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231 232 233 234 235 236 237 238 239 240 241 Public Administration and Information Technology Volume 10 Series Editor Christopher G. Reddick San Antonio, Texas, USA [email protected] More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/10796 [email protected] Marijn Janssen • Maria A. Wimmer Ameneh Deljoo Editors Policy Practice and Digital Science Integrating Complex Systems, Social Simulation and Public Administration in Policy Research 2123 [email protected] Editors Marijn Janssen Ameneh Deljoo Faculty of Technology, Policy, and Faculty of Technology, Policy, and Management Management Delft University of Technology Delft University of Technology Delft Delft The Netherlands The Netherlands Maria A. Wimmer Institute for Information Systems Research University of Koblenz-Landau Koblenz Germany ISBN 978-3-319-12783-5 ISBN 978-3-319-12784-2 (eBook) Public Administration and Information Technology DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-12784-2 Library of Congress Control Number: 2014956771 Springer Cham Heidelberg New York London © Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2015 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. Printed on acid-free paper Springer is part of Springer Science+Business Media (www.springer.com) [email protected] Preface The last economic and financial crisis has heavily threatened European and other economies around the globe. Also, the Eurozone crisis, the energy and climate change crises, challenges of demographic change with high unemployment rates, and the most recent conflicts in the Ukraine and the near East or the Ebola virus disease in Africa threaten the wealth of our societies in different ways. The inability to predict or rapidly deal with dramatic changes and negative trends in our economies and societies can seriously hamper the wealth and prosperity of the European Union and its Member States as well.

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231 232 233 234 235 236 237 238
239 240 241 Public Administration and Information Technology Volume 10 Series Editor Christopher G. Reddick San Antonio, Texas, USA [email protected] More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/10796 [email protected] Marijn Janssen • Maria A. Wimmer
Ameneh Deljoo Editors Policy Practice and Digital Science Integrating Complex Systems, Social Simulation and Public Administration in Policy Research 2123 [email protected] Editors Marijn Janssen Ameneh Deljoo Faculty of Technology, Policy, and Faculty of Technology, Policy, and Management Management Delft University of Technology Delft University of Technology Delft Delft The Netherlands The Netherlands Maria A. Wimmer Institute for Information Systems Research University of Koblenz-Landau Koblenz Germany ISBN 978-3-319-12783-5 ISBN 978-3-319-12784-2 (eBook) Public Administration and Information Technology DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-12784-2 Library of Congress Control Number: 2014956771
Springer Cham Heidelberg New York London © Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2015 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. Printed on acid-free paper Springer is part of Springer Science+Business Media (www.springer.com) [email protected] Preface
The last economic and financial crisis has heavily threatened European and other economies around the globe. Also, the Eurozone crisis, the energy and climate change crises, challenges of demographic change with high unemployment rates, and the most recent conflicts in the Ukraine and the near East or the Ebola virus disease in Africa threaten the wealth of our societies in different ways. The inability to predict or rapidly deal with dramatic changes and negative trends in our economies and societies can seriously hamper the wealth and prosperity of the European Union and its Member States as well as the global networks. These societal and economic challenges demonstrate an urgent need for more effective and efficient processes of governance and policymaking, therewith specifically addressing crisis management and economic/welfare impact reduction. Therefore, investing in the exploitation of innovative information and commu- nication technology (ICT) in the support of good governance and policy modeling has become a major effort of the European Union to position itself and its Member States well in the global digital economy. In this realm, the European Union has laid out clear strategic policy objectives for 2020 in the Europe 2020 strategy1: In a changing world, we want the EU to become a smart, sustainable, and inclusive economy. These three mutually reinforcing priorities should
help the EU and the Member States deliver high levels of employment, productivity, and social cohesion. Concretely, the Union has set five ambitious objectives—on employment, innovation, education, social inclusion, and climate/energy—to be reached by 2020. Along with this, Europe 2020 has established four priority areas—smart growth, sustainable growth, inclusive growth, and later added: A strong and effective system of eco- nomic governance—designed to help Europe emerge from the crisis stronger and to coordinate policy actions between the EU and national levels. To specifically support European research in strengthening capacities, in overcom- ing fragmented research in the field of policymaking, and in advancing solutions for 1 Europe 2020 http://ec.europa.eu/europe2020/index_en.htm v [email protected] vi Preface ICT supported governance and policy modeling, the European Commission has co- funded an international support action called eGovPoliNet2. The overall objective of eGovPoliNet was to create an international, cross- disciplinary community of re-
searchers working on ICT solutions for governance and policy modeling. In turn, the aim of this community was to advance and sustain research and to share the insights gleaned from experiences in Europe and globally. To achieve this, eGovPo- liNet established a dialogue, brought together experts from distinct disciplines, and collected and analyzed knowledge assets (i.e., theories, concepts, solutions, findings, and lessons on ICT solutions in the field) from different research disciplines. It built on case material accumulated by leading actors coming from distinct disciplinary backgrounds and brought together the innovative knowledge in the field. Tools, meth- ods, and cases were drawn from the academic community, the ICT sector, specialized policy consulting firms as well as from policymakers and governance experts. These results were assembled in a knowledge base and analyzed in order to produce com- parative analyses and descriptions of cases, tools, and scientific approaches to enrich a common knowledge base accessible via www.policy- community.eu. This book, entitled “Policy Practice and Digital Science— Integrating Complex Systems, Social Simulation, and Public Administration in Policy Research,” is one of the exciting results of the activities of eGovPoliNet—fusing community building activities and activities of knowledge analysis. It documents findings of comparative analyses and brings in experiences of experts from academia
and from case descrip- tions from all over the globe. Specifically, it demonstrates how the explosive growth in data, computational power, and social media creates new opportunities for policy- making and research. The book provides a first comprehensive look on how to take advantage of the development in the digital world with new approaches, concepts, instruments, and methods to deal with societal and computational complexity. This requires the knowledge traditionally found in different disciplines including public administration, policy analyses, information systems, complex systems, and com- puter science to work together in a multidisciplinary fashion and to share approaches. This book provides the foundation for strongly multidisciplinary research, in which the various developments and disciplines work together from a comprehensive and holistic policymaking perspective. A wide range of aspects for social and professional networking and multidisciplinary constituency building along the axes of technol- ogy, participative processes, governance, policy modeling, social simulation, and visualization are tackled in the 19 papers. With this book, the project makes an effective contribution to the overall objec- tives of the Europe 2020 strategy by providing a better understanding of different approaches to ICT enabled governance and policy modeling, and by overcoming the fragmented research of the past. This book provides impressive
insights into various theories, concepts, and solutions of ICT supported policy modeling and how stake- holders can be more actively engaged in public policymaking. It draws conclusions 2 eGovPoliNet is cofunded under FP 7, Call identifier FP7-ICT- 2011-7, URL: www.policy- community.eu [email protected] Preface vii of how joint multidisciplinary research can bring more effective and resilient find- ings for better predicting dramatic changes and negative trends in our economies and societies. It is my great pleasure to provide the preface to the book resulting from the eGovPoliNet project. This book presents stimulating research by researchers coming from all over Europe and beyond. Congratulations to the project partners and to the authors!—Enjoy reading! Thanassis Chrissafis Project officer of eGovPoliNet European Commission DG CNECT, Excellence in Science, Digital Science [email protected]
Contents 1 Introduction to Policy-Making in the Digital Age . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Marijn Janssen and Maria A. Wimmer 2 Educating Public Managers and Policy Analysts in an Era of Informatics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 Christopher Koliba and Asim Zia 3 The Quality of Social Simulation: An Example from Research Policy Modelling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 Petra Ahrweiler and Nigel Gilbert 4 Policy Making and Modelling in a Complex World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 Wander Jager and Bruce Edmonds 5 From Building a Model to Adaptive Robust Decision Making Using Systems Modeling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 Erik Pruyt 6 Features and Added Value of Simulation Models Using Different Modelling Approaches Supporting Policy-Making: A Comparative Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95 Dragana Majstorovic, Maria A.Wimmer, Roy Lay-Yee, Peter Davis
and Petra Ahrweiler 7 A Comparative Analysis of Tools and Technologies for Policy Making . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 Eleni Kamateri, Eleni Panopoulou, Efthimios Tambouris, Konstantinos Tarabanis, Adegboyega Ojo, Deirdre Lee and David Price 8 Value Sensitive Design of Complex Product Systems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157 Andreas Ligtvoet, Geerten van de Kaa, Theo Fens, Cees van Beers, Paulier Herder and Jeroen van den Hoven ix [email protected] x Contents 9 Stakeholder Engagement in Policy Development: Observations and Lessons from International Experience . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177 Natalie Helbig, Sharon Dawes, Zamira Dzhusupova, Bram Klievink and Catherine Gerald Mkude 10 Values in Computational Models Revalued . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205 Rebecca Moody and Lasse Gerrits 11 The Psychological Drivers of Bureaucracy: Protecting the Societal Goals of an Organization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . 221 Tjeerd C. Andringa 12 Active and Passive Crowdsourcing in Government . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261 Euripidis Loukis and Yannis Charalabidis 13 Management of Complex Systems: Toward Agent-Based Gaming for Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 291 Wander Jager and Gerben van der Vegt 14 The Role of Microsimulation in the Development of Public Policy . . . 305 Roy Lay-Yee and Gerry Cotterell 15 Visual Decision Support for Policy Making: Advancing Policy Analysis with Visualization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 321 Tobias Ruppert, Jens Dambruch, Michel Krämer, Tina Balke, Marco Gavanelli, Stefano Bragaglia, Federico Chesani, Michela Milano and Jörn Kohlhammer 16 Analysis of Five Policy Cases in the Field of Energy Policy . . . . . . . . . 355 Dominik Bär, Maria A.Wimmer, Jozef Glova, Anastasia Papazafeiropoulou and Laurence Brooks 17 Challenges to Policy-Making in Developing Countries and the Roles of Emerging Tools, Methods and Instruments: Experiences from Saint Petersburg . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 379 Dmitrii Trutnev, Lyudmila Vidyasova and Andrei Chugunov
18 Sustainable Urban Development, Governance and Policy: A Comparative Overview of EU Policies and Projects . . . . . . . . . . . . . 393 Diego Navarra and Simona Milio 19 eParticipation, Simulation Exercise and Leadership Training in Nigeria: Bridging the Digital Divide . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 417 Tanko Ahmed [email protected] Contributors Tanko Ahmed National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS), Jos, Nigeria Petra Ahrweiler EA European Academy of Technology and Innovation Assess- ment GmbH, Bad Neuenahr-Ahrweiler, Germany Tjeerd C. Andringa University College Groningen, Institute of Artificial In- telligence and Cognitive Engineering (ALICE), University of Groningen, AB, Groningen, the Netherlands Tina Balke University of Surrey, Surrey, UK Dominik Bär University of Koblenz-Landau, Koblenz, Germany Cees van Beers Faculty of Technology, Policy, and
Management, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands Stefano Bragaglia University of Bologna, Bologna, Italy Laurence Brooks Brunel University, Uxbridge, UK Yannis Charalabidis University of the Aegean, Samos, Greece Federico Chesani University of Bologna, Bologna, Italy Andrei Chugunov ITMO University, St. Petersburg, Russia Gerry Cotterell Centre of Methods and Policy Application in the Social Sciences (COMPASS Research Centre), University of Auckland, Auckland, New Zealand Jens Dambruch Fraunhofer Institute for Computer Graphics Research, Darmstadt, Germany Peter Davis Centre of Methods and Policy Application in the Social Sciences (COMPASS Research Centre), University of Auckland, Auckland, New Zealand Sharon Dawes Center for Technology in Government, University at Albany, Albany, New York, USA xi [email protected]
xii Contributors Zamira Dzhusupova Department of Public Administration and Development Man- agement, United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA), NewYork, USA Bruce Edmonds Manchester Metropolitan University, Manchester, UK Theo Fens Faculty of Technology, Policy, and Management, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands Marco Gavanelli University of Ferrara, Ferrara, Italy Lasse Gerrits Department of Public Administration, Erasmus University Rotterdam, Rotterdam, The Netherlands Nigel Gilbert University of Surrey, Guildford, UK Jozef Glova Technical University Kosice, Kosice, Slovakia Natalie Helbig Center for Technology in Government, University at Albany, Albany, New York, USA Paulier Herder Faculty of Technology, Policy, and Management, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands Jeroen van den Hoven Faculty of Technology, Policy, and Management, Delft
University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands Wander Jager Groningen Center of Social Complexity Studies, University of Groningen, Groningen, The Netherlands Marijn Janssen Faculty of Technology, Policy, and Management, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands Geerten van de Kaa Faculty of Technology, Policy, and Management, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands Eleni Kamateri Information Technologies Institute, Centre for Research & Technology—Hellas, Thessaloniki, Greece Bram Klievink Faculty of Technology, Policy and Management, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands Jörn Kohlhammer GRIS, TU Darmstadt & Fraunhofer IGD, Darmstadt, Germany Christopher Koliba University of Vermont, Burlington, VT, USA Michel Krämer Fraunhofer Institute for Computer Graphics Research, Darmstadt, Germany Roy Lay-Yee Centre of Methods and Policy Application in the Social Sciences (COMPASS Research Centre), University of Auckland, Auckland, New Zealand
Deirdre Lee INSIGHT Centre for Data Analytics, NUIG, Galway, Ireland [email protected] Contributors xiii Andreas Ligtvoet Faculty of Technology, Policy, and Management, Delft Univer- sity of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands Euripidis Loukis University of the Aegean, Samos, Greece Dragana Majstorovic University of Koblenz-Landau, Koblenz, Germany Michela Milano University of Bologna, Bologna, Italy Simona Milio London School of Economics, Houghton Street, London, UK Catherine Gerald Mkude Institute for IS Research, University of Koblenz-Landau, Koblenz, Germany Rebecca Moody Department of Public Administration, Erasmus University Rotterdam, Rotterdam, The Netherlands Diego Navarra Studio Navarra, London, UK Adegboyega Ojo INSIGHT Centre for Data Analytics, NUIG, Galway, Ireland
