators “must view each child and family within a framework that encompasses the entire political, social, economic, cultural, and spiritual experience that shapes the identity and behavior of the families and children with whom they work. The one-size-fits-all approach is a gross oversight . . .”(Prater, 2002, p. 150). So then, not only must teachers remember to place their children in a large and complex cultural context, but their families as well, and this chapter will discuss these issues.
There is another community that teachers and caregivers must learn to be skillful partners of,
As children’s first teachers, parents are responsible for what their children know upon entering school. How might different backgrounds impact what a young learner brings to a center or to school?
and it is visibly around them every day. It is the community of their own workplace. Collaboration, cooperation, skillful communication, and effective listening with colleagues are all important to professionalism. This chapter will provide specific suggestions for successfully negotiating
Artiga Photo/Corbis the workplace world.
The concept of an interdependency of home, school, center, school, community, and culture is a complex one that has been studied for more th.
CHAPTER 4 From Family Deficit to Family Strength Examining How Fa.docxspoonerneddy
CHAPTER 4 From Family Deficit to Family Strength: Examining How Families Influence Children’s Development and School Success
Ellen S. Amatea
Learning Objectives
After reading this chapter, you will be able to:
■ Explain the changes in thinking of researchers who investigate how families influence their children’s learning and social adjustment.
■ Describe the assumptions of family systems theorists and ecological systems theorists regarding the influences on children’s development of the family and larger social systems.
■ Identify specific family processes demonstrated by families varying in structure and social background and how these processes influence children to be successful academically.
■ Describe strategies for assessing and using a family’s strengths to foster their child’s school success.
The summer that I turned 13, my father sat my 12-year-old sister and me down and showed us how to make a weekly schedule in which we laid out our week’s activities of chores, swimming at the community center, and trips to the library. Every Sunday night, he would ask us how our schedule had helped us keep track of what we did with our time. He would then have us make up a new schedule for the coming week. That habit of thinking purposefully about how I spend my time has stood me in good stead for the past 40 years as I tackled the multiple responsibilities of running a household, raising children, and having a demanding career.
Like this successful professional woman in her late 50s, every one of us can tell a story about the lessons our families have taught us about managing our lives. Through one’s family, children learn who they are, where they fit into society, what kinds of futures they are likely to experience, and how to plan for those futures. Although families have frequently been blamed for children’s academic difficulties, particularly when families are poor and not consistently involved with the school, most educators are not exactly sure how families, particularly those of oppressed minorities, shape their children’s future. How do families prepare their children to be successful academically? What do families, especially families who are very poor or are headed by a single parent or a grandparent, do at home to groom their children for school success?
A considerable body of research is now available that describes how families who vary in structure and social background rear children who are academically successful and socially adjusted. The purpose of this chapter is to examine what we have learned about such families. We first look at how, since the early 1960s, family researchers have changed their research perspective and moved from looking only at the surface characteristics and deficits of families to looking at the internal lives of families. Next, we discuss family system theory and ecological systems theory, and how these two theories have become the major theoretical frameworks that organize how researchers have studied .
8Associated PressConnecting With Families and Communiti.docxsleeperharwell
8Associated Press
Connecting With Families and Communities
Chapter Learning Outcomes
After reading this chapter you should be able to
· Explain the bioecological theory of human development and its importance
· Discuss the importance of families as children’s first teachers
· Explain the importance of home–school partnerships
· Identify elements of the larger community that contribute to centers and schools and vice versa, as well as plan for your potential leadership roles as an early education professional
· Discuss ways in which teachers or caregivers can interact most effectively with a school’s or center’s community
Introduction: The Adults in Children’s Lives Introduction: The Adults in Children’s Lives
nteracting with young children in ways that are most beneficial is more than possessing good teaching techniques and affection for youngsters as individuals. It is important for teachers to realize that much of what children are comes from their family and cultural backgrounds, and that this fact determines, to great extent, their responses to what their teachers do and say.
I
In the education field, it is often regarded as a truism that parents are children’s first teachers. The intent of this statement is to convey the point of the parents being first sequentially, but also as first in importance. This reminder is a good one for teachers and caregivers to keep in mind, but it needs to go further, given the many models of family in today’s world. In this chapter we will discuss some of these models and how they impact what children bring to a center or to school.
Also of importance is the cultural community and its influence on young children. As one writer has powerfully stated, educators “must view each child and family within a framework that encompasses the entire political, social, economic, cultural, and spiritual experience that shapes the identity and behavior of the families and children with whom they work. The one-size-fits-all approach is a gross oversight . . .”(Prater, 2002, p. 150). So then, not only must teachers remember to place their children in a large and complex cultural context, but their families as well, and this chapter will discuss these issues.
There is another community that teachers and caregivers must learn to be skillful partners of,
As children’s first teachers, parents are responsible for what their children know upon entering school. How might different backgrounds impact what a young learner brings to a center or to school?
and it is visibly around them every day. It is the community of their own workplace. Collaboration, cooperation, skillful communication, and effective listening with colleagues are all important to professionalism. This chapter will provide specific suggestions for successfully negotiating
Artiga Photo/Corbis the workplace world.
The concept of an interdependency of home, school, center, school, community, and culture is a complex one that has been studied for more th.
https://utilitasmathematica.com/index.php/Index
Our Journal has a exploring partnerships and initiatives to provide training and resources to researchers, reviewers, and editors on issues related to JEDI in statistics. Journal has implemented rigorous editorial practices to ensure that published research adheres to JEDI principles.
A Unified Theory of Development A Dialectic Integration of Na.docxdaniahendric
A Unified Theory of Development: A Dialectic Integration of Nature
and Nurture
Arnold Sameroff
University of Michigan
The understanding of nature and nurture within developmental science has evolved with alternating ascen-
dance of one or the other as primary explanations for individual differences in life course trajectories of suc-
cess or failure. A dialectical perspective emphasizing the interconnectedness of individual and context is
suggested to interpret the evolution of developmental science in similar terms to those necessary to explain
the development of individual children. A unified theory of development is proposed to integrate personal
change, context, regulation, and representational models of development.
The attention of philosophers and then scientists to
human development has always begun with a con-
cern that children should grow up to be good citi-
zens who would contribute to society through
diligent labor, moral family life, civil obedience,
and, more recently, to be happy while making these
contributions. The motivation for these concerns
was that there were many adults who were not.
Although attention was paid to the socialization
and education of children, it was ultimately in the
service of improving adult performance. The socie-
tal concern has always had a life-span perspective.
Without healthy, productive adults no culture
could continue to be successful. This concern
continues to be a major motivator for society to
support child development research. Although the
intellectual interests of contemporary develop-
mental researchers range widely in cognitive and
social–emotional domains, the political justification
for supporting such studies is that they will lead to
the understanding and ultimate prevention of
behavioral problems that are costly to society.
With these motivations and supports there have
been major advances in our understanding of the
intellectual, emotional, and social behavior of
children, adolescents, and adults. Moreover these
understandings have increasingly involved multi-
level processes cutting across disciplinary bound-
aries in the social and natural sciences. This
progress has forced conceptual reorientations as
earlier unidirectional views that biological or social
circumstance controlled individual behavior are
becoming multidirectional perspectives where indi-
vidual behavior reciprocally changes both biologi-
cal and social circumstance.
The models we use to understand how individ-
uals change over time have increased in complex-
ity from linear to interactive to transactive to
multilevel dynamic systems. Was this progression
in complexity an expression of empirical advances
in our developmental research or is it related to
more general progressions in the history of science
as a whole? Several years ago during a discussion
of a need for a critical social history of develop-
mental psychology by a number of distinguished
scientists (Bronfenbrenner, Kessel, Kessen, &
White, 198 ...
Corinne Reczek The Ohio State UniversityAmbivalence in GayAlleneMcclendon878
Corinne Reczek The Ohio State University
Ambivalence in Gay and Lesbian Family
Relationships
Intergenerational ambivalence—the simulta-
neous presence of both positive and negative
dimensions of a parent–child tie—is a con-
cept widely used in family studies. Scholars
have clarified the measurement of psycho-
logical ambivalence, or an individual’s own
feelings of ambivalence toward others. Yet
research has yet to demonstrate whether—and,
if so, how—individuals characterize others as
ambivalent. Moreover, relatively little is known
about ambivalence in gay and lesbian families.
In the present study 60 in-depth interviews
were analyzed to identify what the author calls
perceived ambivalence in the parent, sibling,
extended kin, and “in-law” relationships of
gay and lesbian adults. Perceived ambivalence
is revealed through gay and lesbian adults’
characterizations of family members’ simulta-
neous positive and negative overt and covert
beliefs and behavior. In addition, the author
refines the concept of collective ambivalence,
wherein perceived ambivalence typifies an
entire family unit. The findings further revealed
the importance of broader sociological factors,
such as homophobia, in structuring perceived
ambivalence.
Over the past decade, intergenerational ambiva-
lence has emerged as a central concept for
Department of Sociology, 238 Townshend Hall, 1885 Neil
Avenue Mall, Columbus, OH 43202 ([email protected]).
This article was edited by Kevin M. Roy.
Key Words: ambivalence, gay and lesbian families, intergen-
erational relationships, mid- to late life, qualitative research.
understanding relationships between adult chil-
dren and their parents (Lüscher & Pillemer,
1998). Intergenerational ambivalence brings
together psychological ambivalence—the simul-
taneous experience of opposing feelings or
emotions (Bleuler, 1922)—and sociological
ambivalence—incompatible and conflicting
expectations and norms of behavior, beliefs, and
attitudes (Connidis, 2015; Merton & Barber,
1963)—to articulate how parents and adult chil-
dren experience “opposing feelings or emotions
that are due in part to countervailing expec-
tations” for how each generation should act
(Connidis & McMullin, 2002b, p. 558; Lüscher
& Pillemer, 1998). A significant body of work
demonstrates that, much like positive and neg-
ative parent–child relationships, ambivalent
intergenerational relationships are negatively
related to psychological well-being (Kiecolt,
Blieszner, & Savla, 2011; Suitor, Gilligan, &
Pillemer, 2011), which may in turn lead to stress
spillover and proliferation into other domains
of family life (Pearlin, Aneshensel, & LeBlanc,
1997).
Despite important advances in the ambiva-
lence construct, significant gaps remain. First,
the focus has been nearly entirely on indi-
vidual feelings of psychological ambivalence
toward others, with little attention to the pres-
ence and operation of sociological ambivalence
(Connidis, 2015). Second, a focus on individu ...
This paper critically reviews two literatures related to adolescent social skills:
That evaluating the relationship between adolescent peer interactions and peer acceptance, and that
examining the characteristics of teenage same-sex frz&oJships. Although studies in each area are
limited by almost exclusive reliance on verbal report, they consistently point to numerous positive
and negative behaviors that social skills training outcome studies have virtually ignored. Social
skills assessment and training programs could expand their focus by assessing and training skills
involving cooperating, sharing and helping displaying loyalty, initiating activities, and developing
intimacy. Furthermore, negative responses associated with peer rejection should receive more
expl;Cit attention. Final&, friendship initiation and maintenance, as well as demonstrated acquisition
of specific skills, should become key criteria for determining successful social skills intervention.
Attachment Security and Perceived Parental Psychological Control as Parameter...ijtsrd
The study examined attachment security and perceived parental psychological control as parameters of social value orientation among early adolescents. Participants for the study were 210 early adolescents who volunteered from NnamdiAzikiwe University High Awka. Participants’ age ranged from 11 to 15 years, with mean age of 13.26 years and standard deviation of 1.34. Three instruments were deployed for data collection secure domain of the attachment style questionnaire SDASQ by Van Oudenhoven, Hofstra, and Bakker 2003 , adopted version of psychological control domain of the parental control scale developed by Barber 1996 and social value orientation SVO developed by Schwartz 1994 . The study adopted correlation design and statistics appropriate for data analysis were correlation and multiple regression analysis enter method. Hypothesis one was confirmed and result showed that attachment security significantly and positively predicted social value orientation at B = .73 , P . 001. Hypothesis two result was not confirmed at B = .06, p .05. Hence, attachment security is a significant predictor of social value orientation. It was recommended that parents, teachers and care givers should ensure that they establish low anxiety type of relationship with their new born children in order to enhance low anxiety and low avoidance as this will help them at early adolescents to withstand peer pressure of during early adolescent. Nweke, Kingsley Onyibor | Dike Ibiwari Caroline | Dike, Adannia Amarachukwu | Umeaku Ndubuisi Nkemakonam "Attachment Security and Perceived Parental Psychological Control as Parameters of Social Value Orientation among Early Adolescents" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-5 | Issue-4 , June 2021, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.compapers/ijtsrd42368.pdf Paper URL: https://www.ijtsrd.comhumanities-and-the-arts/psychology/42368/attachment-security-and-perceived-parental-psychological-control-as-parameters-of-social-value-orientation-among-early-adolescents/nweke-kingsley-onyibor
I need 100 words response for each of the discussion postDiscu.docxsheronlewthwaite
I need 100 words response for each of the discussion post
Discussion Entry 1
The emerging adulthood stage is being studied in various ways now to include the lifespan theory and the resiliency theory. The lifespan development theory generally concentrates on the ontogenesis and the chronological mastery of skills, tasks, and abilities, while resiliency theory, in contrast, generally focuses the process of positive adaption when facing significant risk (Smith-Osborne, 2007). “Emerging adulthood is proposed as a new conception of development for the period from the late teens through the twenties, with a focus on ages 18-25” (Arnett, 2000, pg. 1). From my understanding, Arnett’s proposal is basically highlighting on the fact that there is a difference from “back in the day” to “current day” life experiences or achievements. “The reliance on traditional sociological markers that have served for over a century—stable job, independent domicile, financial self-sufficiency, marriage and children—is out of sync with the pace, direction, and even values of twenty-first-century life” (Gilmore, 2019, pg. 1). Arnett explains this by showing how the age of marriage has shifted and how childbirth age patterns has increased. The emerging adulthood phase is when an individual is acting independently in contradiction of social norms.
The first article dealt with homeless emerging adults and how the resiliency theory played a role in the case study. Young adults were interviewed, recruited, and analyzed to find four primary themes amongst the homeless young adults. Individual strengths, positive life perspectives, external social supports, and coping strategies are all themes that contributed to their resilience while living on the streets. Most emerging adults were facing multiple barriers while growing up and they were exposed to traumatizing events which cause most of them to flee their home/family. the resiliency theory reported how these individuals adapted to their new circumstances by learning how to find resources, establishing new relationships and who to trust, and developing a “street smart” skill (Thompson, Ryan, Montgomery, Lippman, Bender & Ferguson, 2016). This case study proposed that using a strength-based method would empower these individuals to use their resilient capabilities to build a self-efficient mentality that offers them a way out of homelessness. One major shortcoming of this study is that the recruits were from one specific city and were mainly Caucasian males. If the study would have been more worldwide, the results may have shown various results. Another factor that may hinder this type of research is that many homeless individuals develop mental health concerns and do not share the full extent of their situation which would alter the results as well. This study reflects how the cognitive and personality development does not always take place in a normal age range or in sequential order and human development rem ...
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI)inventionjournals
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI) is an international journal intended for professionals and researchers in all fields of Humanities and Social Science. IJHSSI publishes research articles and reviews within the whole field Humanities and Social Science, new teaching methods, assessment, validation and the impact of new technologies and it will continue to provide information on the latest trends and developments in this ever-expanding subject. The publications of papers are selected through double peer reviewed to ensure originality, relevance, and readability. The articles published in our journal can be accessed online
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2012 Annual Report
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Your paper must be formatted according to APA style, and must include citations and references for the text and at least two scholarly sources.
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OR
2.) Explain, with details, how geology influences the distribution of natural resources.
NO MINIMUM WORD LENGTH REQUIRED.
.
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suggested to interpret the evolution of developmental science in similar terms to those necessary to explain
the development of individual children. A unified theory of development is proposed to integrate personal
change, context, regulation, and representational models of development.
The attention of philosophers and then scientists to
human development has always begun with a con-
cern that children should grow up to be good citi-
zens who would contribute to society through
diligent labor, moral family life, civil obedience,
and, more recently, to be happy while making these
contributions. The motivation for these concerns
was that there were many adults who were not.
Although attention was paid to the socialization
and education of children, it was ultimately in the
service of improving adult performance. The socie-
tal concern has always had a life-span perspective.
Without healthy, productive adults no culture
could continue to be successful. This concern
continues to be a major motivator for society to
support child development research. Although the
intellectual interests of contemporary develop-
mental researchers range widely in cognitive and
social–emotional domains, the political justification
for supporting such studies is that they will lead to
the understanding and ultimate prevention of
behavioral problems that are costly to society.
With these motivations and supports there have
been major advances in our understanding of the
intellectual, emotional, and social behavior of
children, adolescents, and adults. Moreover these
understandings have increasingly involved multi-
level processes cutting across disciplinary bound-
aries in the social and natural sciences. This
progress has forced conceptual reorientations as
earlier unidirectional views that biological or social
circumstance controlled individual behavior are
becoming multidirectional perspectives where indi-
vidual behavior reciprocally changes both biologi-
cal and social circumstance.
The models we use to understand how individ-
uals change over time have increased in complex-
ity from linear to interactive to transactive to
multilevel dynamic systems. Was this progression
in complexity an expression of empirical advances
in our developmental research or is it related to
more general progressions in the history of science
as a whole? Several years ago during a discussion
of a need for a critical social history of develop-
mental psychology by a number of distinguished
scientists (Bronfenbrenner, Kessel, Kessen, &
White, 198 ...
Corinne Reczek The Ohio State UniversityAmbivalence in GayAlleneMcclendon878
Corinne Reczek The Ohio State University
Ambivalence in Gay and Lesbian Family
Relationships
Intergenerational ambivalence—the simulta-
neous presence of both positive and negative
dimensions of a parent–child tie—is a con-
cept widely used in family studies. Scholars
have clarified the measurement of psycho-
logical ambivalence, or an individual’s own
feelings of ambivalence toward others. Yet
research has yet to demonstrate whether—and,
if so, how—individuals characterize others as
ambivalent. Moreover, relatively little is known
about ambivalence in gay and lesbian families.
In the present study 60 in-depth interviews
were analyzed to identify what the author calls
perceived ambivalence in the parent, sibling,
extended kin, and “in-law” relationships of
gay and lesbian adults. Perceived ambivalence
is revealed through gay and lesbian adults’
characterizations of family members’ simulta-
neous positive and negative overt and covert
beliefs and behavior. In addition, the author
refines the concept of collective ambivalence,
wherein perceived ambivalence typifies an
entire family unit. The findings further revealed
the importance of broader sociological factors,
such as homophobia, in structuring perceived
ambivalence.
Over the past decade, intergenerational ambiva-
lence has emerged as a central concept for
Department of Sociology, 238 Townshend Hall, 1885 Neil
Avenue Mall, Columbus, OH 43202 ([email protected]).
This article was edited by Kevin M. Roy.
Key Words: ambivalence, gay and lesbian families, intergen-
erational relationships, mid- to late life, qualitative research.
understanding relationships between adult chil-
dren and their parents (Lüscher & Pillemer,
1998). Intergenerational ambivalence brings
together psychological ambivalence—the simul-
taneous experience of opposing feelings or
emotions (Bleuler, 1922)—and sociological
ambivalence—incompatible and conflicting
expectations and norms of behavior, beliefs, and
attitudes (Connidis, 2015; Merton & Barber,
1963)—to articulate how parents and adult chil-
dren experience “opposing feelings or emotions
that are due in part to countervailing expec-
tations” for how each generation should act
(Connidis & McMullin, 2002b, p. 558; Lüscher
& Pillemer, 1998). A significant body of work
demonstrates that, much like positive and neg-
ative parent–child relationships, ambivalent
intergenerational relationships are negatively
related to psychological well-being (Kiecolt,
Blieszner, & Savla, 2011; Suitor, Gilligan, &
Pillemer, 2011), which may in turn lead to stress
spillover and proliferation into other domains
of family life (Pearlin, Aneshensel, & LeBlanc,
1997).
Despite important advances in the ambiva-
lence construct, significant gaps remain. First,
the focus has been nearly entirely on indi-
vidual feelings of psychological ambivalence
toward others, with little attention to the pres-
ence and operation of sociological ambivalence
(Connidis, 2015). Second, a focus on individu ...
This paper critically reviews two literatures related to adolescent social skills:
That evaluating the relationship between adolescent peer interactions and peer acceptance, and that
examining the characteristics of teenage same-sex frz&oJships. Although studies in each area are
limited by almost exclusive reliance on verbal report, they consistently point to numerous positive
and negative behaviors that social skills training outcome studies have virtually ignored. Social
skills assessment and training programs could expand their focus by assessing and training skills
involving cooperating, sharing and helping displaying loyalty, initiating activities, and developing
intimacy. Furthermore, negative responses associated with peer rejection should receive more
expl;Cit attention. Final&, friendship initiation and maintenance, as well as demonstrated acquisition
of specific skills, should become key criteria for determining successful social skills intervention.
Attachment Security and Perceived Parental Psychological Control as Parameter...ijtsrd
The study examined attachment security and perceived parental psychological control as parameters of social value orientation among early adolescents. Participants for the study were 210 early adolescents who volunteered from NnamdiAzikiwe University High Awka. Participants’ age ranged from 11 to 15 years, with mean age of 13.26 years and standard deviation of 1.34. Three instruments were deployed for data collection secure domain of the attachment style questionnaire SDASQ by Van Oudenhoven, Hofstra, and Bakker 2003 , adopted version of psychological control domain of the parental control scale developed by Barber 1996 and social value orientation SVO developed by Schwartz 1994 . The study adopted correlation design and statistics appropriate for data analysis were correlation and multiple regression analysis enter method. Hypothesis one was confirmed and result showed that attachment security significantly and positively predicted social value orientation at B = .73 , P . 001. Hypothesis two result was not confirmed at B = .06, p .05. Hence, attachment security is a significant predictor of social value orientation. It was recommended that parents, teachers and care givers should ensure that they establish low anxiety type of relationship with their new born children in order to enhance low anxiety and low avoidance as this will help them at early adolescents to withstand peer pressure of during early adolescent. Nweke, Kingsley Onyibor | Dike Ibiwari Caroline | Dike, Adannia Amarachukwu | Umeaku Ndubuisi Nkemakonam "Attachment Security and Perceived Parental Psychological Control as Parameters of Social Value Orientation among Early Adolescents" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-5 | Issue-4 , June 2021, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.compapers/ijtsrd42368.pdf Paper URL: https://www.ijtsrd.comhumanities-and-the-arts/psychology/42368/attachment-security-and-perceived-parental-psychological-control-as-parameters-of-social-value-orientation-among-early-adolescents/nweke-kingsley-onyibor
I need 100 words response for each of the discussion postDiscu.docxsheronlewthwaite
I need 100 words response for each of the discussion post
Discussion Entry 1
The emerging adulthood stage is being studied in various ways now to include the lifespan theory and the resiliency theory. The lifespan development theory generally concentrates on the ontogenesis and the chronological mastery of skills, tasks, and abilities, while resiliency theory, in contrast, generally focuses the process of positive adaption when facing significant risk (Smith-Osborne, 2007). “Emerging adulthood is proposed as a new conception of development for the period from the late teens through the twenties, with a focus on ages 18-25” (Arnett, 2000, pg. 1). From my understanding, Arnett’s proposal is basically highlighting on the fact that there is a difference from “back in the day” to “current day” life experiences or achievements. “The reliance on traditional sociological markers that have served for over a century—stable job, independent domicile, financial self-sufficiency, marriage and children—is out of sync with the pace, direction, and even values of twenty-first-century life” (Gilmore, 2019, pg. 1). Arnett explains this by showing how the age of marriage has shifted and how childbirth age patterns has increased. The emerging adulthood phase is when an individual is acting independently in contradiction of social norms.