Eleni Panopoulou Information Technologies Institute, Centre for Research & Technology—Hellas, Thessaloniki, Greece Anastasia Papazafeiropoulou Brunel University, Uxbridge, UK David Price Thoughtgraph Ltd, Somerset, UK Erik Pruyt Faculty of Technology, Policy, and Management, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands; Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study, Wassenaar, The Netherlands Tobias Ruppert Fraunhofer Institute for Computer Graphics Research, Darmstadt, Germany Efthimios Tambouris Information Technologies Institute, Centre for Research & Technology—Hellas, Thessaloniki, Greece; University of Macedonia, Thessaloniki, Greece Konstantinos Tarabanis Information Technologies Institute, Centre for Research & Technology—Hellas, Thessaloniki, Greece; University of Macedonia, Thessa- loniki, Greece Dmitrii Trutnev ITMO University, St. Petersburg, Russia Gerben van der Vegt Faculty of Economics and Business, University of Groningen, Groningen, The Netherlands
Lyudmila Vidyasova ITMO University, St. Petersburg, Russia Maria A. Wimmer University of Koblenz-Landau, Koblenz, Germany Asim Zia University of Vermont, Burlington, VT, USA [email protected] Chapter 1 Introduction to Policy-Making in the Digital Age Marijn Janssen and Maria A. Wimmer We are running the 21st century using 20th century systems on top of 19th century political structures. . . . John Pollock, contributing editor MIT technology review Abstract The explosive growth in data, computational power, and social media creates new opportunities for innovating governance and policy- making. These in- formation and communications technology (ICT) developments affect all parts of the policy-making cycle and result in drastic changes in the way policies are devel- oped. To take advantage of these developments in the digital world, new approaches, concepts, instruments, and methods are needed, which are able to deal with so- cietal complexity and uncertainty. This field of research is sometimes depicted as e-government policy, e-policy, policy informatics, or data
science. Advancing our knowledge demands that different scientific communities collaborate to create practice-driven knowledge. For policy-making in the digital age disciplines such as complex systems, social simulation, and public administration need to be combined. 1.1 Introduction Policy-making and its subsequent implementation is necessary to deal with societal problems. Policy interventions can be costly, have long-term implications, affect groups of citizens or even the whole country and cannot be easily undone or are even irreversible. New information and communications technology (ICT) and models can help to improve the quality of policy-makers. In particular, the explosive growth in data, computational power, and social media creates new opportunities for in- novating the processes and solutions of ICT-based policy- making and research. To M. Janssen (�) Faculty of Technology, Policy, and Management, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands e-mail: [email protected] M. A. Wimmer University of Koblenz-Landau, Koblenz, Germany © Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2015 1 M. Janssen et al. (eds.), Policy Practice and Digital Science, Public Administration and Information Technology 10, DOI
10.1007/978-3-319-12784-2_1 [email protected] 2 M. Janssen and M. A. Wimmer take advantage of these developments in the digital world, new approaches, con- cepts, instruments, and methods are needed, which are able to deal with societal and computational complexity. This requires the use of knowledge which is traditionally found in different disciplines, including (but not limited to) public administration, policy analyses, information systems, complex systems, and computer science. All these knowledge areas are needed for policy-making in the digital age. The aim of this book is to provide a foundation for this new interdisciplinary field in which various traditional disciplines are blended. Both policy-makers and those in charge of policy implementations acknowledge that ICT is becoming more and more important and is changing the policy-making process, resulting in a next generation policy-making based on ICT support. The field of policy-making is changing driven by developments such as open data, computa- tional methods for processing data, opinion mining, simulation, and visualization of rich data sets, all combined with public engagement, social media, and participatory
tools. In this respect Web 2.0 and even Web 3.0 point to the specific applications of social networks and semantically enriched and linked data which are important for policy-making. In policy-making vast amount of data are used for making predictions and forecasts. This should result in improving the outcomes of policy-making. Policy-making is confronted with an increasing complexity and uncertainty of the outcomes which results in a need for developing policy models that are able to deal with this. To improve the validity of the models policy-makers are harvesting data to generate evidence. Furthermore, they are improving their models to capture complex phenomena and dealing with uncertainty and limited and incomplete information. Despite all these efforts, there remains often uncertainty concerning the outcomes of policy interventions. Given the uncertainty, often multiple scenarios are developed to show alternative outcomes and impact. A condition for this is the visualization of policy alternatives and its impact. Visualization can ensure involvement of nonexpert and to communicate alternatives. Furthermore, games can be used to let people gain insight in what can happen, given a certain scenario. Games allow persons to interact and to experience what happens in the future based on their interventions. Policy-makers are often faced with conflicting solutions to complex problems,
thus making it necessary for them to test out their assumptions, interventions, and resolutions. For this reason policy-making organizations introduce platforms facili- tating policy-making and citizens engagements and enabling the processing of large volumes of data. There are various participative platforms developed by government agencies (e.g., De Reuver et al. 2013; Slaviero et al. 2010; Welch 2012). Platforms can be viewed as a kind of regulated environment that enable developers, users, and others to interact with each other, share data, services, and applications, enable gov- ernments to more easily monitor what is happening and facilitate the development of innovative solutions (Janssen and Estevez 2013). Platforms should provide not only support for complex policy deliberations with citizens but should also bring to- gether policy-modelers, developers, policy-makers, and other stakeholders involved in policy-making. In this way platforms provide an information- rich, interactive [email protected] 1 Introduction to Policy-Making in the Digital Age 3 environment that brings together relevant stakeholders and in which complex phe- nomena can be modeled, simulated, visualized, discussed, and even the playing of games can be facilitated.
1.2 Complexity and Uncertainty in Policy-Making Policy-making is driven by the need to solve societal problems and should result in interventions to solve these societal problems. Examples of societal problems are unemployment, pollution, water quality, safety, criminality, well-being, health, and immigration. Policy-making is an ongoing process in which issues are recognized as a problem, alternative courses of actions are formulated, policies are affected, implemented, executed, and evaluated (Stewart et al. 2007). Figure 1.1 shows the typical stages of policy formulation, implementation, execution, enforcement, and evaluation. This process should not be viewed as linear as many interactions are necessary as well as interactions with all kind of stakeholders. In policy-making processes a vast amount of stakeholders are always involved, which makes policy- making complex. Once a societal need is identified, a policy has to be formulated. Politicians, members of parliament, executive branches, courts, and interest groups may be involved in these formulations. Often contradictory proposals are made, and the impact of a proposal is difficult to determine as data is missing, models cannot citizen s
Policy formulation Policy implementation Policy execution Policy enforcement and evaluation politicians Policy- makers Administrative organizations b u sin esses Inspection and enforcement agencies experts Fig. 1.1 Overview of policy cycle and stakeholders [email protected]
4 M. Janssen and M. A. Wimmer capture the complexity, and the results of policy models are difficult to interpret and even might be interpreted in an opposing way. This is further complicated as some proposals might be good but cannot be implemented or are too costly to implement. There is a large uncertainty concerning the outcomes. Policy implementation is done by organizations other than those that formulated the policy. They often have to interpret the policy and have to make implemen- tation decisions. Sometimes IT can block quick implementation as systems have to be changed. Although policy-making is the domain of the government, private organizations can be involved to some extent, in particular in the execution of policies. Once all things are ready and decisions are made, policies need to be executed. During the execution small changes are typically made to fine tune the policy formu- lation, implementation decisions might be more difficult to realize, policies might bring other benefits than intended, execution costs might be higher and so on. Typ- ically, execution is continually changing. Evaluation is part of the policy-making process as it is necessary to ensure that the policy-execution solved the initial so-
cietal problem. Policies might become obsolete, might not work, have unintended affects (like creating bureaucracy) or might lose its support among elected officials, or other alternatives might pop up that are better. Policy-making is a complex process in which many stakeholders play a role. In the various phases of policy-making different actors are dominant and play a role. Figure 1.1 shows only some actors that might be involved, and many of them are not included in this figure. The involvement of so many actors results in fragmentation and often actors are even not aware of the decisions made by other actors. This makes it difficult to manage a policy-making process as each actor has other goals and might be self-interested. Public values (PVs) are a way to try to manage complexity and give some guidance. Most policies are made to adhere to certain values. Public value management (PVM) represents the paradigm of achieving PVs as being the primary objective (Stoker 2006). PVM refers to the continuous assessment of the actions performed by public officials to ensure that these actions result in the creation of PV (Moore 1995). Public servants are not only responsible for following the right procedure, but they also have to ensure that PVs are realized. For example, civil servants should ensure that garbage is collected. The procedure that one a week garbage is collected is secondary. If it is
necessary to collect garbage more (or less) frequently to ensure a healthy environment then this should be done. The role of managers is not only to ensure that procedures are followed but they should be custodians of public assets and maximize a PV. There exist a wide variety of PVs (Jørgensen and Bozeman 2007). PVs can be long-lasting or might be driven by contemporary politics. For example, equal access is a typical long-lasting value, whereas providing support for students at universities is contemporary, as politicians might give more, less, or no support to students. PVs differ over times, but also the emphasis on values is different in the policy-making cycle as shown in Fig. 1.2. In this figure some of the values presented by Jørgensen and Bozeman (2007) are mapped onto the four policy-making stages. Dependent on the problem at hand other values might play a role that is not included in this figure. [email protected] 1 Introduction to Policy-Making in the Digital Age 5 Policy formulation Policy implementation
Policy execution Policy enforcement and evaluation efficiency efficiency accountability transparancy responsiveness public interest will of the people listening citizen involvement evidence-based protection of individual rights accountability transparancy evidence-based
equal access balancing of interests robust honesty fair timelessness reliable flexible fair Fig. 1.2 Public values in the policy cycle Policy is often formulated by politicians in consultation with experts. In the PVM paradigm, public administrations aim at creating PVs for society and citizens. This suggests a shift from talking about what citizens expect in creating a PV. In this view public officials should focus on collaborating and creating a dialogue with citizens in order to determine what constitutes a PV. 1.3 Developments There is an …
al Rhythm: Race, Sex, and t Great variety and quick transi- tions from one measure or tone to another are contrary to the genius of the beautiful in music. Such transitions often excite mirth, or other sudden and tumultuous passions; but not that sinking, that melting, that languor, which is the characteristical effect of the beautiful, as it regards every sense. Edmund Burke The Red Hot Chil! Peppers are putting the three most important letters back into FUNK, taking the piss out of the
idiots who forgot what it was for in the first place and are being censored left, right and centre because of it. "From our viewpoint it's impossible to ignore the correlation between music and sex because, being so incredibly rhythmic as it is. It's very deeply corre- lated to sex and the rhythm of sex, and the rhythm of your heart pounding and intercourse motions and just the way it makes you feel when you hear it. We try to make our music give you an erection." Melody Maker Everyone seems agreed, the music's lovers and leathers alike, that rock and roll means sex; everyone assumes that this meaning comes with the beat. I don't, and in.this chapter I suggest mat if rock does sometimes mean sex it is for sociological, not musicological reasons. (And besides, as the Red Hot Chili Peppers' casual male chauvinism makes clear, in this context sex is
an essentially sociological sort of thing, anyway.) Deliberately misreading the Chili's point, then, I will start this chapter with the concept of fun. "Fun" can only be defined against something else, in contrast to the "serious" and the "respectable," and in musical discourses the opposition of "serious" and "fun" sounds (the aesthetic versus the hedonistic) involves both a moral-cum-artistic judgment and a distinction between a mental and a physical response. In classical music criticism, "fun" thus describes concerts which are not the real thing—benefit or charity shows, the Last Night of the Proms; the critical tone is a kind of forced, condescending bonhomie: "it was just a bit of fun!" In pop criticism "art" and "fun" define each other in a running dialectic—if 1970s progressive rockers dismissed first Motown and then disco as "only" entertainment, 1980s progressive popsters saw off rock's pretensions with the tee-shirt slogan "Fuck Art, Let's Dance!"3 As I noted in Chapter 2, the equation of the serious with the mind and fun with the body was an aspect of the way in which high culture was established in Europe and the United States in the nineteenth century. John
Kassan quotes Mark Twain's description of the audience "at the shrine of St. Wagner" in Bayreuth: , Absolute attention and petrified retention to the end of an act of the attitude assumed at the beginning of it. You detect no movement in the solid mass of heads and shoulders. You seem to sit with the dead in the gloom of a tomb. You know that they are being stirred to their profoundest depths; that there are times when they want to rise and wave handkerchiefs and shout their approbation, and times when tears are running down their faces, and it would be a relief to free their pent, emotions in sobs or screams; yet you hear not one utter- ance till the curtain swings together and the closing strains have slowly faded out and died.4 Twain then watched the audience burst into "thunderous applause" Other observers, more ideologically correct Wagnerians, claimed that even after the performance there was just intense silence. Such complete physical ' control—or mental transportation?—did not become a classical concert con- vention (orchestras would be dismayed to get no applause at the end of a show), but the denial of any bodily response while the music plays is now
taken for granted. A good classical performance is therefore measured by the stillness it commands, by the intensity of the audience's mental concentration, by the lack of any physical distraction, any coughs or shuffles. And it is equally important, as we have seen, to disguise the physical effort that goes into classical music-making—-Wagner kept the orchestra hidden at Bayreuth, and "from early in his career ridiculed those who enjoyed 'looking at the music instead of listening to it,"'5 A good rock concert, by contrast, is measured by the audience's physical response, by how quickly people get out of their seats, onto the dance floor, by how loudly they shout and scream. And rock performers are expected to revel in their own physicality too, to strain and sweat and collapse with tiredness. Rock stage clothes (like sports clothes) are designed to show the musician's body as instrumental (as well as sexual), and not for nothing does a performer like Bruce Springsteen end a show huddled with his band, as if he'd just won the Super Bowl. Rock acts conceal not the physical but the technological sources of their sounds; rock audiences remain uneasy about musical instruments that appear to require no effort to be played.
The key point here, though, is that the musical mind/body split does not just mark off classical from rock concert conventions; it also operates within the popular music domain. When rock (or jazz) acts move into seated concert halls, for example, it is often to register that the music is now "serious," should now be appreciated quietly. (I sometimes suspect that it is at such sit-down shows—for Leonard Cohen, say, or the Cure, or P. J. Harvey— that one best gets a sense of what the mid-nineteenth century battles over classical concert behavior were like, as the listening and the dancing sections of the crowd get equally annoyed with each other, and as the attendants struggle to keep everyone seated.) The underlying contrast here between listening with the mind and listening with the body is well captured by photography: the classical audience rapt, the rock audience abandoned; both sorts of listener oblivious to their neighbors, both with eyes shut and bodies open, but the classical listener obviously quite still, the rock listener held in the throes of movement.6 The question that interests me in this chapter, then, is how the musical mind/body split works. Why is some music heard as physical (fun), other music as cerebral (serious)? Is there nothing of the mind in the former?
Nothing of the body in the latter? And in approaching these questions the first point to make is that just as "sin" is defined by the virtuous (or would-be virtuous), so fun (or music-for-the-body) is, in ideological practice, defined in contrast to serious music, music-for-the-mind. The Red Hot Chili Peppers' crude equation of musical pleasure, rhythm, and sex derives, in short, from a high cultural argument. The musical equation "of aesthetic/mind and hedonistic/ body is one , effect of the mental/manual division of labor built into the Industrial Revo- lution, and into the consequent organization of education.7 In the mid- nineteenth century this was mapped onto the original Romantic dichotomy between feeling and reason: feelings were now taken (as at Bayreuth) to be best expressed spiritually and mentally, in silent contemplation of great art or great music. Bodily responses became, by definition, mind- less. ."The .brain," wrote Frank Howes in the British Journal of Aesthetics in 1962, is associated with art music; "brainlessness" with pop. Popular music, agreed Peter Stadler, is music requiring "a minimum of brain activity."8 For Stadler, this isn't necessarily to devalue popular music, which (thanks
to its rhythms) may well be sexy and humorous; jazz, in particular, he suggests, gives us direct access to bodily sensation; it is not a music that has to be interpreted, it is not a music that has to be thought about.9 A decade later Raymond Durgnat celebrated rock in much the same way, as a music which in its use of rhythm was immediately, gloriously, sensual.10 The meaning of-popular music is being explained here by intellectuals who value (or abhor) it because it offers them a different experience from art music. A telling example of such a celebration of otherness carj be found in Guy Scarpetta's description of going with friends from the French art and music magazine Art-Press to see Johnny Halliday, the rock 'n' roll singer, perform in Nice. For these self-conscious intellectuals, the "flagrant" pleasure of the show began with the opportunity to slough off their class distinction, to identify with their generation, but what most struck these young men about this particular experience of "encanaillement" (or slumming) was the corporal presence of the music. Scarpetta heard in rock "une intensite or- ganique, une force pulsionelle," saw in Halliday "une fantasmatique directe- ment sexuelle." This was not something on offer from the
essentially "conceptuel" Parisian avant-garde of the time—Halliday's performance was "fun," in short, because it stressed the physical pleasure of music in ways repressed elsewhere; for Scarpetta and his friends it articulated something otherwise forbidden.11 Two points emerge from this passage. First, it describes a musical expe- rience which can only be understood in high cultural terms (it tells us nothing of what Halliday's low-class fans made of his music). The organization of high culture in terms of bourgeois respectability has meant, inevitably, the identification of low culture with the unrespectable (and obviously, in insti- tutional terms, while high art took its nineteenth-century place in the secular temples of gallery, museum, and concert hall, low music continued to be associated with the bodily pleasures of the bar and the brothel).12 By the beginning of this century, in other words, low music was both a real and a fantasy site for casting off bourgeois inhibitions. The second point here concerns race. In 1922, forty years before Johnny Halliday's Nice concert, another French avant-garde intellectual, Darius Mil- haud, was taken by a friend to a Harlem "which had not yet
been discovered by the snobs and the aesthetes." As Bernard Gendron explains, "in a club in which 'they were the only white folks' he encountered a music that was 'absolutely different from anything [he] had ever heard before.'" This surprising experience moved him from an exclusively formalist and experimentalist preoccupation with jazz to one tempered by a strong interest in its lyricism and primitivism. Such "authentic mu- sic," he was sure, had "its roots in the darkest corner of negro soul, the vestigial traces of Africa." It is in this "primitive African side," this "savage" "African character," "still profoundly anchored" in black North American music, "that we find the source of this formidable rhythmic, as well as of such expressive melodies, which are endowed with a lyricism which only oppressed races can produce." Milhaud starkly contrasted the archaic lyricism of negro blues with the hyper-modernity, worldliness (la mondanite), and mechanical- ness, of white jazz.13 There is, indeed, a long history in Romanticism of defining
black culture, specifically African culture, as the body, the other of the bourgeois mind. Such a contrast is derived from the Romantic opposition of nature and culture: the primitive or pre-civilized can thus be held up against thf sophis- ticated or over-civilized—one strand of the Romantic argument was that primitive people were innocent people, uncorrupted by culture, still close to a human "essence."14 It's important to understand how this argument works, because it lies at the heart of claims about rock, rhythm, and sex. The logic here is not that African music (and African-derived musics) are more "physical," more "di- rectly" sexual than European and European-derived musics. Rather, the ar- gument is that because "the African" is more primitive, more "natural" than the European, then African music must be more directly in touch with the body, with unsymbolized and unmediated sensual states and expectations. And given that African musics are most obviously different from European musics in their uses of rhythm, then rhythm must be how the primitive, the sexual, is expressed. The cultural ideology produces the way of hearing the music, in short; it is not the music which gives rise to the
ideology. Or, as Marianna Torgovnick puts it, "within Western culture, the idiom 'going primitive' is in fact congruent in many ways with the idiom 'getting physi- cal.'"15 I can best illustrate this argument by quotation: the histories of both jazz and rock 'n' roll are littered with such racist readings. The Bloomsbury art critic Clive Bell, for example, complained in the New Republic in 1921 about the people "who sat drinking their cocktails and listening to nigger b a n d s . . . Niggers can be admired artists without any gift more singular than high spirits: so why drag in the intellect?" For Bell, as D. L. LeMahieu notes, jazz represented a rebellion not only of "the lower instincts," but of "an inferior race" against European "civilization."16 In France after World War I, wrote the ethnographer Michel Leiris, a newly adult generation ("the generation that made Josephine Baker a star") colluded in "an abandonment to the animal joy of experiencing the influence of a modern rhythm . . . In jazz, too, came the first public appearances of Negroes, the manifestation and the myth of black Edens which
were to lead me to Africa and, beyond Africa, to ethnography."17 In the United States, as Lawrence Levine writes, "jazz was seen by many contemporaries as a cultural form independent of a number of the basic central beliefs of bourgeois society, free of its repressions, in rebellion against many of its grosser stereo- types. Jazz became associated with what [Aaron] Esman has called the Vital libidinal impulses . . . precisely the id drives that the surperego of the bour- geois culture sought to repress.'" Young white musicians were attracted by jazz because it seemed to promise cultural as well as musical freedom; it gave them live opportunity "to be and express themselves, the sense of being natural"™ ' Ted Gioia has shown how these strands of white thought about black music—as instinctive, as free—became entangled in jazz criticism. The French intellectual ideology of the primitive, the myth of the noble savage, meant that jazz was heard as a "music charged with emotion but largely devoid of intellectual content," while the jazz musician was taken to be an "inarticulate and unsophisticated practitioner of an art which he himself scarcely understands." (As late as 1938 Winthrop Sergeant could write that "those who create [jazz] are the ones who know the least about
its abstract structure. The Negro, like all folk musicians, expresses himself intuitively.") At the same time, young white musicians (and fans) had their own reasons for asserting that jazz was quite different from art music: "cerebral" became a term of jazz critical abuse ("energy" the contrasting term of praise). Robert O'Meally notes that John Hammond, for example, objected to Billie Holiday's work after "Strange Fruif'.as "too arty." Holiday herself "felt that she had finally begun to discover herself as a singer."19 Gioia notes that the underlying body/mind split here—the supposed opposition of "inspired spontaneous creativity" and "cold inlellectualism"— makes no sense of what jazz musicians do at all. All music- making is about the inind-in-the-body; the "immediacy" of improvisation no more makes unscd'red music "mindless" than the immediacy of talking makes unscripted speech somehow without thought. Whatever the differences between African- and European-derived musics, they cannot be explained in terms of African (or African-American) musicians' lack of formal training, their ignorance of technical issues, their simple "intuition" (any more than what European musicians do can really be described as non-physical). The matrix of race, rhythm, and sex through which white critics
and fans made ideological sense of jazz was just as important for the interpretation of rock 'n' roll. As Charles Shaar Murray writes in his illuminating study of Jimi Hendrix: -" The "cultural dowry" Jimi Hendrix brought with him into the pop market-place included not only his immense talent and the years of experience acquired in a particularly hard school of show business, but the accumulated weight of the fantasies and mythologies con- structed around black music and black people by whites, hipsters and reactionaries alike. Both shared one common article of faith: that black people represent the personification of the untrammelled id—intrinsically wild, sensual, dangerous, "untamed" in every sense of the word.20 And Linda Martin and Kerry Seagrove's study of "the opposition to rock 'n' roll" shows how appalled 1950s observers automatically equated the rhythm of rock 'n' roll with savagery of various sorts, whether they were moralists like the Bishop of Woolwich ("the hypnotic rhythm and wild gestures in [Rock Around the Clock] had a maddening effect on a rhythm-loving age group"), high musicians like Sir Malcolm Sergeant ("nothing more than
an exhibition of primitive tom-tom thumping ... rock 'n' roll has been played in the jungle for centuries") or Herbert von Karajan ("strange things happen in the blood- stream when a musical resonance coincides with the beat of the human pulse"), or psychologists like Dr. Francis J. Braceland, director of the Institute of Living, who explained that rock 'n' roll was both "cannibalistic and tribal- istic." The various strands of the argument were brought together in an editorial in the academic Music Journal in February 1958. Adolescents were, it seemed, "definitely influenced in their lawlessness by this throwback to jungle rhythms. Either it actually stirs them to orgies of sex and violence (as its model did for the savages themselves), or they use it as an excuse for the removal of all inhibitions and the complete disregard of the conventions of decency."21 The academic witnesses who lined up against rock 'n' roll (historians and anthropologists, psychologists and music analysts) conflated a number of different arguments about rhythm and the primitive. "Experts Propose Study of 'Craze,'" ran a rock 'n' roll headline in the New York Times on February 23, 1957, "Liken It to Medieval Lunacy, 'Contagious Dance Furies' and Bite of Tarantula." A Dr. Joost A. M. Meerlo, Associate in