The first article dealt with homeless emerging adults and how the resiliency theory played a role in the case study. Young adults were interviewed, recruited, and analyzed to find four primary themes amongst the homeless young adults. Individual strengths, positive life perspectives, external social supports, and coping strategies are all themes that contributed to their resilience while living on the streets. Most emerging adults were facing multiple barriers while growing up and they were exposed to traumatizing events which cause most of them to flee their home/family. the resiliency theory reported how these individuals adapted to their new circumstances by learning how to find resources, establishing new relationships and who to trust, and developing a “street smart” skill (Thompson, Ryan, Montgomery, Lippman, Bender & Ferguson, 2016). This case study proposed that using a strength-based method would empower these individuals to use their resilient capabilities to build a self-efficient mentality that offers them a way out of homelessness. One major shortcoming of this study is that the recruits were from one specific city and were mainly Caucasian males. If the study would have been more worldwide, the results may have shown various results. Another factor that may hinder this type of research is that many homeless individuals develop mental health concerns and do not share the full extent of their situation which would alter the results as well. This study reflects how the cognitive and personality development does not always take place in a normal age range or in sequential order and human development rem ...
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI)inventionjournals
International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI) is an international journal intended for professionals and researchers in all fields of Humanities and Social Science. IJHSSI publishes research articles and reviews within the whole field Humanities and Social Science, new teaching methods, assessment, validation and the impact of new technologies and it will continue to provide information on the latest trends and developments in this ever-expanding subject. The publications of papers are selected through double peer reviewed to ensure originality, relevance, and readability. The articles published in our journal can be accessed online
In a two- to three-page paper (excluding the title and reference pag.docxrock73
In a two- to three-page paper (excluding the title and reference pages), explain the purpose of an income statement and how it reflects the firm’s financial status. Include important points that an analyst would use in assessing the financial condition of the company. Also, analyze Ford Motor Company’s income statement from its
2012 Annual Report
.
Your paper must be formatted according to APA style, and must include citations and references for the text and at least two scholarly sources.
.
In a substantial paragraph respond to either one of the following qu.docxrock73
In a substantial paragraph respond to either one of the following questions:
1.) Choose one source of energy, explain its origins, how does it impact our Earth, and what effect does it have on our planet?
OR
2.) Explain, with details, how geology influences the distribution of natural resources.
NO MINIMUM WORD LENGTH REQUIRED.
.
In a study by Dr. Sandra Levitsky, she considers why the economic,.docxrock73
In a study by Dr. Sandra Levitsky, she considers why the economic, physical, and emotional challenges of providing chronic care for a family member have not produced more salient political demands for aggressive policy intervention (Hudson, 2014).
Discuss her findings as well as your own theory on why there has not been a stronger demand from the public for policy intervention to assist caregivers.
Support your statements with evidence from the Required Studies and your research. Cite and reference your sources in APA style.
References
Hudson, R. (Ed). (2014).
The new politics of old age policy
(3rd ed.). Baltimore, John Hopkins.
.
In a response of at least two paragraphs, provide an explanation o.docxrock73
In a response of at least two paragraphs, provide an explanation of the steps you took to rewrite the Romantic poem you selected. Your explanation should point out at least three typically modernist qualities in your work with regard to elements such as
language, style, literary elements, and themes. Here, as an example, is a brief explanation of the modernist rewrite of the first stanza of Wordsworth
’s “I Wandered Lonely as a Cloud”:
.
in a minimum of 1000 words, describe why baseball is Americas past .docxrock73
in a minimum of 1000 words, describe why baseball is America's past time. As part of your paper you can share some of your memories of baseball. How did baseball mirror society(good and bad?) as a reflection of American society. Be sure to cite all of your sources and you must show direct evidence of integrating your textbook once per chapter as part of your final exam. Your paper should at include at least one resource from the library.
.
In a minimum 200 word response, describe some ways how the public .docxrock73
In a minimum 200 word response, describe some ways how the public has responded to the October 2001 USA Patriot Act. Has the public’s response been positive or negative? What are some pros and cons of the USA Patriot Act with the American public? Explain your answer.
Dempsey, J. S., & Forst, L. S. (2011, Pg. 213-214).
Police
. Clifton Park, NY: Delmar.
.
In a weekly coordination meeting, several senior investigators from .docxrock73
In a weekly coordination meeting, several senior investigators from the state crime lab request that AB Investigative Services (ABIS) prepare a standard operations procedure document concerning the general processing of computer evidence. Recent forensic investigator actions during the processing of computer evidence have failed to show understanding of how computer data are created, modified, and stored. In addition, the investigators have not understood the underlying technical issues tied to evidence processing and associated security issues. Provide four general evidence processing guidelines to ensure investigators understand the steps of processing evidence and the results when standard operating procedures are not followed.
Please submit your assignment.
.
In a memo, describe 1) the form and style of art as well as 2) the e.docxrock73
In a memo, describe 1) the form and style of art as well as 2) the engineering phenomenon – a substantial paragraph for each. You will need to research both the art and engineering, so each section of the memo should include citations from credible sources.
i need to wrote two paragraph also incloude two citation for each one
.
In a minimum 200 word response explain the problems that law enforce.docxrock73
In a minimum 200 word response explain the problems that law enforcement officials have faced regarding the issues of federal, state, and local jurisdictions attempting to intervene in tribal policing. How has this issue contributed to confusion and discontent with law enforcement? Dempsey, J. S., & Forst, L. S. (2011, Pg. 22-25). Police. Clifton Park, NY: Delmar.
.
In a minimum 200 word response explain some of the reasons why, in.docxrock73
In a minimum 200 word response explain some of the reasons why, in the context of span of control, it is more beneficial to
limit the number of officers reporting to one supervisor.
What factors can affect how many employees are supervised at one time?
Dempsey, J. S., & Forst, L. S. (2011, Pg.
Pg. 35-40
).
Police
. Clifton Park, NY: Delmar.
.
In a maximum of 750 words, you are required to1. Summarize the ar.docxrock73
In a maximum of 750 words, you are required to:
1. Summarize the article (include all necessary background information);
2. Identify, discuss and analyze the main issue covered in the article, making links to all secondary
issues, theories and concepts;
3. Critique the actions taken by management and the union, (i.e., what did each do particularly
well or poorly); and
4. Discuss how the event in the article affects the lives of people other than those in management
or the union
.
in a two- to- three page paper (not including the title and referenc.docxrock73
in a two- to- three page paper (not including the title and reference pages), explain how Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) would cause an increase in the BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India, and China) countries’ Gross Domestic Product (GDP).
Your paper must be formatted according to APA Style and include at least two scholarly sources to support your assertions.
.
In a two- to three-page paper (not including the title and reference.docxrock73
In a two- to three-page paper (not including the title and reference pages), explain the purpose of a balance sheet and how it reflects the firm’s financial status. Analyze Ford Motor Company’s balance sheet from its
2012 Annual Report
.
Your paper must be formatted according to APA style and it must include citations and references for the text and at least two scholarly
.
In a group, take a look at the two student essays included in this f.docxrock73
In a group, take a look at the two student essays included in this folder. For each of these essays: (1) outline the organization of the components, (2) label the components, (3) name the audience and purpose, (4) decide if you found the organization of the components to be effective, and if the components themselves were well written or poorly written. You'll type your notes into a Microsoft Word document, include the names of all group members, and then upload the document individually to your own iLearn dropbox.
.
BASEBALLRuns Scored (X)Wins (Y)7086987590654797048078795730716678661963867976457455667707918559674381731946418965471735797357361556
Develop a position paper on best practices for teaching English Learners. This paper should contain the student’s personal beliefs about and the best models to practice. Statements must be supported with research data. There must be at least THREE references. The textbook may serve as ONE reference (Education English Learners for a Transformed World) The paper must be typed using APA style, double spaced, and with a title page and a reference page. The paper should be no less than three pages in length.
The positon paper: why two way is the best method in Bilingual Education
1) Please explain the components of the Prism Model and why these components are important in creating a welcoming school that promotes success for English Learners.
2) There have been many programs and ideas in the US Public schools for how best to serve English Learners and close the gap between those who enter school speaking English and those who have to learn English along the way.
Following is a list of Bilingual Education Models that have been tried. According to the text book and the research of Virginia Collier and Wayne Thomas, please rate the following programs from 1-6 with 1 being the most effective program for student success and 6 being the least effective program for learning English:
__________Maintenance Bilingual Ed., Self-Contained
__________Transitional Bilingual Ed.
__________One-way Dual Language
__________Pull-out Bilingual Ed.
__________Two-way Dual Language
__________Enrichment Bilingual Education (30 min. per day)
The following programs are designed for ELs who do not live in an area where bilingual ed. is available or do not qualify for bilingual education due to the language they speak. Please rate the following ESL programs on a scale of 1-4 with 1 being the most successful way to teach English and 4 being the least effective program:
__________ESL Pull-out
__________Sheltered Instruction in the regular classroom
__________Total emersion with no language support
__________English enrichment, 30 minutes per day, by classroom teacher
3) Please explain the difference between a 50/50 model and a 90/10 model of Dual Language Education.
4) Why does 2-way Dual Language Education usually have better results than 1-way Dual Language Education?
5) In order to have an effective Dual Language program, there are two important things teachers should not do. What are they?
6) What does it mean to see other cultures not as a deficit but as a difference? Why is this idea important to your classroom?
7) We are required to have many formal assessments in our educational curriculum. However, informal assessment can be much more informative to the teacher of language learners. Please explain why Informal Assessments might be a better way for the teacher to know the true level of the student.
...
Based on Santa Clara University Ethics DialogueEthics .docxrock73
Based on Santa Clara University Ethics Dialogue
Ethics case studies
This is an extra credit assignment that I am offering for the first time this term. In this booklet, you will find 38 separate case studies. You are free to respond to any or all of these cases.
You may earn up to 5 extra credit points per question, based on the complexity of the case and the logic of your response. You may not earn more than 100 points (10 percent of your final grade).
You may find it helpful to read the paper “Four Tough Ethical Dilemmas” prior to responding.
While these are your opinions, citations are not expected; however, if you make use of the work of others, include APA style citations for complete credit.
Either cut and paste the cases you select to a separate file or use this file for your submission. If you use this file to submit a response, please delete those cases to which you are not responding.
Dr. Frick
Case 1: Family Loyalty vs. Meritocracy
A man was appointed president of the newly-acquired Philippine subsidiary of a large American company. He was reviewing the organization with the company's head of human resources. One thing the president noted was that the same names reoccurred frequently in several departments. "It is our tradition," commented the HR head. "Families take care of their own. If one family member gets a good job in a Philippine company, other members of the family apply to join that company and the first member there can help the whole family become successful by helping them get hired and by coaching them to be successful. The company benefits. Our costs of recruiting are lower, we know more about the people we hire, and the commitment to family success results in fewer performance and discipline problems because family members want to please their older relatives."
The president wondered how these practices would be regarded in a large American firm, and whether or not he should take action to change them.
1. Nepotism is not illegal, but is it ethical?
2. If the business is family-owned, does that make a difference?
3. How does national culture affect this discussion?
Case 2: Is the Two-Tier System Ethically Problematic
Employees at a cereal makers plant were “locked-out” from their jobs producing cereal for over 3 months. Company management and the union representing the employees reached a stalemate in negotiations resulting in the lockout. The union claims that the primary issue is the company’s demand of dramatically increasing the number of temporary workers, who would earn $6 less per hour and receive fewer benefits. Critics claim this effectively creates a two-tier system at the plant. Under the current agreement, the company may use temporary workers for up to 30% of the workforce, but the union claims the company is now pushing for 100%. The workers, who have had their health insurance suspended, fear that their jobs will either be replaced entirely by temporary workers, or they will be f ...
Barbara Corcoran Learns Her Heart’s True Desires In her.docxrock73
Barbara Corcoran Learns Her Heart’s True Desires
In her hilarious and lighthearted book, Shark Tales: How I Turned $1,000 Into a
Billion Dollar Business, Barbara Corcoran demonstrates the importance of knowing what
you really want out of life (Corcoran & Littlefield, 2011). As her title suggests, Barbara
founded her real estate company, The Corcoran Group, with only $1,000 and some big
dreams. Shortly after founding the company, Barbara took out a piece of paper and wrote
down some big goals for herself and the company. In 1978, she had only 14 sales agents
working for her, who earned a total of $250,000 in commissions. She set a goal of
doubling the number of agents and the commissions every year. So she put down 28 sales
people for 1979, 56 for 1980, and so on, all the way up to 1,792 salespeople in 1985 with
total commissions of $32,000,000. Barbara was amazed when she saw the fantastic sums
projected for 1985, and of course many people, when they see such amazing sums, would
dismiss the calculations as fantasy But as Barbara put it, she went to work the next day
hustling hard for her $32 million.