Psychiatry at Columbia University, explained that, as in the late fourteenth century, there was now a "contagious epidemic of dance fury." He himself had observed young people moved by a juke box to dance themselves "more and more into a prehistoric rhythmic trance until it had gone far beyond all the accepted versions of human dancing." Why are rhythmical sounds and motions so especially contagious? A rhythmical call to the crowd easily foments mass ecstasy: "Duce! Ducel Duce!" The call repeats itself into the infinite and liberates the mind of all reasonable inhibitions . . . as in drug addiction, a thou- sand years of civilization fall away in a moment . . . Rock 'n' roll is a sign'pf depersonalization of the individual, of ecstatic veneration of mental decline and passivity. If we cannot stem the tide with its waves of rhythmic narcosis . . . we are preparing our own downfall in the midst of pandemic funeral dances. The dance craze is the infantile rage and outlet of our actual world.22 The primitive in music (rhythm), the primitive in social evolution (the medieval, the African), and the primitive in human development (the infan- tile) are thus reflections of each other. In the words of the
psychoanalyst Heinz Kohut, "the rocking of disturbed children and of schizophrenics, and the ecstatic rites of primitive tribes" are thus equally examples of the "regres- sive" function of rhythm. From a psychoanalytic perspective, people's pleasure in music is clearly "a catharsis of primitive sexual tension under cover." Under cover, that is to say, of melody and harmony. "The weaker the aesthetic disguise of such rhythmic experiences," the less "artistic" the music.23 Eric Lott suggests that in the United States, at least, what may be at issue here in terms of racial ideology is not so much the infantile as "the state of arrested adolescence . . . to which dominant codes of masculinity aspire . . . These common white associations of black maleness with the onset of pu- bescent sexuality indicate that the assumption of dominant codes of mascu- linity in the United States was (and still is) partly negotiated through an imaginary black interlocutor."24 And if "black culture in the guise of an attractive masculinity" was "the stock in trade of the exchange so central to minstrelsy," it was equally essential for the use value of rock 'n' roll. As Bernard Gendron has argued, "the claim that rock and roll brought real sexuality to popular music is usually under-
stood to be related to the claim that it brought real blackness," and from this perspective it certainly does seem "reasonable to place [Jerry Lee] Lewis's 'Whole Lotta Shakin' in the tradition of black-faced minstrelsy." "If 'Whole Lotta Shakin' was to succeed in advertising itself as white-boy- wildly-sings- black, it had to do so quickly and simply. The result had to be a coarsely outlined cartoon of what it means to sing black. That is, the result had to be a caricature."25 The racism endemic to rock 'n' roll, in other words, was not that white musicians stole from black culture but that they burlesqued it. The issue is not how "raw" and "earthy" and "authentic" African-American sounds were "diluted" or "whitened" for mass consumption, but the opposite process: how gospel and r&b and doo-wop were blacked-up. Thanks to rock 'n' roll, black performers now reached a white audience, but only if they met "the tests of 'blackness'—that they embody sensuality, spontaneity, and gritty soulful- ness." 26 As Gendron writes: The black pioneers of rock and roll were also driven to produce caricatures of singing-black. Chuck Berry, Little Richard, and Ray Charles . . . quite radically changed their styles as their audience
shifted from predominantly black to largely white. Though all three began their careers by singing the blues in a rather sedate manner (at least by rock and roll standards), they later accelerated their singing speed, resorted to raspy-voiced shrieks and cries, and dressed up their stage acts with manic piano-pounding or guitar acrobatics. According to rock and roll mythology, they went from singing less black (like Nat King Cole or the Mills Brothers) to singing more black. In my judgement it would be better to say that they adopted a more caricaturized version of singing black wildly, thus paving the way for soul music and the British invasion.27 The problem of rock and roll arguments about rhythm and sex (the arguments still made by bands like the Red Hot Chili Peppers) is not just their racist starting point, but also their confusion about what's meant by rhythm, by musical rhythm in particular. The assumption that a musical "beat" is equivalent to a bodily beat (the heartbeat, the .pulse) doesn't stand up to much examination (why isn't musical regularity compared to mechani- cal repetition—neither metronomes nor clocks are thought to rouse their listeners to a frenzy). There is equally little evidence that Western readings of African rhythmic
patterns as "sexual" have anything at all to do with their actual use, musical or otherwise. As John Miller Chernoff points out, "African music and dance are not performed as an unrestrained emotional expression." They are, rather, ways of realizing aesthetic and ethical structures. "Ecstatic" is, in fact, the most inappropriate adjective to apply to African music: "The feelings the music brings may be exhilarating but not overpowering, intense but not frenzied. Ecstasy as we see it would imply for most Africans a separation from all that is good and beautiful, and generally, in fact, any such loss of control is viewed by them as tasteless, ridiculous, or even sinful."28 In her study of African oral poetry, Ruth Finnegan notes similarly that "cultural factors help to determine what is appreciated as 'rhythmic' in any given group or period: it is not purely physical." If some oral poetry is bound up with a regular physical action (as in a work song), nevertheless "the rhythmic movements are accepted by current convention rather than dictated by universal physiological or material requirements." As Maurice Halbwachs
once put it, "Rhythm does not exist in nature; it, too, is a result of living in society."29 - The point here seems so obvious that it's surprising that it still has to be made: musical rhythm is as much a mental as a physical matter; deciding when to play a note is as much a matter of thought as deciding what note to play (and, in practice, such decisions are anyway not separable).30 In analyzing the differences between African and European musics, then, we can't start from a distinction between body and mind; that distinction, while now an important aspect of musical meaning, is ideological, not musicological. What are the alternatives? One common analytic strategy is to rework the nature/culture metaphor in terms of the simple and the complex: African music is simple, European music is complex. There is an obvious evolutionary claim here: European music, it is implied, was once simple too—that's what we mean by "folk music." Tims, although this argument may not be biologi- cally racist (blacks as "naturally" more rhythmic than whites), it remains historically racist: African cultures, it seems, haven't yet
"advanced" to the European level. In short, the association of the rhythmic with the primitive is retained: simple music is music driven by rhythmic rules; music becomes "complex" when it is concerned with melodic and harmonic structure. Lawrence Levine notes a particularly lucid statement of the combined musical and social assumptions of this attitude in a 1918 issue of the New Orleans Times-Picayune. There were, the paper suggested, "many mansions in the houses of the muses." There was the "great assembly hall of melody," where "most of us take our seats." There were the "inner sanctums of harmony" where a lesser number enjoyed "truly great music." Finally, there was, "down in the basement, a kind of servants' hall of rhythm. It is there we hear the hum of the Indian dance, the throb of the Oriental tambourines and , kettledrums, the clatter of the clogs, the click of Slavic heels, the thumpty- tumpty of the negro banjo, and, in fact, the native dances of the world."31 The different pleasures offered by the musically "simple" and the musi-
cally "complex" are, then, still being related to differences between body and mind. Leonard Meyer suggests that "the differentia between art music and ; primitive music lies in speed of tendency gratification. The primitive seeks almost immediate gratification for his tendencies whether these be biological or musical." Meyer's definition of "primitive" here refers to music that is "dull syntactically" rather than to music "produced by non-literate peoples," but it is difficult not to read the familiar equation of musical, social, psychological, and racial infantility into an assertion like the following: One aspect of maturity both of the individual and of the culture within which a style arises consists then in the willingness to forego immediate, and perhaps lesser gratification. Understood generally, not with reference to any specific musical work, self-imposed ten- dency-inhibition and the willingness to bear uncertainty are indica- tions of maturity. They are signs, that is, that the animal is becoming a man. And this, I take it, is not without relevance to considerations of value.32
Musicologists themselves have criticized the simple/complex, African/ European distinction in two ways. Some accept Meyer's broad descriptive terms but reverse his evaluative conclusions—the spontaneous, human ex- pression of African communities contrasts positively with the alienated ra- tionalism of the European … The Cinematic Rhetorics of Lynching in Jordan Peele’s Get Out JENNIFER RYAN-BRYANT T HE PERIOD OF AMERICAN HISTORY BETWEEN THE END OF THE CIVIL War and the height of the Civil Rights Movement was marked by intense, unrelenting racist violence in many parts of the country. People of color not only faced discrimination in employment, housing, healthcare, education, and access to public facilities, but they also negotiated daily threats to the very fact of their existence. These threats sometimes took the form of lynching, a type of mob violence that sought to punish individuals for unsub- stantiated crimes without trial, jury, or consequence for the perpetra- tors themselves. W. Fitzhugh Brundage calls lynching “a
southern obsession” that represented “but one manifestation of the strenuous and bloody campaign by whites to elaborate and impose a racial hier- archy upon people of color throughout the globe” (1–2). Manfred Berg argues, in addition, that lynching contains ritualistic elements and a sense of communal engagement; its vigilante mobs react against “the establishment of a modern criminal justice system” (ix– x). Finally, Ashraf Rushdy suggests that lynching arises at times of national crisis, when certain groups are dissatisfied with the limits of their legal rights and other social practices are also in flux (3). For the victims of lynching, these aggressive social practices signal a total erasure of identity and personhood, an effective rejection of their right to exist. In the years before the Civil Rights Act, persons tar- geted by lynchers could not expect legal defense of their rights or legal redress for the crimes committed against them. Instead, activists like journalist Ida B. Wells published essays and monographs docu- menting their experiences and, along with prominent voices, such as The Journal of Popular Culture, Vol. 53, No. 1, 2020 © 2020 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
92 http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1111%2Fjpcu.1287 8&domain=pdf&date_stamp=2020-03-01 NAACP executive secretary Walter White and educator Mary McLeod Bethune, articulated the steps necessary to achieve real social change. Today, we face another crisis in American identity, civil rights, and self-expression brought about by reactionary political conser- vatism and ongoing revocations of civil rights. While these reversals have been tempered to a degree by social activism, broad-based pro- gressive views, and existing laws, many people also see social media and popular culture as key forums for public resistance. Jordan Peele’s 2017 directorial debut Get Out represents a popular culture vehicle whose message specifically opposes public violence, recurring instances of hate speech, and regressions in social policy. This film, marketed to commercial audiences as another entry in the horror cate- gory, in fact presents a comprehensive view of the conflicting perspec- tives on racial identity that define twenty-first-century American social politics. In the movie, Peele constructs a paradigmatic example of a lynching narrative in which a black man is targeted by a
group of wealthy white people intent on robbing him of his individuality, intelligence, and life. The film’s protagonist, Chris Washington, finds himself the target of a planned lynching, though his greatest offense is only his decision to date the daughter of Dean and Missy Armi- tage, a white couple who live on an imposing country estate in Westchester County, New York. His innocence is easy to recognize; he says goodbye to his dog before leaving his apartment for the week- end, he seems anxious to please his girlfriend, Rose, and he carries with him only a suitcase and the main tool of his profession, a Canon camera. However, these seemingly neutral elements, coupled with his gentle personality, already signal the film’s imbrication in the histori- cal realities of lynching: as Wells herself pointed out back in 1895, the vast majority of lynchings were staged to target black men who were innocent of the sexual assaults with which they had been charged. The white perpetrators of lynchings, she notes, argued that “Negroes had to be killed to avenge their assaults upon women. There could be framed no possible excuse more harmful to the Negro and more unanswerable if true in its sufficiency for the white man” (224). After tabulating the reasons given for the 159 recorded victims
of lynching in 1893 as one telling example, Wells points out that thirty-nine had been accused of rape, eight of “attempted rape,” four of “alleged rape,” and one of “suspicion of rape” (235): fifty- two out Cinematic Rhetorics of Lynching 93 of 159, or 33 percent. However, the majority of these victims had been guilty of nothing more than an interracial relationship: in Wells’s words, “With the Southern white man any m�esalliance exist- ing between a white woman and a colored man is a sufficient founda- tion for the charge of rape” (225). Chris’s temperament and occupation portray him from the beginning of the film as a non- threatening individual. Yet, the unmistakable fact of his blackness, set next to the “flower of white Southern womanhood” that Rose’s name implies, 1 lays him open to social condemnation before the opening credits roll. Peele acknowledges the violent national history that has defined American race relations in Chris’s and Rose’s personal traits and in their weekend destination—which Chris’s best friend, Rod, has warned him against, stating that “You never take my advice . . . Like don’t go to a white girl’s parents’ house” (Get Out). While viewers are meant to interpret Rod’s statement here as an
unneces- sary caution, particularly given its hyperbolic tone and actor Lil Rel Howery’s real-life popularity as a comedian, his reference to the dan- gers of interracial romance that haunted earlier periods in American history will resonate in the film’s later scenes. At the same time, Peele ensures that the narrative Chris inhabits is fluid enough to accommodate and even promote several different types of opposi- tional strategies. As a horror story, the film includes several recog- nizable elements, including a central protagonist whose death seems likely for much of the time, a physical threat that is revealed slowly to viewers, and an extended scene of conflict between the protago- nist and the forces trying to kill him. Jody Keisner points out that many recent horror movies are aligned with postmodernist thought because “they push viewers to consider their own notions of what is real” by depicting an existence that we can see is in some way simu- lated (416). This challenge to reality fosters an attitude of general ambivalence toward the possibility of survival in such films; while the characters are usually able to adapt some part of their environ- ment to serve as a means of defense, the danger facing them is by
no means resolved at the end. In Get Out, Jordan Peele explores this ambivalence by invoking both familiar horror movie tropes and the social context of Ameri- can racism in the 2010s. As he stated in an interview with NPR’s Terry Gross, “every true horror—human horror, American Horror— 94 Jennifer Ryan-Bryant has a horror movie that deals with it and allows us to face that fear and—except race, in a modern sense, hadn’t been touched. You know, it really hadn’t been touched, in my opinion, since Night of the Living Dead 50 years ago [and] maybe with the film Candyman. And that, to me, I just saw a void there.” Horror works particularly well as a genre through which to explore the ambiguities of racial representation since, because of its reliance on sustained tension and jump scares, it functions as a “space of exception, where paranoia is always founded, though its object may be misrecognized” (Jarvis 102). In creating such a “space of exception,” the film’s narrative structure relies upon three types of rhetoric, or three means by which Peele establishes connections with his audience through care-
fully chosen symbols used in meaningful, though not necessarily transparent, ways (Renegar and Malkowski 51). The three types of rhetoric that Peele employs—aural, visual, and linguistic—both por- tray the threat of lynching that Chris faces and articulate the possi- bilities open to him for resistance. Upon an initial viewing of the film, audience members might think that its horror exists primarily in his sense of entrapment, in the fact that he has found himself the unwitting object of selfish and bloodthirsty desires. A more careful screening reveals, though, that the horror really emerges from the accumulation of these three types of rhetoric, the piling of one threat on top of another until Chris himself cannot tell which aspects of his situation he is reading correctly and which are magni- fied through fear or misdirection. In order to examine the threats that are posed to Chris and to apprehend his opposition to them, this essay analyzes three key aspects of the movie: its soundtrack, or aural rhetoric; characters’ repeated use of animal metaphors, a visual technique; and the linguistically innovative phone conversations that Chris holds with Rod. In each of these cinematic elements, we see Chris both facing an immediate danger and gaining knowledge about how to defend himself. These rhetorical devices function ambivalently, containing both the problem of lynching in
America and its potential solution—just as today’s actively resistant political climate not only signals a groundswell of opposition to white supre- macy but also exists in large part because of our country’s current pattern of relentless violence. Cinematic Rhetorics of Lynching 95 Aural Rhetoric and National Identities The film starts with three songs that prepare the audience for the types of conflict that will define the story as a whole. In the first scene, a young black man walks a suburban street at night, talking on his cell phone. After he hangs up, a white car passes him, makes a U-turn, circles back, and stops next to him on the street. He starts walking faster, and British duo Flanagan and Allen’s 1939 hit “Run Rabbit Run” plays from the car’s speakers. As the man tries to turn away from the car, an assailant wearing a helmet strides on screen from the sidewalk, grabs him, chokes him, and drags him into the car. As the attacker shoves the victim into the trunk, Flanagan and Allen sing, “He’ll get by without his rabbit pie, / Just run,
rabbit, run”; he slams the trunk shut and the music cuts off. Next, the film’s credits begin to roll, starting with the title in all caps. Over a shot of a forest behind the credits, a Swahili singer intones, “Sikiliza Kwa Wahenga,” which translates to “listen to your ancestors”; this piece was written by Michael Abels, the film’s music director. The third song in this sequence is the one perhaps best-known to its viewers, Childish Gambino’s “Redbone.” This song, which plays over shots of several professional photographs that Chris has taken, warns listeners to “stay woke” and advises, “Now don’t you close your eyes.” In an interview with GQ writer Caity Weaver, Jordan Peele notes that he “was into this idea of distinctly black voices and black musical refer- ences, so it’s got some African influences, and some bluesy things going on, but in a scary way, which you never really hear. African American music tends to have, at the very least, a glimmer of hope to it—sometimes full-fledged hope. I wanted Michael Abels, who did the score, to create something that felt like it lived in this absence of hope but still had [black roots].” “Run Rabbit Run” is an example of mainstream white World
War II-era music and lacks the “African influences” that Peele discusses here. Yet, its allusion to the “Brer Rabbit” stories sanitized for white audiences by folklorist Joel Chandler Harris, among others, suggests a kind of “absence of hope.” Although Brer Rabbit is a trickster fig- ure with West African roots, he often finds himself entangled within his own plots in modern American versions of the stories, and the form in which many Americans came to know him was through Walt 96 Jennifer Ryan-Bryant Disney’s famously racist cartoon Song of the South. In a discussion of Harris’s storytelling strategies, William Tynes Cowan labels Brer Rabbit a “slave cognate” who “unleashes his frenetic energy upon stronger animals whom he defeats with his wit and cunning.” Brer Rabbit’s actions are defined by opposition, but Harris frames every instance of his “cunning” in the voice of Uncle Remus, whose passive acceptance of slavery undermines the characters’ potentially subversive acts (Cowan 170). The forms of resistance in which such a “rabbit”
participates, therefore, may only make him vulnerable to harm. The title “Run Rabbit Run” also alludes to earlier, more insidiously racist American texts. The Norton Anthology of African American Literature includes an undated rhyme entitled “Run, Nigger, Run” that starts, “Run, nigger, run; de patter-roller catch you” (24). This poem’s structural and rhetorical resemblance to the Flanagan and Allen tune is unmistakable; its use of a racist epithet in place of the Brer Rabbit moniker points to the violent origins of much post- Reconstruction popular culture. The phrase also recalls the dream that motivates the narrator of Ralph Ellison’s Invisible Man to pursue a more subversive approach to survival after several earlier attempts at assimilation have failed. After receiving a college scholarship and leather briefcase from a drunken gathering of local businessmen, the narrator dreams that his grandfather—whose own seditious tendencies were only revealed on his deathbed—has given him “an engraved document containing a short message in letters of gold.” It says, simply, “To Whom It May Concern . . . Keep This Nigger-Boy Running” (Ellison 33). The nar- rator’s grandfather recognizes that he will be chased by the threat of white racist violence throughout his life; he uses the phrasing of
a popular jingle in order to spur his grandson on to actions that could undermine social persecution. Peele’s use of “Run Rabbit Run” evokes both the history of white repression and the possibility of resistance. The other two songs that open Get Out offer, in contrast, access to a repository of specifically black cultural concepts. Stephen Hen- derson labels such culturally defined terms “mascon” words, or “mas- sive concentration[s] of Black experiential energy” (44). According to Henderson, mascon words “have levels of meanings that seem to go back to our earliest grappling with the English language in a strange and hostile land” and “carry an inordinate charge of emo- tional and psychological weight.” Some key examples of mascon Cinematic Rhetorics of Lynching 97 words include “jazz,” “jelly,” “funk,” and “blues”; these terms, which each possess several different meanings and resonate in diverse con- texts, “form meaningful wholes in ways which defy understanding by outsiders” (Henderson 44). “Sikiliza Kwa Wahenga,” the song that invokes Chris’s ethnic heritage by reminding him—and the
viewers—to listen to the ancestors, provides an essential example of a mascon phrase. The song, which contains the lyrics “run far away” and “save yourself ” (Bowen), signals both to Chris and to informed viewers that Swahili possesses social power and that his cultural her- itage may protect him from threats within his current environment. Peele notes that he wanted “something we hadn’t experienced before”; Abels created a “hybrid” piece that sounded to the director “like a demonic Negro spiritual” (Gray 22). Setting the stage for the conflicts to come, this tune accompanies the film’s title and is heard three more times during scenes of heightened dramatic inten- sity. It first recurs about half an hour into the movie, when Chris, staying overnight at the Armitages’ country house, goes out after bedtime for a cigarette and runs into Missy in the living room. She insists on hypnotizing Chris to rid him of his smoking habit; she stirs a spoon rhythmically in her teacup until Chris’s eyes widen and tears stream down his face. He remembers the rainy night on which his mother died in a car accident as he seems to fall, terrified, into a black gulf that Missy labels “the sunken place.” 2 In order to underline the scene’s emotional intensity, “Sikiliza” plays in the background, accelerating until Chris wakes up in bed.
Although “Sikiliza” does not appear again until the end of the film, it ultimately signals Chris’s triumph over racist conditions. The tune accompanies his attempt to flee from the family in the film’s cli- max, when he realizes they mean to use his young, fit body as a receptacle to house an older white man’s brain. After escaping from a basement room in which Dean and Rose’s brother, Jeremy, meant to operate on him, Chris runs through the kitchen and dining room, where he spots Missy. She lunges for her teacup, intending perhaps to hypnotize him again, but he knocks it onto the floor, where it shat- ters. “Sikiliza” rises in volume in the background as Missy stabs Chris in the hand with a letter opener; he grapples with her, attempting to strangle her. This interaction provides a key example of the film’s ambivalent representations of social traits historically associated with lynching scenes. Though Chris has successfully subdued the threat of 98 Jennifer Ryan-Bryant irrational white violence that the entire Armitage family represents, he has done so at a great personal cost: as an educated person, he knows that he risks confirming the stereotypical view of black
bes- tiality that generations of racists used to justify vigilante attacks on blacks. Brundage cites, for instance, a widespread belief among white Southerners in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries that “blacks, particularly those members of the new generation unschooled in appropriate behavior by slavery, were retrogressing into savagery”; as a result, “the myth of black criminality was (and indeed remains) resistant to change” (53). In the present day, Chris has avoided being murdered but only by resorting to a type of physical violence that might recall that myth. “Sikiliza” also provides the background to his flight from the house at the end of the movie. After Chris has run away from the house and down the long driveway, Rod shows up in his TSA cruiser to save the day. As he and Chris drive away, the car’s lights flashing, the song accompanies their only in-person conversa- tion and plays over the final credits. In each of these moments—the opening credits, the hypnotism scene, the struggle for Chris’s life, and his ultimate escape—“Sikiliza” reminds viewers of the cultural strength that underlies Chris’s actions but also indicates that he must rely on himself in the end.