Real estate agents are paid largely by commission, which is about as close as you
can get to a pure form of contingent reward for performance. However, Barbara didn’t
rely solely on the commissions to motivate her workers. She threw theme parties and held
numerous social events to build a committed workforce. Good sales agents could always
move to another firm, but not every firm had Barbara’s positive attitude and fun-filled
atmosphere. In the early years of the firm, when money was tight, Barbara and her
relatives did the cooking for the outings and parties, and she found clever ways to
entertain people with skating parties and other lively activities. As the firm became larger
and more profitable, she even hired professional entertainers for the company’s midweek
picnics, which included elephant shows, daring rides on hot air balloons, horses, or
Harley Davidsons, etc. Barbara stated “I built my company on pure fun, and believe that
fun is the most underutilized motivational tool in business today. All of my best ideas
came when I was playing outside the office with the people I worked with” (Corcoran &
Littlefield, 2011, p. 283). What did she get in return for the fun atmosphere? She had the
“most profitable real estate company per person in the United States” (p. 284). By the
time she sold her agency in 2001, she had 1,000 agents working for her, and she had the
largest real estate agency in New York – clearly her motivational strategies attracted a
large number of productive employees.
Barbara Corcoran had sold her firm for $66 million. She thought that would make
her happy, but instead, it made her sad. Although she pretended to be happy with her new
wealth and freedom, she was “secretly miserable” (Corcoran & Littlefield, 2011, p. 232).
She had lost her purpose ...
Bapsi Sidhwa’s Cracking India
1947 Partition
Deepa Mehta’s earth (1998)
Characters
Aamir Khan - Dil Navaz, the Ice Candy Man
Nandita Das - Shanta, the Ayah
Rahul Khanna - Hassan, the Masseur
Maia Sethna - Lenny Sethna
Shabana Azmi - older Lenny, narrator
Kitu Gidwani - Bunty Sethna
Arif Zakaria - Rustom Sethna
Kulbhushan Kharbanda - Imam Din
Kumar Rajendra - Refugee Police
Pavan Malhotra - Butcher
IN Deepa Mehta’s words
I wanted desperately to make CRACKING INDIA into a film, a particular film, EARTH, which would be the second in my trilogy of the elements of Fire, Earth and Water.
Tracing Bapsi was no easy task but persevere we did and soon I was talking to Bapsi on the phone, hoping that the film rights to her book were still available. Two months later, thanks to David Hamilton's unwavering belief in the project, we owned the rights, had development funds, and I was sitting at my kitchen table, writing the screenplay of EARTH.
David and Anne Masson and I had worked together on FIRE and we re-assembled the team to begin the detailed planning of the production.
During this phase Bapsi became a friend and was exceedingly generous with information and old photographs. She would talk with me for hours about what it was like growing up in Lahore during those times. Lenny, after all, was based on Bapsi. In fact, Lenny was Bapsi.
The irony of our situation hasn't escaped Bapsi or myself. Bapsi is from Pakistan and now a US citizen. I'm from India and now living in Canada. If neither of us had moved from our respective homelands, the film just wouldn't have been possible. Pakistan and India, since the Partition of 1947, are sworn enemies. Not only have they fought three major wars against each other, but also, as I write this, both countries talk blithely about their nuclear capabilities and continue their militant aggression against each other across the still- disputed Kashmir border.
Fallen Women in the novel and film
Abducted women like Ayah and Hamdia, Lenny’s new nanny are viewed with suspicion from Lenny.
Page 226
“It isn’t a jail, Lenny baby…it’s a camp for fallen women.”
“What are fallen women?”
“Hai! The questions you ask! Your mother won’t like such talk…Now keep quiet”
“Are you a fallen woman?”
Fallen women – Abducted and raped women
In the aftermath of the 1947 declaration of Indian independence, the roughly drawn new state boundaries triggered what may have been the biggest migration in human history.
Historical consensus supports a figure of 12 million people displaced, although the BBC suggests figures as high as 14.5 million people. An undeclared civil war erupted as communities of Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs fought one another to establish their own identities in their redefined homelands. And, in the process, the Indian government estimates, 83,000 women were abused and abducted. Others put the number even higher.
“Rather than being raped and abandoned,” Yasmin Khan writes in The Great Partition: The ...
Barriers of therapeutic relationshipThe therapeutic relations.docxrock73
Barriers of therapeutic relationship:
The therapeutic relationship between patient and nurse is often filled with barriers that can generate obstacles for the relationship and, in the end, the health system as a whole (Sfoggia et al.,2014). There are many factors that hinder building a therapeutic relationship: language, professional jargon, communication impairment, and cultural diversity (ibid).
Language:
Language can be an obstacle to nurse-patient communication because a patient may not be able to speak the same language and therefore communication is not possible (Levin,2006). The best way to overcome this barrier is providing a translator who can explain a professional facilitator's message easily to the patient(ibid). For instance, if the nurse only speaks English but the patient is only able to speak Arabic, a translation to the patient of what the professional facilitator is saying leads to less chance of misunderstanding (ibid). Translation also allows a patient to feel comfortable through being able to speak in their own language (ibid).
Medical jargon:
Jargon is a technical language that is comprehended by people in a specific industry or area of work (Leblanc et al.,2014). Health professionals often use jargon to communicate with each other(ibid). For example, T.B. disease stands for tubercle bacillus and HIV stands for human immunodeficiency virus (Mccrary & Christensen,1993). Jargon often makes sense to health professionals but a patient who does not understand these acronyms will not understand such communication, leading to a barrier in therapeutic relationship between patient and health professional (Leblanc et al.,2014).
Communication impairment:
Patients with communication impairment such as blindness, deafness and speech impairment often feel isolated, frustrated and self-conscious (O’Halloran et al.,2009). Some patients are born with such disabilities or have developed them as a result of disease (ibid). Therefore, nurses should provide enough time in order to describe any issue to such patients so that they do not feel uncomfortable or censured by health professionals, who must remain impartial (ibid).
Cultural diversity:
Patients often have various differences (Leblanc et al.,2014).Some of these differences are due to a patient's illness, social status, economic class, education and personality(ibid). However, according to Kirkham (1998), the deepest differences might be cultural diversity. Beheri (2009) points out that many nurses believe if they just treat patients with respect, they will avoid most cultural issues. Nevertheless, avoiding misunderstanding can be achieved through some knowledge of cultural customs, which might help and enable nurses to provide better health care to patients (ibid).
Facilitators of therapeutic relationship:
UNCRPD (2006) states that the most fundamental human right in hospital is communication. Patients are required to be provided with an effective communication method by nurs ...
Barada 2Mohamad BaradaProfessor Andrew DurdinReligions of .docxrock73
Barada 2
Mohamad Barada
Professor Andrew Durdin
Religions of the World Hum 201-02
March 23rd, 2018
References:
1. Rachel. Rachel’s Musings: Buddhism is a Religion. Retrieved from https://www.rabe.org/thoughts-on-buddhism/buddhism-is-a-religion/
2. Winfield, Pamela. The Conversation: Why so many Americans think Buddhism is just a philosophy. Retrieved from https://theconversation.com/why-so-many-americans-think-buddhism-is-just-a-philosophy-89488
Critical Analysis of the religious nature of Buddhism
The religious community often debates on whether Buddhism is categorized as a religion or as philosophical teaching. The answer to the question varies depending on an individual’s point of view. There are three main types of Buddhism practices across the world with each of them having smaller branches with slights variances in their teachings and beliefs. The different styles of Buddhist mainly encompass Theravada Buddhism, Vajrayana Buddhism, and Mahayana Buddhism. The various forms often have deities that are worshipped while others do not. Some often have scriptures while others do not usually believe in any physical form of the Buddhist teachings. The first article is authored by Rachel, a blogger, presenting the argument that Buddhism is a religion (Rachel, 1). On the other hand, the second article authored by Pamela Winfield recognizes Buddhism as a philosophy. Analyzing and comparing the two pieces having divergent views on the religious nature of Buddhism is crucial for understanding whether it is a religion or philosophy.
Summary of the articles
Rachel in her article considers Buddhism as a religion. The author acknowledges the fact that Mahayana Buddhism which is often found in greater part of Asia that includes Japan, Korea, and China often teaches on attaining enlightenment (Rachel, 1). The Mahayana often accept that every individual wishes to ensure the effective attainment of enlightenment and thus end the cycle of rebirth which others recognize as “Karma.” The article proceeds to state that Buddha is the greatest of the deities but is not worshipped. Instead, Buddha often inspires all those who practice doing as he once did. The author states that Buddhism often requires that the individuals that choose the wrong path attempt to re-accomplish these tasks in their next life alongside other punishments imposed on them by karma. The characteristics of this type of Buddhism thus often play a significant role in showing the religious nature of Buddhism. The author concludes by stating that Buddhism often contains all the different elements of a religion. Moreover, the article associates Buddhism with fallacies that characterize other religions and just as dangerous as other religions as well. A quote proves the claim on the dangerous nature of Buddhism that the author uses to summarize the teachings of Buddhism.
On the other hand, Winfield tends to focus on enlightening the readers on some of the aspects of Buddhism that ensures its a ...
Synthetic Fiber Construction in lab .pptxPavel ( NSTU)
Synthetic fiber production is a fascinating and complex field that blends chemistry, engineering, and environmental science. By understanding these aspects, students can gain a comprehensive view of synthetic fiber production, its impact on society and the environment, and the potential for future innovations. Synthetic fibers play a crucial role in modern society, impacting various aspects of daily life, industry, and the environment. ynthetic fibers are integral to modern life, offering a range of benefits from cost-effectiveness and versatility to innovative applications and performance characteristics. While they pose environmental challenges, ongoing research and development aim to create more sustainable and eco-friendly alternatives. Understanding the importance of synthetic fibers helps in appreciating their role in the economy, industry, and daily life, while also emphasizing the need for sustainable practices and innovation.
The French Revolution, which began in 1789, was a period of radical social and political upheaval in France. It marked the decline of absolute monarchies, the rise of secular and democratic republics, and the eventual rise of Napoleon Bonaparte. This revolutionary period is crucial in understanding the transition from feudalism to modernity in Europe.
For more information, visit-www.vavaclasses.com
Introduction to AI for Nonprofits with Tapp NetworkTechSoup
Dive into the world of AI! Experts Jon Hill and Tareq Monaur will guide you through AI's role in enhancing nonprofit websites and basic marketing strategies, making it easy to understand and apply.
Honest Reviews of Tim Han LMA Course Program.pptxtimhan337
Personal development courses are widely available today, with each one promising life-changing outcomes. Tim Han’s Life Mastery Achievers (LMA) Course has drawn a lot of interest. In addition to offering my frank assessment of Success Insider’s LMA Course, this piece examines the course’s effects via a variety of Tim Han LMA course reviews and Success Insider comments.
Macroeconomics- Movie Location
This will be used as part of your Personal Professional Portfolio once graded.
Objective:
Prepare a presentation or a paper using research, basic comparative analysis, data organization and application of economic information. You will make an informed assessment of an economic climate outside of the United States to accomplish an entertainment industry objective.
Normal Labour/ Stages of Labour/ Mechanism of LabourWasim Ak
Normal labor is also termed spontaneous labor, defined as the natural physiological process through which the fetus, placenta, and membranes are expelled from the uterus through the birth canal at term (37 to 42 weeks
How to Make a Field invisible in Odoo 17Celine George
It is possible to hide or invisible some fields in odoo. Commonly using “invisible” attribute in the field definition to invisible the fields. This slide will show how to make a field invisible in odoo 17.
2024.06.01 Introducing a competency framework for languag learning materials ...Sandy Millin
http://sandymillin.wordpress.com/iateflwebinar2024
Published classroom materials form the basis of syllabuses, drive teacher professional development, and have a potentially huge influence on learners, teachers and education systems. All teachers also create their own materials, whether a few sentences on a blackboard, a highly-structured fully-realised online course, or anything in between. Despite this, the knowledge and skills needed to create effective language learning materials are rarely part of teacher training, and are mostly learnt by trial and error.
Knowledge and skills frameworks, generally called competency frameworks, for ELT teachers, trainers and managers have existed for a few years now. However, until I created one for my MA dissertation, there wasn’t one drawing together what we need to know and do to be able to effectively produce language learning materials.
This webinar will introduce you to my framework, highlighting the key competencies I identified from my research. It will also show how anybody involved in language teaching (any language, not just English!), teacher training, managing schools or developing language learning materials can benefit from using the framework.
Unit 8 - Information and Communication Technology (Paper I).pdfThiyagu K
This slides describes the basic concepts of ICT, basics of Email, Emerging Technology and Digital Initiatives in Education. This presentations aligns with the UGC Paper I syllabus.
A Strategic Approach: GenAI in EducationPeter Windle
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Attitude Similarity in Three-Generation Families Socializatio.docx
1. Attitude Similarity in Three-Generation Families: Socialization,
Status Inheritance, or
Reciprocal Influence?
Author(s): Jennifer Glass, Vern L. Bengtson and Charlotte
Chorn Dunham
Source: American Sociological Review, Vol. 51, No. 5 (Oct.,
1986), pp. 685-698
Published by: American Sociological Association
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2095493 .
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ATTITUDE SIMILARITY IN THREE-GENERATION
FAMILIES:
SOCIALIZATION, STATUS INHERITANCE,
OR RECIPROCAL INFLUENCE?*
JENNIFER GLASS VERN L. BENGTSON
University of Notre Dame CHARLOTTE CHORN DUNHAM
University of Southern California
This study examines hypotheses of attitude transmission across
three ideological domains
(gender roles, politics, religion) to access the adequacy of direct
socialization, status
inheritance, and reciprocal influence models in a developmental
aging perspective. Data
are from 2,044 individuals, members of three generation
families, grouped to form
parent-youth (G2-G3) and grandparent-parent (GJ-G2) dyads.
Results suggest, first, that
there is little convergence of parent-child attitudes with age
when viewed cross-sectionally.
Second, status inheritance processes do account for a substantial
amount of observed
parent-child similarity, but parental attitudes continue to
3. significantly predict childrens'
orientations after childhood. Third, child influences on parental
attitudes are relatively
strong and stable across age groups, while parental influence
decreases with age, although
the exact pattern of influence varies by attitude domain.
For many years, social theorists have considered
the role of the family in maintaining continuity in
social ideologies over time (Engels [1884], 1967;
Adorno et al., 1950; Parsons and Bales, 1955;
Thomas and Znaniecki, 1958; Chodorow, 1978).
The resulting view of the family as conservative
(for example, slowing the pace of social change)
and monolithic (influencing individual beliefs in a
forceful and consistent manner) perhaps reached its
ultimate expression in the attempts of some
revolutionary movements (such as in Cambodia or
China) to break up generational ties in order to
foster rapid social change. And, in fact, contempo-
rary research on the intergenerational transmission
of attitudes has shown that parents' attitudes,
especially mothers' attitudes, are significant posi-
tive predictors of children's attitudes in adulthood
(Acock and Bengtson, 1978; Bengtson, 1975;
Dalton, 1980; Jennings and Niemi, 1982; Smith,
1983).
However, this typification of the family as
conservative and monolithic in its influence on
ideological orientations has come under increasing
scrutiny among family scholars, as they point out
the diversity of influences on children and the
complexity of family relationships. In this study,
we focus on two basic empirical questions: 1) How
4. much actual similarity in social ideologies is found
between American parents and children at different
points across the life cycle? 2) What are the forces
generating that similarity over the life course?
To answer these questions, we first describe the
traditional view of attitude transmission derived
from childhood socialization theory. Then we
explore conceptual criticisms of the socialization
paradigm from alternative theoretical perspectives.
Finally, we empirically examine the dynamics of
attitude transmission using responses to specific
attitudinal scales from a sample of three-generation
families.
SOCIALIZATION THEORY AND
DEVELOPMENTAL AGING
Traditional conceptions of socialization have viewed
the family, speficially parents, as the principal
agent of socialization in childhood (Freud, 1933;
Erickson, 1950; Heilbrun, 1965). One of the
functions of the family is seen as the provision of
stability and continuity to individual members.
Families are thought to provide systematic social-
ization through which children are taught the
norms of the social order. Attitude similarity
between generations, from this view, is the
consequence of successful parental socialization of
beliefs and values. Children learn their parents'
values, beliefs, and attitudes through both direct
teaching and indirect observation, as part of the
information and guidance that children either
actively seek out (in the Piagetian sense) or
passively accept (through social conditioning) in
maneuvering their way through life.
5. While childhood socialization theories do not
directly address the issue of parent-child similarity
*Address all correspondence to Jennifer Glass, Depart-
ment of Sociology, University of Notre Dame, Notre
Dame, IN 46565.
This study, based on data from the USC Longitudinal
Study of Three-Generation Families, was supported by
grants from the National Institute of Aging (#AG-04092)
and the National Institute of Mental Health (#MH-38244).
Special thanks go to Rich Williams, Richard Miller and
Donna Polisar for their assistance in developing this
paper, as well as to three anonymous reviewers for their
helpful comments and criticisms.
American Sociological Review, 1986, Vol. 51 (October:685-
698) 685
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686 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW
in adulthood,' the implicit assumption of tradi-
tional conceptualizations has been that childhood
socialization is so intense, prolonged, and
psychodynamically important that the attitudes and
values formed in the family context persist well
into adulthood (Chodorow, 1978; Campbell, 1969;
Adorno et al., 1950). Thus, it might be expected
6. that parents and children would continue to exhibit
attitude similarity across the life course, and into
later adulthood-though perhaps diminishing with
time as the intensity of parent-child contact
diminishes.
This traditional approach to socialization has
been challenged by scholars in recent years for
failing to address two important issues. First, from
a macro-structural point of view, parent-child
attitude similarity may be viewed more as the
result of social forces that generate the inheritance
of social status than as the product of individual
psycho-social influence. One of the central issues
in the interpretation of findings of parent-child
attitude similarity is whether such similarity can be
attributed to successful parental socialization, per
se, or whether it has more to do with successful
intergeneration transmission of class, race, reli-
gious affiliation, marital status, and other promi-
nent social statuses that structure life experience
and mold social attitudes (Acock, 1984). What
parents transmit may be social statuses, more than
attitudes and values. In this way, similarities in
social structural position may create attitudinal
similarities between parents and adult children
through a common-cause association (i.e., parents
and children have undergone similar attitude-
shaping experiences).
The second conceptual challenge to an uncriti-
cally traditional perspective of socialization is the
possibility that similarity in attitudes between
parents and children could equally be due to the
influence of children's attitudes on those of their
parents, especially as children age. The traditional
7. perspective on socialization focuses on young
children and adults and ignores the possibility of
variability across the life course by the age and
developmental stages of the parents and children at
each point in life (Hagestad, 1981; Featherman,
1983). Proponents of an interactionist perspective
(Bell and Harper, 1977; Lerner and Spanier, 1978;
Bengtson and Troll, 1978; Hagestad, 1984) argue
that children increasingly influence their parents
with age, and that attempts to model intergenerational
influence as a one-way process-flowing from
parents to children-may be fundamentally errone-
ous, since reciprocal effects occur.
Only a few studies, however, have emprically
tested the reverse influence process with respect to
social attitudes. Hagestad (1984) noted that about
two-thirds of parents, and one-third of children,
reported "successful" influence by children in her
three-generation sample. Angress (1975) found
that mothers of radical college students changed
their attitudes about cohabitation based on their
children's behavior. Chaffee et al. (1971) reported
that adolescents influenced their parents' television
behavior. Curiously, studies of reciprocal influ-
ence began in the literature on infant development
(Lewis and Rosenblum, 1974), despite the fact that
older children are presumably much more capable
of altering parents' stated beliefs or behavior.
Very little is known about intergenerational
attitude similarity across the lifespan or the forces
generating similarity past childhood (Bengtson, et
al., 1985). Some theorists emphasize the impor-
tance of parent-child bonds across all stages of the
8. life cycle (Shanas, 1979; Troll et al., 1979),
implying that substantial intergenerational similar-
ity exists across the life course. Others emphasize
flexibility and change in parent-child relations at
different stages of the life course.
Theories of developmental aging (Bengtson and
Kuypers, 1971; Hess and Waring, 1978; Moss and
Abramowitz, 1982; Baltes, 1979; Rossi, 1980)
suggest that parents and children have different
investments in family relationships and different
sources of power in family interaction as they
move through the life course. For example,
children in late adolescence may share few of the
adult statuses that their parents hold and may be
facing the developmental tasks of independence
and differentiation from parents2 (Erickson, 1950).
Such processes would suggest relatively larger
absolute discrepancies between parents' and adult
children's attitudes. This position implies that
social status similarity3 should account for rela-
1 This closely parallels Manheim's (1952) notion of
youths' "fresh contact" with the social order (see
discussion in Bengtson et al., 1985).
2 We refer throughout this paper to "social statuses"
occupied by parents and children. Our use of this term is
broad and inclusive, intending to cover family and
community statuses as well as general socio-economic
status.
3 Although the developmental aging paradigm has
proved to be a useful tool in the investigation of family
relationships over time, it needs to be amended with a
theory of social change. Elder (1974) has demonstrated
9. the importance of looking at the impact of social and
historical changes on family functioning. Rapid social
changes (revolutions, economic recessions, technological
advances) may encourage adult children to increasingly
look to non-parental sources of information and support.
Improvements in health status and economic well-being
may decrease the dependence of elderly parents on their
children in the future. These historical changes may limit
the impact of internal family dynamics in attitude
formation. Unfortunately for analytic purposes, the data
on three-generation families utilized in this research
report are cross-sectional rather than longitudinal. As
such, we have confounded historical (or cohort) effects
and developmental/life stage effects. Therefore, our
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ATTITUDE SIMILARITY IN FAMILIES 687
tively less of the relationship between parents' and
childrens' attitudes at this point in the life cycle,
since young adults have not yet attained many of
the social statuses that inform their parents' beliefs
(few have married or become parents, many have
not finished their education and have had minimal
opportunities for occupational achievement, etc.).
With respect to the reciprocal influence between
young adults and their parents, there is reason to
believe that parental influence may still be quite
strong at this stage, relative to child influence.
From a social exchange perspective, the ability of
10. parents and children to influence each other should
be determined by the relative resources and
rewards that each bring to the interaction. At this
stage, parents have only recently relinquished their
authority over their children, and young adult
children may still rely on their parents for material
support and guidance. Moreover, young adults
have little of the experience or resources that
would enable them to influence their parents'
attitudes.
Turning now to middle-aged children and their
elderly parents, a developmental aging perspective
suggests that a different set of dynamics may
characterize their relationship. As youth age, they
are more likely to attain social structural position
similar to their parents with respect to marital
status, income property ownership, etc. By
mid-life, children have achieved a variety of adult
social statuses. The life experiences generated by
these adult roles are likely to replace direct parental
influence in the modification of social attitudes.
However, this similarity of adult social roles
between the generations may lead to smaller mean
differences in attitudes between them. In other
words, youth may gradually come to hold views
more similar to their parents' as they have children
of their own, buy property, and obtain full-time
employment, although their parents' influence
does not directly cause them to alter their beliefs.
The respective developmental stages of middle-
aged children and elderly parents suggest further
that the pattern of influence between parents and
children may change over time. Middle-aged
children are in many ways at the height of their
social power in industrialized western societies
11. (Riley, et al., 1982). Aged parents in later life, on
the other hand, may become more dependent on
their middle-aged children for advice and informa-
tion than before, reflecting both physical decline
and a loss in social power. In this context,
middle-aged parents may not view their elderly
parents as appropriate social referents. These
factors suggest that adult children may increasingly
influence elderly parents over time, while elderly
parents' influence on their adult childrens' attitudes
may have declined since mid-life.4
In summary, it can be said that traditional views
on socialization have focused upon the process of
influence from parent to child without adequately
considering the impact of inherited social status,
the possibility of mutual influence, and variability
across the life course due to developmental aging.