Although Childish Gambino’s “Redbone” is only heard once dur- ing the film, it serves a similar cautionary function. After the first iteration of “Sikiliza” behind the film’s opening credits, “Redbone” accompanies a series of photographs seemingly taken by Chris. These three photographs appear before the film’s primary action begins, yet their subjects anticipate the kinds of tension that define the narrative. In the first photograph, a black man in a black jacket and pants walks down a city street, carrying an enormous bunch of white balloons whose misshapen shadow shows up clearly against the building next to him; the second features a close-up of a dark-skinned woman’s pregnant belly, as, in the background, a man in a white T-shirt walks away from her toward a group of apartment buildings; and the third focuses on a man in a baggy jacket and jeans struggling to hold onto a white dog’s chain in a litter-strewn yard as the dog strains to break free, its tail pointed straight out and its muscles clearly outlined against its skin. These pictures remind us of Chris’s professional sta- tus, his insight into the social world, and the struggles between opposing forces that inspire his creativity. In terms of their visual
Cinematic Rhetorics of Lynching 99 structure, the photographs’ compositions rely upon contrasting shapes, sizes, light sources, and shadows. These disjunctions under- score the friction that defines the photographs, each of which captures the moment before some urgent action will take place: birth, flight, or escape. These themes are conveyed subtly through the three- photo- graph sequence, but they establish the actions that Chris will have to take later on in order to survive. The lyrics to “Redbone” that under- score these photographs signal Chris’s urgent need to “get” and remain “woke.” His creative work suggests that he already possesses a keen perception of society’s profound imbalances, but now he has to put his intuition to practical use. This three-song sequence—“Run Rabbit Run,” “Sikiliza,” and “Redbone”—offers the film’s first example of the oppositional and even contradictory rhetorics that structure its message. People of color are under attack by white forces that intend not just to incapac- itate but to repurpose their bodies and minds. Peele argues that Chris has the resources with which to counter these attacks but, in keeping with both a long tradition in horror film and the current
political cli- mate, the film’s ultimate message remains ambivalent. Will these resources be enough, in the end, to prevail against persistent white treachery? The film ends with a second three-song sequence that does not provide any clear answer. First, we see Rose in her room, sitting on her bed with her laptop, listening to the Bill Medley and Jennifer Warnes song “I Had the Time of My Life” on a Walkman. This song, which Rose enjoys while dressed in a white button-down shirt, drink- ing white milk and searching for “NCAA prospects” on Bing, soared in popularity after appearing in the 1987 film Dirty Dancing. The lyrics begin, “Now, I’ve had the time of my life” but progress, in the sixth stanza, to “Don’t be afraid to lose control” (“Bill Medley”). Instead of contemplating the romantic relationship that these words imply, Rose surveys the pool of potential victims for her family to incapacitate. Next, “Run Rabbit Run” plays again from Jeremy’s car as Chris climbs in to escape from the Armitages; this reiteration con- firms that Jeremy was the masked hunter who captured the solitary man in the first scene. Finally, “Sikiliza” provides the film’s final auditory reminder of cultural identities and clashes. Although
Rose’s family has been vanquished by this point, there is no telling, these songs imply, what other white families may already possess the knowledge to sustain their genocidal traditions. 100 Jennifer Ryan-Bryant Visual Rhetoric: Beasts Among Us In addition to the film’s use of music, Peele organizes several key sce- nes around images of animals. This imagery both evokes popular racist discourse and allows Chris to challenge directly some of the social conventions associated with public lynchings. While Chris and Rose are driving on the highway to her parents’ house, for instance, Rose’s car is struck by a deer. The camera is positioned to one side of the scene so that the deer appears to fly or to be thrown across the road before striking the car, rather than running into it. The deer knocks off the passenger-side mirror next to Chris before falling into the woods at the side of the road; it can be heard groaning in pain from off-screen. After they arrive at their destination, they describe the incident to Rose’s parents, and Dean asserts, “I say, one down, a
couple hundred thousand to go . . . They’re like rats. They’re destroy- ing the ecosystem. I see a dead deer on the side of the road, I think to myself, ‘That’s a start’” (Get Out). Though this deer is not targeted by hunters, its abrupt death and unlamented life recall vigilante approaches to violence. Dean’s comments demonstrate a lack of humane feelings toward animals in general as well as his belief that he has the right to want to wipe out entire populations like so much vermin. The one full day that Chris spends at the Armitage home includes a garden party that the family hosts every fall. The gather- ing at first appears fairly innocuous—involving the arrival of several primarily white, wealthy, elderly people in a caravan of black cars— but the conversations that take place quickly reveal the participants’ true attitudes and motivations. At one point, Chris and Rose join a white couple in conversation; the husband says, “Fairer skin has been in fashion for what? A couple hundred years? But now the pendulum has swung back. Black is in fashion” (Get Out). After pro- cessing this casual dismissal of cultural experience and identity in silence, Chris leaves the group to take some photographs and encounters Logan King, the party’s only other black attendee. When Chris is asked how he feels about being African American, he turns
to Logan and says, “Yo, my man. They were asking me about the African American experience. Maybe you could take this one.” Logan, who moves slowly and awkwardly, and is accompanied by a Cinematic Rhetorics of Lynching 101 white woman at least thirty years his senior, observes, “I find that the African American experience for me has been, for the most part, very good. Although I find it difficult to go much into detail as I haven’t had much of a desire to leave the house in a while.” Sur- prised at his reticence, Chris snaps a picture with his cell phone; Logan’s mouth trembles, tears fill his eyes, and blood begins to drip from his left nostril. Chris tries to apologize, but Logan moves toward him, grabs his shirt, and starts shaking him, yelling, “Get out! Get outta here! Get outta here!” (Get Out).3 Missy and Dean move quickly to quiet Logan and troubleshoot the scene, attributing Logan’s outburst to anxiety and a potential seizure. However, Chris will not accept this explanation; he recognizes Logan from some- place he cannot yet identify and is disturbed by the family’s ready willingness to handle him as they would an unruly animal. He
and Logan remain on display throughout this scene, observed by a large group of white attendees who make no move to participate in the conversation but seem fascinated by their behavior. Chris’s apprehension about both his own social status and Logan’s identity is reinforced by a conversation he has with the family’s black housekeeper. When he finds that she has unplugged his phone so that it has lost its charge, she apologizes: “How rude of me to have touched your belongings without asking.” “It’s cool,” Chris responds, “I wasn’t trying to snitch.” The housekeeper is puzzled: “Snitch?” she asks. “Rat you out,” he explains. She moves her head to one side, thinking, then says, “Tattletale. Oh, don’t you worry about that. I can assure you, I don’t answer to anyone.” As he did with Logan, Chris tries to form a bond with her, noting sympathetically that “All I know is sometimes, if there’s too many white people, I get nervous, you know?” To his surprise, her smile slowly fades, her lips begin to tremble, and tears spill from her eyes as she forces a laugh and shakes her head from side to side, saying, “Oh. Oh. No. No. No, no, no, no. Aren’t you something? That’s not my experience. Not at all. The
Armitages are so good to us. They treat us like family” (Get Out). The animal metaphor that Chris employs here recalls Dean’s earlier comments about the deer, a population whose worth he feels entitled to judge. Like Logan, the housekeeper seems trapped in her situation at the Armitages’, able to voice only a contentment that her physio- logical reactions belie. The conversation that she has with Chris reveals her “rat”-like sense of entrapment. 102 Jennifer Ryan-Bryant The … PARAPHRASING 1. Reread the original passage until you understand its full meaning. 2. Set the original aside, and write your paraphrase on a note card. 3. Jot down a few words below your paraphrase to remind you later how you envision using this material. At the top of the note card, write a key word or phrase to indicate the subject of your paraphrase. 4. Check your rendition with the original to make sure that your version accurately expresses all the essential information in a new form.
5. Use quotation marks to identify any unique term or phraseology you have borrowed exactly from the source. 6. Record the source (including the page) on your note card so that you can credit it easily if you decide to incorporate the material into your paper. Use your sources as support for your insights, not as the backbone of your paper. A patchwork of sources stuck in a paper like random letters in a ransom note does not a research paper make. If do you use a direct quote, the explanation should be twice as long as the quote. Readers have to know why you include source material where you do. Here are some possible signal phrases: * According to Jane Doe, "..." * As Jane Doe goes on to explain, "..." * Characterized by John Doe, the society is "..." * As one critic points out, "..." * John Doe believes that "..." * Jane Doe claims that "..." * In the words of John Doe, "..." acknowledges, adds, admits, affirms, agrees, argues, asserts, believes, claims, comments, compares, confirms, contends, declares, demonstrates, denies, disputes, emphasizes, endorses, grants, illustrates, implies, insists, notes, observes, points out, reasons, refutes, rejects, reports, responds, states, suggests, thinks, underlines, writes
1. Do not overuse quotations. Follow this pattern: a. Assertion. Make some argument or sub-argument about the text(s). b. Quotation. Quote, with context, a word, phrase, line or passage that supports that (sub)argument. c. Commentary. Comment on the quotation, directly engaging with the language within the quotation and explaining how it supports your assertion. 2. Avoid “floating quotes.” The style of your writing will be better if you incorporate quoted phrases into your own structure rather than writing a sentence and then quoting a sentence or a poetic line. 3. Always work your quotation comfortably into your own sentence structure. 4. Longer quotations (more than four lines of prose) should be set off from your paragraph's usual display form: single-spaced and centered without quotation marks. This longer form is called a block quote. 7. If, for clarity or sentence structure, you must alter a quotation, use brackets to indicate the change(s). 8. If you omit material in order to be succinct, mark the omission by three periods (ellipsis) with a space between each (. . .). NOTE: There is no need to use these routinely at the beginning and end or your quotations; it is understood that you are lifting passages from a longer work.
“US” Film Analysis Worksheet Description of the plot in chosen scene Describe sound and/or music and/or silence in scene (see Yale site) Describe visuals in the scene (color, camera angle, lighting, foreground/background) (see Yale site) Meaning Statement related to descriptions Support from scholarly source on related topic (quote and pg#) 1. Fill in film( "Us" 2019 American horror film ) analysis sheet 2. Based on the film worksheet analysis , build a paragraph of analysis on "Us". 3. According to incorporating quotations, go back to the paragraphs of Analysis essay ( "The Raft").Find one of them and fix it. 4. 5 min free-write read the intro (pp. 92-95 of Jpcu12878) As you read, identify what is happening in each paragraph of the intro in terms of the 4 D's and also identify the thesis. Is the thesis in stages? How
do the authors dole out background information throughout the intro to prepare the reader for what the article does? When you get to the end of the intro do you feel you know exactly what the article will cover and argue? 5. 1 page reading summary of (Firth 1996 and Szatmary 2004)

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  • 2. 239 240 241 Public Administration and Information Technology Volume 10 Series Editor Christopher G. Reddick San Antonio, Texas, USA [email protected] More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/10796 [email protected] Marijn Janssen • Maria A. Wimmer
  • 3. Ameneh Deljoo Editors Policy Practice and Digital Science Integrating Complex Systems, Social Simulation and Public Administration in Policy Research 2123 [email protected] Editors Marijn Janssen Ameneh Deljoo Faculty of Technology, Policy, and Faculty of Technology, Policy, and Management Management Delft University of Technology Delft University of Technology Delft Delft The Netherlands The Netherlands Maria A. Wimmer Institute for Information Systems Research University of Koblenz-Landau Koblenz Germany ISBN 978-3-319-12783-5 ISBN 978-3-319-12784-2 (eBook) Public Administration and Information Technology DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-12784-2 Library of Congress Control Number: 2014956771
  • 4. Springer Cham Heidelberg New York London © Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2015 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. Printed on acid-free paper Springer is part of Springer Science+Business Media (www.springer.com) [email protected] Preface
  • 5. The last economic and financial crisis has heavily threatened European and other economies around the globe. Also, the Eurozone crisis, the energy and climate change crises, challenges of demographic change with high unemployment rates, and the most recent conflicts in the Ukraine and the near East or the Ebola virus disease in Africa threaten the wealth of our societies in different ways. The inability to predict or rapidly deal with dramatic changes and negative trends in our economies and societies can seriously hamper the wealth and prosperity of the European Union and its Member States as well as the global networks. These societal and economic challenges demonstrate an urgent need for more effective and efficient processes of governance and policymaking, therewith specifically addressing crisis management and economic/welfare impact reduction. Therefore, investing in the exploitation of innovative information and commu- nication technology (ICT) in the support of good governance and policy modeling has become a major effort of the European Union to position itself and its Member States well in the global digital economy. In this realm, the European Union has laid out clear strategic policy objectives for 2020 in the Europe 2020 strategy1: In a changing world, we want the EU to become a smart, sustainable, and inclusive economy. These three mutually reinforcing priorities should
  • 6. help the EU and the Member States deliver high levels of employment, productivity, and social cohesion. Concretely, the Union has set five ambitious objectives—on employment, innovation, education, social inclusion, and climate/energy—to be reached by 2020. Along with this, Europe 2020 has established four priority areas—smart growth, sustainable growth, inclusive growth, and later added: A strong and effective system of eco- nomic governance—designed to help Europe emerge from the crisis stronger and to coordinate policy actions between the EU and national levels. To specifically support European research in strengthening capacities, in overcom- ing fragmented research in the field of policymaking, and in advancing solutions for 1 Europe 2020 http://ec.europa.eu/europe2020/index_en.htm v [email protected] vi Preface ICT supported governance and policy modeling, the European Commission has co- funded an international support action called eGovPoliNet2. The overall objective of eGovPoliNet was to create an international, cross- disciplinary community of re-
  • 7. searchers working on ICT solutions for governance and policy modeling. In turn, the aim of this community was to advance and sustain research and to share the insights gleaned from experiences in Europe and globally. To achieve this, eGovPo- liNet established a dialogue, brought together experts from distinct disciplines, and collected and analyzed knowledge assets (i.e., theories, concepts, solutions, findings, and lessons on ICT solutions in the field) from different research disciplines. It built on case material accumulated by leading actors coming from distinct disciplinary backgrounds and brought together the innovative knowledge in the field. Tools, meth- ods, and cases were drawn from the academic community, the ICT sector, specialized policy consulting firms as well as from policymakers and governance experts. These results were assembled in a knowledge base and analyzed in order to produce com- parative analyses and descriptions of cases, tools, and scientific approaches to enrich a common knowledge base accessible via www.policy- community.eu. This book, entitled “Policy Practice and Digital Science— Integrating Complex Systems, Social Simulation, and Public Administration in Policy Research,” is one of the exciting results of the activities of eGovPoliNet—fusing community building activities and activities of knowledge analysis. It documents findings of comparative analyses and brings in experiences of experts from academia
  • 8. and from case descrip- tions from all over the globe. Specifically, it demonstrates how the explosive growth in data, computational power, and social media creates new opportunities for policy- making and research. The book provides a first comprehensive look on how to take advantage of the development in the digital world with new approaches, concepts, instruments, and methods to deal with societal and computational complexity. This requires the knowledge traditionally found in different disciplines including public administration, policy analyses, information systems, complex systems, and com- puter science to work together in a multidisciplinary fashion and to share approaches. This book provides the foundation for strongly multidisciplinary research, in which the various developments and disciplines work together from a comprehensive and holistic policymaking perspective. A wide range of aspects for social and professional networking and multidisciplinary constituency building along the axes of technol- ogy, participative processes, governance, policy modeling, social simulation, and visualization are tackled in the 19 papers. With this book, the project makes an effective contribution to the overall objec- tives of the Europe 2020 strategy by providing a better understanding of different approaches to ICT enabled governance and policy modeling, and by overcoming the fragmented research of the past. This book provides impressive
  • 9. insights into various theories, concepts, and solutions of ICT supported policy modeling and how stake- holders can be more actively engaged in public policymaking. It draws conclusions 2 eGovPoliNet is cofunded under FP 7, Call identifier FP7-ICT- 2011-7, URL: www.policy- community.eu [email protected] Preface vii of how joint multidisciplinary research can bring more effective and resilient find- ings for better predicting dramatic changes and negative trends in our economies and societies. It is my great pleasure to provide the preface to the book resulting from the eGovPoliNet project. This book presents stimulating research by researchers coming from all over Europe and beyond. Congratulations to the project partners and to the authors!—Enjoy reading! Thanassis Chrissafis Project officer of eGovPoliNet European Commission DG CNECT, Excellence in Science, Digital Science [email protected]
  • 10. Contents 1 Introduction to Policy-Making in the Digital Age . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Marijn Janssen and Maria A. Wimmer 2 Educating Public Managers and Policy Analysts in an Era of Informatics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 Christopher Koliba and Asim Zia 3 The Quality of Social Simulation: An Example from Research Policy Modelling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 Petra Ahrweiler and Nigel Gilbert 4 Policy Making and Modelling in a Complex World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 Wander Jager and Bruce Edmonds 5 From Building a Model to Adaptive Robust Decision Making Using Systems Modeling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 Erik Pruyt 6 Features and Added Value of Simulation Models Using Different Modelling Approaches Supporting Policy-Making: A Comparative Analysis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95 Dragana Majstorovic, Maria A.Wimmer, Roy Lay-Yee, Peter Davis
  • 11. and Petra Ahrweiler 7 A Comparative Analysis of Tools and Technologies for Policy Making . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 Eleni Kamateri, Eleni Panopoulou, Efthimios Tambouris, Konstantinos Tarabanis, Adegboyega Ojo, Deirdre Lee and David Price 8 Value Sensitive Design of Complex Product Systems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157 Andreas Ligtvoet, Geerten van de Kaa, Theo Fens, Cees van Beers, Paulier Herder and Jeroen van den Hoven ix [email protected] x Contents 9 Stakeholder Engagement in Policy Development: Observations and Lessons from International Experience . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177 Natalie Helbig, Sharon Dawes, Zamira Dzhusupova, Bram Klievink and Catherine Gerald Mkude 10 Values in Computational Models Revalued . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205 Rebecca Moody and Lasse Gerrits 11 The Psychological Drivers of Bureaucracy: Protecting the Societal Goals of an Organization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
  • 12. . . . . . . . . . 221 Tjeerd C. Andringa 12 Active and Passive Crowdsourcing in Government . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261 Euripidis Loukis and Yannis Charalabidis 13 Management of Complex Systems: Toward Agent-Based Gaming for Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 291 Wander Jager and Gerben van der Vegt 14 The Role of Microsimulation in the Development of Public Policy . . . 305 Roy Lay-Yee and Gerry Cotterell 15 Visual Decision Support for Policy Making: Advancing Policy Analysis with Visualization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 321 Tobias Ruppert, Jens Dambruch, Michel Krämer, Tina Balke, Marco Gavanelli, Stefano Bragaglia, Federico Chesani, Michela Milano and Jörn Kohlhammer 16 Analysis of Five Policy Cases in the Field of Energy Policy . . . . . . . . . 355 Dominik Bär, Maria A.Wimmer, Jozef Glova, Anastasia Papazafeiropoulou and Laurence Brooks 17 Challenges to Policy-Making in Developing Countries and the Roles of Emerging Tools, Methods and Instruments: Experiences from Saint Petersburg . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 379 Dmitrii Trutnev, Lyudmila Vidyasova and Andrei Chugunov
  • 13. 18 Sustainable Urban Development, Governance and Policy: A Comparative Overview of EU Policies and Projects . . . . . . . . . . . . . 393 Diego Navarra and Simona Milio 19 eParticipation, Simulation Exercise and Leadership Training in Nigeria: Bridging the Digital Divide . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 417 Tanko Ahmed [email protected] Contributors Tanko Ahmed National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS), Jos, Nigeria Petra Ahrweiler EA European Academy of Technology and Innovation Assess- ment GmbH, Bad Neuenahr-Ahrweiler, Germany Tjeerd C. Andringa University College Groningen, Institute of Artificial In- telligence and Cognitive Engineering (ALICE), University of Groningen, AB, Groningen, the Netherlands Tina Balke University of Surrey, Surrey, UK Dominik Bär University of Koblenz-Landau, Koblenz, Germany Cees van Beers Faculty of Technology, Policy, and
  • 14. Management, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands Stefano Bragaglia University of Bologna, Bologna, Italy Laurence Brooks Brunel University, Uxbridge, UK Yannis Charalabidis University of the Aegean, Samos, Greece Federico Chesani University of Bologna, Bologna, Italy Andrei Chugunov ITMO University, St. Petersburg, Russia Gerry Cotterell Centre of Methods and Policy Application in the Social Sciences (COMPASS Research Centre), University of Auckland, Auckland, New Zealand Jens Dambruch Fraunhofer Institute for Computer Graphics Research, Darmstadt, Germany Peter Davis Centre of Methods and Policy Application in the Social Sciences (COMPASS Research Centre), University of Auckland, Auckland, New Zealand Sharon Dawes Center for Technology in Government, University at Albany, Albany, New York, USA xi [email protected]
  • 15. xii Contributors Zamira Dzhusupova Department of Public Administration and Development Man- agement, United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA), NewYork, USA Bruce Edmonds Manchester Metropolitan University, Manchester, UK Theo Fens Faculty of Technology, Policy, and Management, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands Marco Gavanelli University of Ferrara, Ferrara, Italy Lasse Gerrits Department of Public Administration, Erasmus University Rotterdam, Rotterdam, The Netherlands Nigel Gilbert University of Surrey, Guildford, UK Jozef Glova Technical University Kosice, Kosice, Slovakia Natalie Helbig Center for Technology in Government, University at Albany, Albany, New York, USA Paulier Herder Faculty of Technology, Policy, and Management, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands Jeroen van den Hoven Faculty of Technology, Policy, and Management, Delft
  • 16. University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands Wander Jager Groningen Center of Social Complexity Studies, University of Groningen, Groningen, The Netherlands Marijn Janssen Faculty of Technology, Policy, and Management, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands Geerten van de Kaa Faculty of Technology, Policy, and Management, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands Eleni Kamateri Information Technologies Institute, Centre for Research & Technology—Hellas, Thessaloniki, Greece Bram Klievink Faculty of Technology, Policy and Management, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands Jörn Kohlhammer GRIS, TU Darmstadt & Fraunhofer IGD, Darmstadt, Germany Christopher Koliba University of Vermont, Burlington, VT, USA Michel Krämer Fraunhofer Institute for Computer Graphics Research, Darmstadt, Germany Roy Lay-Yee Centre of Methods and Policy Application in the Social Sciences (COMPASS Research Centre), University of Auckland, Auckland, New Zealand
  • 17. Deirdre Lee INSIGHT Centre for Data Analytics, NUIG, Galway, Ireland [email protected] Contributors xiii Andreas Ligtvoet Faculty of Technology, Policy, and Management, Delft Univer- sity of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands Euripidis Loukis University of the Aegean, Samos, Greece Dragana Majstorovic University of Koblenz-Landau, Koblenz, Germany Michela Milano University of Bologna, Bologna, Italy Simona Milio London School of Economics, Houghton Street, London, UK Catherine Gerald Mkude Institute for IS Research, University of Koblenz-Landau, Koblenz, Germany Rebecca Moody Department of Public Administration, Erasmus University Rotterdam, Rotterdam, The Netherlands Diego Navarra Studio Navarra, London, UK Adegboyega Ojo INSIGHT Centre for Data Analytics, NUIG, Galway, Ireland
  • 18. Eleni Panopoulou Information Technologies Institute, Centre for Research & Technology—Hellas, Thessaloniki, Greece Anastasia Papazafeiropoulou Brunel University, Uxbridge, UK David Price Thoughtgraph Ltd, Somerset, UK Erik Pruyt Faculty of Technology, Policy, and Management, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands; Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study, Wassenaar, The Netherlands Tobias Ruppert Fraunhofer Institute for Computer Graphics Research, Darmstadt, Germany Efthimios Tambouris Information Technologies Institute, Centre for Research & Technology—Hellas, Thessaloniki, Greece; University of Macedonia, Thessaloniki, Greece Konstantinos Tarabanis Information Technologies Institute, Centre for Research & Technology—Hellas, Thessaloniki, Greece; University of Macedonia, Thessa- loniki, Greece Dmitrii Trutnev ITMO University, St. Petersburg, Russia Gerben van der Vegt Faculty of Economics and Business, University of Groningen, Groningen, The Netherlands
  • 19. Lyudmila Vidyasova ITMO University, St. Petersburg, Russia Maria A. Wimmer University of Koblenz-Landau, Koblenz, Germany Asim Zia University of Vermont, Burlington, VT, USA [email protected] Chapter 1 Introduction to Policy-Making in the Digital Age Marijn Janssen and Maria A. Wimmer We are running the 21st century using 20th century systems on top of 19th century political structures. . . . John Pollock, contributing editor MIT technology review Abstract The explosive growth in data, computational power, and social media creates new opportunities for innovating governance and policy- making. These in- formation and communications technology (ICT) developments affect all parts of the policy-making cycle and result in drastic changes in the way policies are devel- oped. To take advantage of these developments in the digital world, new approaches, concepts, instruments, and methods are needed, which are able to deal with so- cietal complexity and uncertainty. This field of research is sometimes depicted as e-government policy, e-policy, policy informatics, or data
  • 20. science. Advancing our knowledge demands that different scientific communities collaborate to create practice-driven knowledge. For policy-making in the digital age disciplines such as complex systems, social simulation, and public administration need to be combined. 1.1 Introduction Policy-making and its subsequent implementation is necessary to deal with societal problems. Policy interventions can be costly, have long-term implications, affect groups of citizens or even the whole country and cannot be easily undone or are even irreversible. New information and communications technology (ICT) and models can help to improve the quality of policy-makers. In particular, the explosive growth in data, computational power, and social media creates new opportunities for in- novating the processes and solutions of ICT-based policy- making and research. To M. Janssen (�) Faculty of Technology, Policy, and Management, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands e-mail: [email protected] M. A. Wimmer University of Koblenz-Landau, Koblenz, Germany © Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2015 1 M. Janssen et al. (eds.), Policy Practice and Digital Science, Public Administration and Information Technology 10, DOI
  • 21. 10.1007/978-3-319-12784-2_1 [email protected] 2 M. Janssen and M. A. Wimmer take advantage of these developments in the digital world, new approaches, con- cepts, instruments, and methods are needed, which are able to deal with societal and computational complexity. This requires the use of knowledge which is traditionally found in different disciplines, including (but not limited to) public administration, policy analyses, information systems, complex systems, and computer science. All these knowledge areas are needed for policy-making in the digital age. The aim of this book is to provide a foundation for this new interdisciplinary field in which various traditional disciplines are blended. Both policy-makers and those in charge of policy implementations acknowledge that ICT is becoming more and more important and is changing the policy-making process, resulting in a next generation policy-making based on ICT support. The field of policy-making is changing driven by developments such as open data, computa- tional methods for processing data, opinion mining, simulation, and visualization of rich data sets, all combined with public engagement, social media, and participatory
  • 22. tools. In this respect Web 2.0 and even Web 3.0 point to the specific applications of social networks and semantically enriched and linked data which are important for policy-making. In policy-making vast amount of data are used for making predictions and forecasts. This should result in improving the outcomes of policy-making. Policy-making is confronted with an increasing complexity and uncertainty of the outcomes which results in a need for developing policy models that are able to deal with this. To improve the validity of the models policy-makers are harvesting data to generate evidence. Furthermore, they are improving their models to capture complex phenomena and dealing with uncertainty and limited and incomplete information. Despite all these efforts, there remains often uncertainty concerning the outcomes of policy interventions. Given the uncertainty, often multiple scenarios are developed to show alternative outcomes and impact. A condition for this is the visualization of policy alternatives and its impact. Visualization can ensure involvement of nonexpert and to communicate alternatives. Furthermore, games can be used to let people gain insight in what can happen, given a certain scenario. Games allow persons to interact and to experience what happens in the future based on their interventions. Policy-makers are often faced with conflicting solutions to complex problems,
  • 23. thus making it necessary for them to test out their assumptions, interventions, and resolutions. For this reason policy-making organizations introduce platforms facili- tating policy-making and citizens engagements and enabling the processing of large volumes of data. There are various participative platforms developed by government agencies (e.g., De Reuver et al. 2013; Slaviero et al. 2010; Welch 2012). Platforms can be viewed as a kind of regulated environment that enable developers, users, and others to interact with each other, share data, services, and applications, enable gov- ernments to more easily monitor what is happening and facilitate the development of innovative solutions (Janssen and Estevez 2013). Platforms should provide not only support for complex policy deliberations with citizens but should also bring to- gether policy-modelers, developers, policy-makers, and other stakeholders involved in policy-making. In this way platforms provide an information- rich, interactive [email protected] 1 Introduction to Policy-Making in the Digital Age 3 environment that brings together relevant stakeholders and in which complex phe- nomena can be modeled, simulated, visualized, discussed, and even the playing of games can be facilitated.