More recent literature suggests that attitude
transmission may indeed be mutual and grounded
in social and historical milieu (Elder, 1984). The
degree of similarity and difference between parents
and children will be affected by the dynamics of
mutual influence and developmental change. Re-
ciprocal influence will also be played out within a
broader structural and historical context.
Keeping in mind the importance of both
developmental change and mutual influence, we
have selected three attitudinal domains for study-
religious ideology, political ideology, and gender
ideology. Three ideological areas, rather than one,
were selected both to test the generalizability of the
developmental aging perspective outlined here to a
variety of social attitudes, and to avoid heavy
12. reliance on one particular content area in address-
ing broad conceptual issues in attitude transmis-
sion. Although variability of results across atti-
tudes scales is discussed, it is not the primary focus
of this paper. Empirical research on religious,
political, and gender ideology has tended to show
both moderate intergenerational transmission and
cohort effects of varying sizes (Bengtson and
Troll, 1978). Prior research on religious ideology
has demonstrated moderate to high parent-child
agreement (Acock, 1984; Weiting, 1975; Hoge et
al., 1982) and small but significant age cohort
difference in religious ideology (Hyman, 1959).
Although the literature on political socialization is
too extensive to review here, studies generally
indicate that transmission is moderate for political
ideology (Jennings and Niemi, 1968, 1982).
Finally, recent studies of gender role attitudes
(Mason et al., 1976; Thornton et al., 1983) show
that while attitudes across age cohorts have
liberlized in the past 20 years, younger age cohorts
have changed their opinions to a much greater
extent than older age cohorts. Smith and Self
(1980) report only minor transmission of gender
ability to directly assess the impact of rapid social change
on attitude similarity over the life course is limited.
However, follow-up data on these families 12 years later
are currently being collected and will be used to confirm
or amend the findings discussed here.
4 Few prominent theorists have made firm statements
about the strength or endurance of dispositions socialized
in childhood (Goslin, 1969). Most socialization theorists
view socialization as a process begun in infancy and
ending in death. However, the term "resocialization" is
13. often used to refer to specific attempts to alter the content
of earlier socialization. The presumption seems to be that
socialized outcomes are relatively stable unless and until
specific attempts at resocialization are made in adult-
hood.
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688 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW
ideology from mothers to daughters in a college
sample. Overall, these studies suggest significant
variability in the impact of recent social changes on
attitudes and attitude transmission in the three
areas (social change most pronounced in the area
of gender ideology, followed by political ideology
and religious ideology).
In the analyses to follow, we focus on three
major hypotheses. The first hypotheses is that
elderly parents and their middle-aged children
show smaller mean differences across all three
domains of attitudes than middle-aged parents and
their young adult children. In other words,
attitudes of parents and children converge with
age. Both developmental aging and status inherit-
ance explanations suggest smaller attitude differ-
ences in older generation dyads, although tradi-
tional socialization theory suggests larger attitude
differences with age. Developmental theories
emphasize the rebelliousness of youth as they
14. attempt to separate and establish independence
from their parents. As children move into adult
roles and establish their independence, their need
to differentiate themselves from their parents
decreases. Traditional socialization theories, how-
ever, emphasize parent-child contact and parental
control of resources as the forces generating
parent-child attitude similarity. To disentangle
these effects requires further regression analysis.
Our second hypotheses, therefore, is that
parents' attitudes continue to significantly predict
children's attitudes, after controlling for children's
current social status. However, parental influence
(controlling for social status) should be weaker for
elderly parents than for middle-aged parents,
reflecting the diminishing intensity of parent-child
interaction. Conversely, the developmental trajec-
tory of status inheritance suggests that status
effects should increase with age, as children take
on adult roles similar to those their parents held in
adulthood.
Finally, the possibility of reciprocal influence
must be addressed, to insure that the causal
direction of parental effects are correctly specified,
The developmental aging perspective suggests that
as children become older, they are better able to
influence their parents. Therefore, our third
hypothesis is that child influences on parental
attitudes increase with age, while parental influ-
ences on children's attitudes decline with age.
Three basic analyses are performed: 1) compar-
ison of absolute differences between generation
pairs on three attitudinal scales (political ideology,
15. gender ideology, religious ideology); 2) regression
analysis of parental attitude score on adult child's
attitude score, with and without demographic
indicators of child's social status; and 3) structural
equation modeling of both parent and child attitude
scores across successive generations. The first
analysis addresses the question of whether parent-
child similarity declines in successive generations
within families. The second analysis attempts to
disentangle the effects of adult children's social
structural position (which may be quite similar to
their parents') from the effects of parental attitudes
per se on adult children's attitudes. The third
analysis addresses the question of reciprocal effects
in attitude transmission, controlling for the effects
of social structural variables on individual re-
sponses. This analysis compares the magnitude and
significance of parent-child versus child-parent
influence, and compares patterns of influence
within dyads across generational positions in the
family.
METHODS
Sample Selection
The data for this analysis are based on responses
for 2,044 individuals drawn from a broader study
of three generations conducted in Southern Califor-
nia in 1973. The sample was drawn from a
population of 840,000 members of a Los Angeles
area health care plan (described in Bengtson,
1975). To be eligible for inclusion in the original
sampling frame, members had to have been males
over 65 with at least one grandchild between 16-26
16. years of age. Sample construction proceeded by
sending questionnaires to all eligible grandchildren
between 16-26, their parents, and related grandpar-
ents in the original sampling frame. 77 percent of
the grandparents (Gi) had only one biological
child respond; another 20 percent had two children
respond. Among the parents (G2), 48 percent had
only one child respond, 35 percent had two, and 13
percent had three or more. Although not a random
sample, this sample does represent a wide group of
individuals from various ethnic, economic and
social backgrounds. The sample is generally
representative of white, economically stable,
middle- and working-class families. This sample
has an advantage over some other studies of
three-generation families which have drawn their
sample from among college students and their
parents. The mean age of the grandparent genera-
tion (GI) is 67.1. Mean age for the parent
generation (G2) is 43.8, while mean age for the
adult child generation (G3) is 19.7.
Attitudes and opinions were measured in a
self-administered, mailed questionnare which had
a response rate of 70 percent (N = 2044) over all
3 generations. The questionnaires were mailed in
two waves: a period of six months elapsed between
the mailing of the first and second wave. The
religious and political items were measured on the
first wave. Because the response rate on the second
wave was somewhat smaller, the number of cases
used in the construction and analysis of the gender
ideology scale is somewhat smaller (N = 1585).
Comparison of respondents and non-respondents
on age, education, sex, and income revealed no
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ATTITUDE SIMILARITY IN FAMILIES 689
significant attrition bias between the two panel
waves.
Dyad Selection
Attitudes concerning three substantive areas (polit-
ical, religious and gender ideologies) were com-
pared in order to determine the differences between
parents and their children at different stages of the
life-course in these areas. This was accomplished
by the construction of dyad comparisons in which
the summated scores of the children on these items
were subtracted from those of the parent. Because
we are studying three-generation lineages, two
types of dyads exist in this analysis. The first set of
dyads consisted of first and second generation
(G1-G2) parents and children (N = 478); the
second set, the second and third generation
grouping (G2-G3) (N = 1004). We are comparing
the opinions and attitudes of grandparents (Gl)
with the opinions and attitudes of parents (G2), as
well as comparing the opinions and attitudes of
parents (G2) with those of grandchildren (G3).
Because every child in the sample was compared to
each participating parent, some respondents were
entered into the analysis more than once (in the
case of families with more than one child or more
than one parent responding to the survey). A total
18. of 1482 dyads were constructed for the analysis.
Approximately 45 percent of the dyads contain
either a parent or child record that has appeared as
such elsewhere in the remaining dyads. 30 percent
of the dyads contain both a parent and a child
record that have already appeared in the sample of
dyads. Approximately 9 percent of the dyads
contain parent records that are replicated more than
once in other dyads in the sample. This over-
representation of some dyad members presents the
potential for attenuation of the distribution that
might not occur otherwise. However, a similar
sampling procedure was employed by Acock and
Bengtson (1980) using these same data; they tested
the degree to which such sampling-with-replication
resulted in any increase or decrease in the level of
predictivity and found it did not.
The lack of independence among the sampling
units is a serious issue. However, each parent-child
dyad is an unique unit of analysis that is not
duplicated; even though one member may appear
more than once in the total sample of dyads. Not to
include the duplicated member dyads would also
have the effect of underrepresenting large families
and two parent families, further jeopardizing the
representativeness of the sample. The nature of the
data collection process in this survey precludes
easy elimination of replicated member dyads. Such
an elimination process would effectively halve the
sample.
MEASUREMENT
From the attitude and opinion items within the
mailed questionnaire, three distinct scales, measur-
19. ing three substantive areas, were used. The items
in these scales have a forced choice, Likert-type
format with four response options that range from
strongly agree to strongly disagree. Factor analysis
was used in order to determine how the scales
would be constructed from these items. One
advantage of this procedure is that scale score
comparisons could be made in order to avoid the
attenuation of correlations that occurs when using
single-item comparisons (Bohrnstedt and Carter,
1971). Once appropriate items for inclusion were
ascertained for each scale, scale scores were
computed by adding to relevant items together and
dividing the result by the total number of items
used. Thus, mean scores are comparable across
scales.
Gender Ideology Scale
Out of 12 possible questions that might have been
included in the scale measuring gender ideology,
five had high factor loadings. These items and their
factor loadings for the entire sample are: "Wives
should obey their husbands" (.62); "Men cannot
respect a fiancee who has had sex" (.45);
"Husbands should have the main say in marriage"
(.60); "Womens' lib makes sense" (.53); and
"Women should not have authority over men"
(.45). Coefficient alpha was used as a measure of
reliability for each of these scales-for the overall
sample as well as for each generation. The alpha
coefficients for the overall sample, G1, G2, and
G3, are .72, .62, .72, and .75 respectively.
Because each generation represents a unique
position within the lineage, factor coefficients by
generation were examined as well. The factor
20. loadings followed a similar pattern for each
generation.
Religious Ideology Scale
The religious ideology scale (reflecting conserva-
tive Christian opinions) contains four items with
high factor loadings. For the total sample, the
factor loadings for each item are: "Every child
should have religious instruction" (.66); "God
exists as in the Bible" (.90); "The United States
would be better if religion had more influence"
(.78); and "We are all decendents of Adam and
Eve" (.76). Coefficient alpha for each generation
for this scale is: .85 (Gl), .85 (G2) and .83 (G3).
The total sample reliability is .85.
Political Ideology Scale
The factor loadings for the five items in this scale
are: "The United States should be ready to answer
any challenge to its power, anywhere in the
world" (.45); "Student demonstrators deserve
strongest punishment possible" (.58); "Society's
most important task is law and order" (.66); "It is
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690 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW
a man's duty to work; it is sinful to be idle" (.53);
21. and "Most people on welfare are lazy; they just
won't do a good day's work and so cannot get
hired" (.56). The alpha coefficients for GI and G3
are somewhat low (GI = .62, G2 = .72, and
G3 =.66). However, dropping one item from the
scale would have increased unreliability, so the
entire five item scale was retained with total
sample reliability of .67. Unfortunately, both this
scale and the religious ideology scale contain only
items that are worded in a conservative direction,
raising the possibility that response biases exist.
Mean scale scores by generation for each
attitude scale are shown in Appendix 1. Note that
N's are somewhat smaller for the gender ideology
scale, due to the lower response rate on wave B.
Scores on all three attitude scales increase with
generational position, indicating greater conserva-
tism in older generational cohorts. Differences
between the generations were statistically signifi-
cant across the three scales (F = 47.56 for
political ideology, F = 10.03 for gender, F -
17.37 for religious ideology).
Social Status Variables
Factors that are assumed to influence one's
opinions and attitudes concerning religion, gender
ideology, and political issues include certain
measures of social status that can be used to
describe an individual's experiences and interests
within society. It is assumed that the experiences
implied by such variables as marital status and
gender, for example, have an impact upon the
attitudes and opinions that one holds regarding
these issues. In this analysis, eight social status
22. variables were used to predict differences in
attitude and opinion between parents and children.
These variables are: gender, age, marital status,
number of children, occupational prestige, labor
force participation, educational attainment, and
income. The variables of labor force status and
marital status were dichotomized into working or
non-working and married or non-married. Occupa-
tional prestige was measured with Duncan's
occupational prestige scores. Educational attain-
ment and income were both measured by ordinal
scales, containing more than seven categories.
RESULTS
Trends in Generational Similarity
Hypotheses 1 predicted larger generational differ-
ences between youth and their parents than
between middle-aged adults and their parents.
Inspection of Table 1 indicated that this was not
true across the three scales. None of the dyad
contrasts were statistically significant, meaning
that there is no evidence from this table to suggest
any convergence in attitudes between adjacent
generations with age. Contrary to our original
Table 1. Mean Absoloute differences between Genera-
tional Dyads in 3-generation Families
Political ID Gender ID Religious ID
Grandfather/ .63 .59 .64
Father .06 .07 .07
(75) (57) (80)
24. (297) (228) (275)
G2-G3 Total .60 .73 .69
.01 .02 .02
(1004) (747) (976)
Standard errors are reported under each mean.
(N in parentheses)
expectation, attitude differences appear to be of
approximately the same magnitude whether one is
looking at grandparent-parent (G1-G2) dyads or
parent-adult child dyads (G2-G3).
It is important to note that this result may arise
out of an unspecified cohort effect. Older cohorts
may have entered adulthood with smaller parent-
child differences than modem cohorts, but time
since childhood has increased those parent-child
differences until they equal the current parent-child
differences of young adults. However, it is
plausible that today's young adults will also
increase their parent-child differences as they age
in the future. Longitudinal data, which will be
available shortly from these same families, can be
used to test this hypothesis.
Table 1 reports the results of the first analysis
for all three scales by generation and sex as well.
In general, generational differences are modest in
size, with means less than 1 on a maximum
five-point scale. The largest aggregate differences
of opinion between parents and children were
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ATTITUDE SIMILARITY IN FAMILIES 691
found for the gender ideology scale (.70 for G1-G2
dyads; .73 for G2-G3 dyads). No consistent effects
of sex composition on dyadic agreement across
generations were found, supporting Acock and
Bengtson's (1978) earlier contention that few
sex-specific influences exist in comparing attitude
differences between generations.
Status Inheritance
The evidence from Table 1 demonstrating substan-
tial intergenerational agreement should not neces-
sarily be taken as evidence of strong parental
influence across generational dyads. At this point,
both methodological and substantive problems
impede a straightforward interpretation of mean
attitude agreement measures. Mean attitude agree-
ment measures cannot conceptually address the
issue of whether parents' attitudes actually influ-
ence their children's attitudes (Acock, 1984).
Obviously, mean attitude differences across gener-
ations can obscure the variation among families in
the extent of generational agreement. Therefore,
we have refined our initial findings of intergenera-
tional agreement by constructing regression models
in which children's attitudes are predicted as a
function of both parent's attitude and a set of
26. variables describing the child's own social sta-
tuses. It should be noted that such a regression
model allows for cohort effects between genera-
tions on these attitude scores.
All regression models have been estimated with
LISREL, to incorporate a measurement model for
parents' and children's scale scores into the
regression framework. In addition, regression
models for G1-G2 dyads and G2-G3 dyads were
estimated together in one LISREL model using the
option for multiple group data. This framework
insured that the factor structures for the attitude
scales could be made invariant across all genera-
tions, and that statistical tests could be performed
to detect significant differences in regression
coefficients across the two dyad types.
The constrained measurement models for politi-
cal, gender, and religious ideology fit the data
quite well.5 For the measurement model for
political ideology, the overall coefficient of
determination (R2) was .77 for Gl-G2 dyads and
.78 for G2-G3 dyads. For gender, the coefficients
were .86 for GI-G2 and .93 for G2-G3 dyads.
Finally, the measurement model for religious
ideology produced coefficients of .99 for G1-G2
dyads and .97 for G2-G3 dyads. These models
were tested statistically by constructing null
models in which factor structures were not
constrained across generations (Sobel and Bohrnstedt,
1985). The resulting chi-square difference tests
revealed statistically significant generational differ-
ences in factor structure for political ideology (X2
= 400, 12 df), religious ideology (X2 = 53, 9
27. df), and gender ideology (X2 = 45, 12 df). We
attach substantive importance to the findings for
the political scale only, since the increments to
chi-square for the other two scales are relatively
small. Because of the theoretical importance of
constraining factor loadings across generations
(Thomson and Williams, 1982), the constrained
models were used in all analysis. However, these
constraints are not empirically supported by the
data for the political ideology scale, in particular.
As is shown in the analyses to follow, greater
generational agreement is generally synonymous
with greater parental influence in these dyads, as
measured by the amount of variance in children's
attitudes explained by parental attitudes. Table 2
presents the results of the regressions of adult
child's attitudes on parents' attitudes and adult
child's social status variables for the two dyad
types, using LISREL to model the measurement of
social ideologies. This insures that unreliability or
measurement error does not attenuate the relation-
ships between child attitudes, child status vari-
ables, and parental attitudes. It is clear from Table
2 that adding social status variables to the null
model of parental influence alone results in a
significant improvement in model fit. The decrease
in chi-square was 266 for political ideology, 257
for gender ideology, and 289 for religious ideology
(all with 28 df).
Hypothesis two predicts that parental attitudes
should continue to significantly predict children's
attitudes in these dyads. The significant impact of
parental attitudes on adult children's attitudes does
persist across all three scales, even after controls
28. for age, marital status, labor force status, educa-
tion, number of children, and family income are
added to the equation. It is clear from these results
that parental influence is not reducible to the
transmission of social status, although the coeffi-
cients for parental attitudes drop with the addition
of social status variables to the equation. Status
transmission can account for some of the attitude
continuity displayed across generations, but there
are definitely family socialization effects that exert
an independent influence on children's attitudes
past young adulthood.
Hypothesis two also predicts that parental
attitudes will have a stronger impact in G2-G3
dyads than in G1-G2 dyads. Constraining the
parental coefficients to be equal across dyad type
produced an insignificant increase in the overall
chi-square statistic for each model, indicating that
5 The errors of measurement were not correlated by
design in these models. LISREL modification indices
showed only scattered error correlations that, if esti-
mated, might improve model fit. These instances fit no
pattern or a priori theory of measurement error (for
instance, correlating one parent error term with a
different child error term).
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692 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW
30. Goodness of
fit Index .927 .936 .927 .953 .912 .939
X2/df 1109/332 669/332 710/243
* p c .05.
** p ' .01.
(standardized effects in parentheses)
the absolute size of the parental coefficient does
not differ across older and younger dyads.
Turning to Table 3, we separated the unique
contributions of parental attitudes and child social
status variables as a group to the explained
variance in the attitude equations displayed in
Table 2. Substantial differences were found in the
predictive power of parental attitudes across scales
and across generations. Controlling for social
status, grandparents predicted parents' scores less
well than parents predicted their young adult
children's scores across all three attitude scales.
The R2 increments for G1 parental attitudes on G2
children's scores were .15, .04, and .14 for the
political, gender, and religious ideology scales,
respectively. The corresponding figures for G3
children were higher, .24, .08, and .26, respec-
tively. Conversely, social status variables indepen-
dently predicted slightly more of the variance in
G2 (parents') scores than G3 (adult children's)
scores, for the political and gender ideology scales.
While not definitive, these results suggest that the
importance of parental attitudes as determinants of
children's attitudes decreases with age, while the
31. importance of social structural variables as deter-
minants of attitudes only slightly increases with
age.
Looking at between-scale differences, one can
see that parents' scores were much more predictive
of children's scores for the religious and political
ideology scales than for the gender scale. The
predictive power of parents' scale scores seems to
Table 3. Decomposition of R2 into Unique Contributions of
Parental Attitudes and Child's Social Status Variables
Political Gender Religious
Ideology Ideology Ideology
GJ-G2
Parental Attitude .15 .04 .14
Social Status Variables .09 .11 .05
Total R2 .30 .25 .28
G2-G3
Parental Attitude .24 .08 .26
Social Status Variables .08 .07 .04
Total R2 .38 .19 .38
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ATTITUDE SIMILARITY IN FAMILIES 693
32. complement the degree of parent-child similarity in
scale scores. Parents' scores predicted at least 14
percent of the variance in their children's religious
and political attitudes, even after relevant social
status variables were controlled. Yet, parents'
scores explained well under 10 percent of the
variance in their children's gender ideology scores.
This is not overwhelming evidence of direct family
influence on gender attitudes. In contrast, social
structural variables explain a roughly consistent
proportion of the variance across attitude scales.
For example, among G2-G3 dyads, social struc-
tural variables explain 8 percent, 7 percent, and 7
percent of the variance in G3 responses for
political, gender, and religious ideology respec-
tively. For G1-G2 dyads, structural variables
account for 9 percent, 11 percent, and 5 percent of
the explained variance in scale scores. Clearly,
social structural variables do not replace parental
influence where influence is low.
Reciprocal Influence
Our last analysis addresses the reciprocal nature of
the attitude influence process-both parent and
child influence. A path model describing the model
of the influence process estimated with LISREL is
shown in Figure 1. It is assumed that parents'
social statuses affect children's attitudes only
indirectly through parents' attitudes6. These mod-
els were initially estimated with and without
correlated disturbance terms. The simple uncorre-
lated model was more parsimonious in each case,
33. 6 Examination of the normalized residual correlations
indicates that this assumption is accurate for the older
dyads; less so for the younger dyads. For instance,
among younger dyads, there is evidence that parents'
income and education independently affect political
ideology. However, it is plausible that these parent
effects are proxies for unmeasured neighborhood or
peer-group influences on young adult's political ideol-
ogy. It appears that parent's marital status may also
independently influence religious ideology, although the
mechanism through which this effect operates is open to
speculation. Finally, parents' employment status may
independently affect young adults' gender ideology,
although the effect is weak and, we suspect, confined to
mothers' employment status.
Figure 1. Model of Reciprocal Influence Between Generations
, _
/*
p C
income income
educ marital C dcmarital p status P educ status
p LFstatus #kids p c LFstatus / kidsC
age se x age sex
PARENT'S ATTITUDE CHILD'S ATTITUDE
( I ) political (I) political
(2) gender (2) gender
(3) religious (3) religious
7K I Xup Uc 7K
34. pl p2 p3 p,4 p5 cl c2 c3 c4 c5
E1 ?2 E3 E4 5 6l1 E2 83 84 85
STRUCTURAL EQUATIONS: MEASUREMENT MODELS:
Pattz BCatt +rpXp +Up pi APtt+E
Catt BPatt + rcXc + Uc Cj a ACatt + Ej
* all social status variables were allowed to freely correlate
with all other social status variables
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694 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW
with corresponding increases in chi-square insignif-
icant.
Table 4 displays the unstandardized estimates
obtained from LISREL models for each attitude
scale. The decrease in chi-squares between the
models in Tables 2 and 4 indicate that the
reciprocal effects models in Table 4 fit the data
better than the parental influence models of Table 2
(X2=7,12,21, respectively, with 2 df). The
pattern of results weakly supports hypothesis 3,
that parent influences decline with age while child
influences increase with age, controlling for social
status. Large differences appear in the pattern of
35. influence between parents and children across the
three attitude scales and across the life-span. The
results for political ideology best support hypothe-
sis 3. In the younger G2-G3 dyads, parent
influence on children is significant, while child
influence on parents is not. However, in the older
GI-G2 dyads this pattern is reversed-middle-aged
children significantly influence their parents'
political ideology but parental influence is insignif-
icant at this stage. For gender ideology, child
effects on parents' scale scores appear significant
in both G1-G2 and G2-G3 dyads, while parent
effects are insignificant across dyad type. This
pattern of influence "upward" through the gener-
ations challenges long held notions about the
impact of family socialization on gender attitudes
in adulthood. The last attitude scale, religious
ideology, shows reciprocal influence of parents
and children on each other among younger G2-G3
dyads, while older dyads show only child-to-parent
influence. We see that, once again, parent effects
seem to become less significant with age.
Within LISREL, the chi-square statistic repre-
sents the ability of the estimated parameters to
reproduce the original variance-covariance matrix
of the input data. The degrees of freedom represent
the number of free sample moments (variances and
covariances) unused in the process of estimating
the number of parameters included in each model.
Because the samples used are relatively large, it is
difficult to estimate models which reproduce the
original data well, or provide a "good fit." None
of our models in Tables 2 or 4 were able to
reproduce the original data with a probability
36. greater than .05. For each model, we report the
ratio of chi-square to degrees of freedom. For all
scales, the chi-square ratios suggest acceptable fits
to the data (ratios ranging from 1.99 to 3.33). The
LISREL-generated goodness-of-fit index is also
uniformly high for all models (1.00 indicating
perfect fit). In addition, model fit was assessed
using Hoelter's (1983) critical N method. This
method determines the sample size needed to
reproduce the data with a given model at an
acceptable probability level. If that critical N
exceeds 200 per group (400, in this case), then a
given model fits the data reasonably well. Using
Hoelter's criteria, all the models produce accept-
able fits to the data (CN = 431, 530, and 601
respectively).
To test the significance of differences in the
influence process between younger and older
dyads, models were estimated in which parent-
Table 4. Models of Reciprocal Influence on Attitudes,
Controlling for Own Social Status Variables, by Dyad Type
Political Gender Religious
G1-G2 G2-G3 G1-G2 G2-G3 GI-G2 G2-G3
Parent Child Parent Child Parent Child Parent Child Parent
Child Parent Child
Parent's
Attitude - .21 - .43** - -.15 - .13 -.31 - .34**
Child's Attitude .27** - .11 - 34** - .21** - .64** - .28** -
Age .01** -.00 -.00 .02 .00 .00 .01* -.01 .01 .00 -.00 -.01
37. Labor Force
Status - .02 .03 - .00 .06** .02 .00 - .01 .08** .02 .01 .02 .05**
Education -.07** -.11** -.11** -.13** -.08** -.17** -.12** -
.17** -.02 -.06* -.04** -.05*
Income -.Ol* -.00 .00 -.00 -.02** -.02** -.01* -.00 -.O1* -.01**
-.01** .00
Number of
Children -.01 .02 .03 .08* .05 .07** .11** .15 .01 .07** .05**
11**
Marital Status -.02 -.06 -.01 -.05* .12 -.19** -.12 -.07 .03 -
.14** -.15** -.04*
Sex -.03 -.15** -.20** .01 -.03 -.21* -.22** -.10 .07 -.08 .03
.14**
x2 (df) 1102(330) 657(330) 689(241)
x2ratio 3.33 1.99 2.86
Goodness-of
fit index .93 .94 .93 .95 .91 .94
Critical N 431.41 530.02 601.10
*p < .05.
p < .01.
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ATTITUDE SIMILARITY IN FAMILIES 695
child effects, child-parent effects, or both were
38. constrained to be equal across dyad type. Surpris-
ingly few significant differences were uncovered
among any of the attitude scales when constrained
and unconstrained models were compared. For
political ideology, the difference in chi-square
between the fully constrained and unconstrained
models was 1.76, with two degrees of freedom
gained. Thus, no statistically significant difference
exists between the size of the parent effect for
younger and older dyads or between the size of the
child effect for younger and older dyads. In
addition, both the child-parent and parent-child
effects were significantly different from zero in the
newly estimated constrained model. The best-
fitting constrained model for political ideology is
displayed in Table 5.
For gender ideology as well, the most parsimo-
nious model was the fully constrained model in
which both parent-child and child-parent effects
were constrained to have equal effects across dyad
type. However, in this constrained model, only
child effects on parents were significant. Finally,
the best-fitting model for religious ideology was a
partially constrained model in which only child-to-
parent influences were set equal in the two dyad
types. When parent-child effects were also con-
strained, the difference in chi-square between
models rose to 6.28 with only one degree of
freedom gained. So, the difference in elderly and
middle aged parents' influence on children's
religious ideology was significant. Only middle
aged parents' religious attitudes significantly shaped
their children's religious beliefs; elderly parents
apparently did not exert a strong independent
influence on their children's religious beliefs.
39. Looking across best-fitting models in Table 5, it
is hard to avoid the conclusion that significant
child-to-parent influence is more prevalent than
parent-to-child influence. Child-parent effects are
significant and equal across dyad types for all three
scales. Parent-child influences are significant in
younger dyads for political and religious ideologies
only; for older dyads, it is political ideology alone
that shows significant parent-child transmission.
DISCUSSION
This research has examined three issues concerning
the transmission of attitudes across generations.
The first involves the amount of ideological
similarity between parents and children across
life-course positions, as this may reflect increasing
status similarity or the resolution of parent-
adolescent conflict. Second, causal mechanisms
underlying apparent continuity across generations
were explored. We wished to test the possibility
that observed similarities in attitudes are due to
social status similarities and not to socialization.
The third issue concerns the possibility of
reciprocal influence. Intergenerational agreement
can not necessarily be taken as evidence of parental
influence, since observed similarity may be due to
influence of children on their parents. Data
addressing these issues suggest some important
modifications of existing socialization and devel-
opmental aging theory.
The first hypothesis suggested that parent-child
attitudes converge with advancing age; specifically
that G1-G2 dyads would show smaller attitudinal
40. differences than would G2-G3 dyads. This hypoth-
esis was not supported by the data. Attitude
differences were small throughout the generational
pairs, and the differences observed were the same
in the younger (G2-G3) dyads as in the older
(GI-G2) dyads. Some differences were manifest
across ideological domains, with gender showing
the greatest contrasts. These findings suggest that
an uncritical use of life-course position to predict
varying levels of parent-child difference can lead
to overgeneralization; substantial continuity is seen
across different points in life represented in this
study.
The second hypothesis attempted to disentangle
developmental aging and status inheritance as
sources of attitude similarity. The hypothesis that
parents' attitudes predict children's attitudes, after
controlling for children's social status, was con-
firmed. However, the level of parental prediction
drops with the addition of social status variables,
indicating the importance of status transmission
mechanisms. It should be noted that parents'
Table 5. Final Estimates of Reciprocal Effects'
G1-G2 G2-G3
parent child parent child
Political parent's attitude - .379** - .379**
ideology child's attitude .168* - .168*
Gender parent's attitude - .074 - .074
ideology child's attitude .237** - .237**
41. Religious parent's attitude - .14 -.31**
ideology child's attitude .31** - .31**
1 Since social status effects were listed in Table 4, they are
omitted from this table.
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696 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW
scores are more predictive of children's scores on
religious and political ideology scales than on the
gender scale. Also confirmed was the crucial
second part of the hypothesis, that the parental
effect would decrease in importance with age; that
is, parental attitudes would have a stronger
influence in G2-G3 dyads than in G1-G2 dyads.
But social status variables do not replace parental
influence in scales where influence is low, nor do
they increase in predictive importance with age, as
measured by generational position.
The principal conclusion of our second analysis,
that parental attitudes exert an influence indepen-
dent of social status inheritance, and that these
effects, though diminished, exist past early adult-
hood, can be taken with the results of the first
hypothesis to suggest the continuing importance of
influence processes across generational positions.
However, observed parent-child similarity need
not reflect parental influence, and indeed the
42. life-course or developmental aging perspective
points to reciprocal influence as the causal
mechanism. The third analysis estimated LISREL
models of reciprocal influence, testing the hypoth-
esis that child influences on parental attitudes
increase with age, while parental influences on
children's attitudes decrease with age. The data did
not confirm this hypothesis. Child influences were
significant and equal in magnitude across younger
and older dyads for all three attitude domains.
However, when significant parental influence
existed among younger generational pairs, that
influence did tend to decline among older genera-
tional pairs. Gender ideology, the domain affected
most by rapid social change, showed a pattern of
only upward transmission from children to parents
across the generations.
These results, taken together, suggest that while
the extent of parent-child attitude similarity
appears relatively stable across successive genera-
tions, the forces generating these similarities
appear to change over time. Direct parental
influence declines in older generation dyads, while
social structural variables only slightly increase in
importance as predictors of attitudes. However,
child influences on parents are strong in early
adulthood, and stay strong over the life course.
This implies that social-structural similarities and
child influence produce parent-child similarities
later in the life course, while reciprocal influence
may produce more parent-child similarity in
younger generational dyads.
The findings of this study suggest three
conclusions concerning the family as an agent of
43. socialization over the life course. First, it is
important to recognize relational change beyond
primary socialization. Evidence of significant
influence upward through the generations suggests
that the family may act as an agent of change, not
an impediment to change as is implied by many
conceptualizations of family socialization.
Second, one must examine the causal mecha-
nisms behind observed continuity or change in
socialization outcomes, especially those structural
or status similarities between parents and children
that are often undifferentiated from "parental
influence." Status inheritance may be, as sug-
gested by these results, an important alternative
route to inter-generational similarity.
Finally, variability in the impact of parent-child
relations across social ideologies should be acknowl-
edged. While religious and political ideologies
clearly emerge as areas of strong independent
family influence, gender ideology seems less
affected by internal family dynamics. Perhaps
fewer competing agents of socialization exist for
religious or political attitudes, or perhaps these
domains are less profoundly related to daily living
than gender ideology, giving children little reason
to question their parents' beliefs. It may also be
true that parental influence weakens during periods
of rapid changes in social behavior. Whatever the
source, it is clear that the family is neither a
monolithic nor necessarily conservative source of
influence on attitudes or beliefs past childhood.
Appendix 1. Mean Scale Scores for each ideological
scale by generation
44. 61 62 63 F
Political 3.0 2.7 2.3 47.56*
ideology (484) (661) (779)
Gender 2.6 2.4 2.2 10.03*
ideology (387) (518) (597)
Religious 3.3 3.3 2.7 17.37*
ideology (479) (645) (754)
(N in parentheses)
Appendix 2. LISREL factor loadings for each attitude
scale (constrained to be invariant across generations)
Item # Political Gender Religious
1 1.00 1.00 1.00
2 1.184 .692 2.094
3 .056 .956 1.473
4 1.390 .776 2.070
5 1.310 .965 -
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ATTITUDE SIMILARITY IN FAMILIES 697
Appendix 3. LISREL generated Error and Disturbance Terms for
each latent variable (full models displayed in
Table 4)
Political Gender Religious
45. P's C's P's C's P's C's
G1-G2 attitude attitude attitude attitude attitude attitude
disturbance (psi) .107 .186 .257 .409 .164 .274
El 1.126 .904 1.070 .679 .275 .407
Errors E2 .613 .696 1.202 .873 .148 .148
of E3 1.033 1.232 .836 .670 .350 .374
measurement E4 .596 .617 .942 .559 .455 .525
Es .853 .602 .784 .614 - -
G2-G3
disturbance (psi) .162 1.28 .337 .472 .132 .147
El 1.004 .828 .745 .631 .339 .569
E2 .633 .871 .989 .659 .237 .417
E3 1.032 1.040 .676 .718 .340 .605
E4 .719 .581 .542 .655 .465 .567
E5 .574 .739 .611 .550 - -
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Contentsp.685p.686p.687p.688p.689p.690p.691p.692p.693p.694
p.695p.696p.697p.698Issue Table of ContentsAmerican
Sociological Review, Vol. 51, No. 5 (Oct., 1986), pp. i-vi+591-
742+I-XXVIFront Matter [pp.i-vi]E-State Structuralism: A
Theoretical Method [pp.591-602]Expectations, Legitimation,
and Dominance Behavior in Task Groups [pp.603-617]Class
Struggle American Style: Unions, Strikes and Wages [pp.618-
633]Worker Attachment and Workplace Authority [pp.634-
649]Labor Market Structure, Intragenerational Mobility, and
Discrimination: Black Male Advancement Out of Low-Paying
Occupations, 1962-1973 [pp.650-659]Race, Instruction, and
Learning [pp.660-669]The Settlement Process Among Mexican
Migrants to the United States [pp.670-684]Attitude Similarity in
Three-Generation Families: Socialization, Status Inheritance, or
Reciprocal Influence? [pp.685-698]Structure as Process:
Organization and Role [pp.699-716]Using Adjusted
Crosstabulations to Interpret Log-Linear Relationships [pp.717-
733]CommentsMarital Coital Frequency: Unnoticed Outliers
and Unspecified Interactions Lead to Erroneous Conclusions
[pp.734-737]Is It Outlier Deletion or Is It Sample Truncation?
Notes on Science and Sexuality [pp.738-742]Back Matter [pp.I-
XXVI]