  • 24. 1.2 Complexity and Uncertainty in Policy-Making Policy-making is driven by the need to solve societal problems and should result in interventions to solve these societal problems. Examples of societal problems are unemployment, pollution, water quality, safety, criminality, well-being, health, and immigration. Policy-making is an ongoing process in which issues are recognized as a problem, alternative courses of actions are formulated, policies are affected, implemented, executed, and evaluated (Stewart et al. 2007). Figure 1.1 shows the typical stages of policy formulation, implementation, execution, enforcement, and evaluation. This process should not be viewed as linear as many interactions are necessary as well as interactions with all kind of stakeholders. In policy-making processes a vast amount of stakeholders are always involved, which makes policy- making complex. Once a societal need is identified, a policy has to be formulated. Politicians, members of parliament, executive branches, courts, and interest groups may be involved in these formulations. Often contradictory proposals are made, and the impact of a proposal is difficult to determine as data is missing, models cannot citizen s
  • 26. 4 M. Janssen and M. A. Wimmer capture the complexity, and the results of policy models are difficult to interpret and even might be interpreted in an opposing way. This is further complicated as some proposals might be good but cannot be implemented or are too costly to implement. There is a large uncertainty concerning the outcomes. Policy implementation is done by organizations other than those that formulated the policy. They often have to interpret the policy and have to make implemen- tation decisions. Sometimes IT can block quick implementation as systems have to be changed. Although policy-making is the domain of the government, private organizations can be involved to some extent, in particular in the execution of policies. Once all things are ready and decisions are made, policies need to be executed. During the execution small changes are typically made to fine tune the policy formu- lation, implementation decisions might be more difficult to realize, policies might bring other benefits than intended, execution costs might be higher and so on. Typ- ically, execution is continually changing. Evaluation is part of the policy-making process as it is necessary to ensure that the policy-execution solved the initial so-
  • 27. cietal problem. Policies might become obsolete, might not work, have unintended affects (like creating bureaucracy) or might lose its support among elected officials, or other alternatives might pop up that are better. Policy-making is a complex process in which many stakeholders play a role. In the various phases of policy-making different actors are dominant and play a role. Figure 1.1 shows only some actors that might be involved, and many of them are not included in this figure. The involvement of so many actors results in fragmentation and often actors are even not aware of the decisions made by other actors. This makes it difficult to manage a policy-making process as each actor has other goals and might be self-interested. Public values (PVs) are a way to try to manage complexity and give some guidance. Most policies are made to adhere to certain values. Public value management (PVM) represents the paradigm of achieving PVs as being the primary objective (Stoker 2006). PVM refers to the continuous assessment of the actions performed by public officials to ensure that these actions result in the creation of PV (Moore 1995). Public servants are not only responsible for following the right procedure, but they also have to ensure that PVs are realized. For example, civil servants should ensure that garbage is collected. The procedure that one a week garbage is collected is secondary. If it is
  • 28. necessary to collect garbage more (or less) frequently to ensure a healthy environment then this should be done. The role of managers is not only to ensure that procedures are followed but they should be custodians of public assets and maximize a PV. There exist a wide variety of PVs (Jørgensen and Bozeman 2007). PVs can be long-lasting or might be driven by contemporary politics. For example, equal access is a typical long-lasting value, whereas providing support for students at universities is contemporary, as politicians might give more, less, or no support to students. PVs differ over times, but also the emphasis on values is different in the policy-making cycle as shown in Fig. 1.2. In this figure some of the values presented by Jørgensen and Bozeman (2007) are mapped onto the four policy-making stages. Dependent on the problem at hand other values might play a role that is not included in this figure. [email protected] 1 Introduction to Policy-Making in the Digital Age 5 Policy formulation Policy implementation
  • 29. Policy execution Policy enforcement and evaluation efficiency efficiency accountability transparancy responsiveness public interest will of the people listening citizen involvement evidence-based protection of individual rights accountability transparancy evidence-based
  • 30. equal access balancing of interests robust honesty fair timelessness reliable flexible fair Fig. 1.2 Public values in the policy cycle Policy is often formulated by politicians in consultation with experts. In the PVM paradigm, public administrations aim at creating PVs for society and citizens. This suggests a shift from talking about what citizens expect in creating a PV. In this view public officials should focus on collaborating and creating a dialogue with citizens in order to determine what constitutes a PV. 1.3 Developments There is an …
  • 31. al Rhythm: Race, Sex, and t Great variety and quick transi- tions from one measure or tone to another are contrary to the genius of the beautiful in music. Such transitions often excite mirth, or other sudden and tumultuous passions; but not that sinking, that melting, that languor, which is the characteristical effect of the beautiful, as it regards every sense. Edmund Burke The Red Hot Chil! Peppers are putting the three most important letters back into FUNK, taking the piss out of the
  • 32. idiots who forgot what it was for in the first place and are being censored left, right and centre because of it. "From our viewpoint it's impossible to ignore the correlation between music and sex because, being so incredibly rhythmic as it is. It's very deeply corre- lated to sex and the rhythm of sex, and the rhythm of your heart pounding and intercourse motions and just the way it makes you feel when you hear it. We try to make our music give you an erection." Melody Maker Everyone seems agreed, the music's lovers and leathers alike, that rock and roll means sex; everyone assumes that this meaning comes with the beat. I don't, and in.this chapter I suggest mat if rock does sometimes mean sex it is for sociological, not musicological reasons. (And besides, as the Red Hot Chili Peppers' casual male chauvinism makes clear, in this context sex is
  • 33. an essentially sociological sort of thing, anyway.) Deliberately misreading the Chili's point, then, I will start this chapter with the concept of fun. "Fun" can only be defined against something else, in contrast to the "serious" and the "respectable," and in musical discourses the opposition of "serious" and "fun" sounds (the aesthetic versus the hedonistic) involves both a moral-cum-artistic judgment and a distinction between a mental and a physical response. In classical music criticism, "fun" thus describes concerts which are not the real thing—benefit or charity shows, the Last Night of the Proms; the critical tone is a kind of forced, condescending bonhomie: "it was just a bit of fun!" In pop criticism "art" and "fun" define each other in a running dialectic—if 1970s progressive rockers dismissed first Motown and then disco as "only" entertainment, 1980s progressive popsters saw off rock's pretensions with the tee-shirt slogan "Fuck Art, Let's Dance!"3 As I noted in Chapter 2, the equation of the serious with the mind and fun with the body was an aspect of the way in which high culture was established in Europe and the United States in the nineteenth century. John
  • 34. Kassan quotes Mark Twain's description of the audience "at the shrine of St. Wagner" in Bayreuth: , Absolute attention and petrified retention to the end of an act of the attitude assumed at the beginning of it. You detect no movement in the solid mass of heads and shoulders. You seem to sit with the dead in the gloom of a tomb. You know that they are being stirred to their profoundest depths; that there are times when they want to rise and wave handkerchiefs and shout their approbation, and times when tears are running down their faces, and it would be a relief to free their pent, emotions in sobs or screams; yet you hear not one utter- ance till the curtain swings together and the closing strains have slowly faded out and died.4 Twain then watched the audience burst into "thunderous applause" Other observers, more ideologically correct Wagnerians, claimed that even after the performance there was just intense silence. Such complete physical ' control—or mental transportation?—did not become a classical concert con- vention (orchestras would be dismayed to get no applause at the end of a show), but the denial of any bodily response while the music plays is now
  • 35. taken for granted. A good classical performance is therefore measured by the stillness it commands, by the intensity of the audience's mental concentration, by the lack of any physical distraction, any coughs or shuffles. And it is equally important, as we have seen, to disguise the physical effort that goes into classical music-making—-Wagner kept the orchestra hidden at Bayreuth, and "from early in his career ridiculed those who enjoyed 'looking at the music instead of listening to it,"'5 A good rock concert, by contrast, is measured by the audience's physical response, by how quickly people get out of their seats, onto the dance floor, by how loudly they shout and scream. And rock performers are expected to revel in their own physicality too, to strain and sweat and collapse with tiredness. Rock stage clothes (like sports clothes) are designed to show the musician's body as instrumental (as well as sexual), and not for nothing does a performer like Bruce Springsteen end a show huddled with his band, as if he'd just won the Super Bowl. Rock acts conceal not the physical but the technological sources of their sounds; rock audiences remain uneasy about musical instruments that appear to require no effort to be played.
  • 36. The key point here, though, is that the musical mind/body split does not just mark off classical from rock concert conventions; it also operates within the popular music domain. When rock (or jazz) acts move into seated concert halls, for example, it is often to register that the music is now "serious," should now be appreciated quietly. (I sometimes suspect that it is at such sit-down shows—for Leonard Cohen, say, or the Cure, or P. J. Harvey— that one best gets a sense of what the mid-nineteenth century battles over classical concert behavior were like, as the listening and the dancing sections of the crowd get equally annoyed with each other, and as the attendants struggle to keep everyone seated.) The underlying contrast here between listening with the mind and listening with the body is well captured by photography: the classical audience rapt, the rock audience abandoned; both sorts of listener oblivious to their neighbors, both with eyes shut and bodies open, but the classical listener obviously quite still, the rock listener held in the throes of movement.6 The question that interests me in this chapter, then, is how the musical mind/body split works. Why is some music heard as physical (fun), other music as cerebral (serious)? Is there nothing of the mind in the former?
  • 37. Nothing of the body in the latter? And in approaching these questions the first point to make is that just as "sin" is defined by the virtuous (or would-be virtuous), so fun (or music-for-the-body) is, in ideological practice, defined in contrast to serious music, music-for-the-mind. The Red Hot Chili Peppers' crude equation of musical pleasure, rhythm, and sex derives, in short, from a high cultural argument. The musical equation "of aesthetic/mind and hedonistic/ body is one , effect of the mental/manual division of labor built into the Industrial Revo- lution, and into the consequent organization of education.7 In the mid- nineteenth century this was mapped onto the original Romantic dichotomy between feeling and reason: feelings were now taken (as at Bayreuth) to be best expressed spiritually and mentally, in silent contemplation of great art or great music. Bodily responses became, by definition, mind- less. ."The .brain," wrote Frank Howes in the British Journal of Aesthetics in 1962, is associated with art music; "brainlessness" with pop. Popular music, agreed Peter Stadler, is music requiring "a minimum of brain activity."8 For Stadler, this isn't necessarily to devalue popular music, which (thanks
  • 38. to its rhythms) may well be sexy and humorous; jazz, in particular, he suggests, gives us direct access to bodily sensation; it is not a music that has to be interpreted, it is not a music that has to be thought about.9 A decade later Raymond Durgnat celebrated rock in much the same way, as a music which in its use of rhythm was immediately, gloriously, sensual.10 The meaning of-popular music is being explained here by intellectuals who value (or abhor) it because it offers them a different experience from art music. A telling example of such a celebration of otherness carj be found in Guy Scarpetta's description of going with friends from the French art and music magazine Art-Press to see Johnny Halliday, the rock 'n' roll singer, perform in Nice. For these self-conscious intellectuals, the "flagrant" pleasure of the show began with the opportunity to slough off their class distinction, to identify with their generation, but what most struck these young men about this particular experience of "encanaillement" (or slumming) was the corporal presence of the music. Scarpetta heard in rock "une intensite or- ganique, une force pulsionelle," saw in Halliday "une fantasmatique directe- ment sexuelle." This was not something on offer from the
  • 39. essentially "conceptuel" Parisian avant-garde of the time—Halliday's performance was "fun," in short, because it stressed the physical pleasure of music in ways repressed elsewhere; for Scarpetta and his friends it articulated something otherwise forbidden.11 Two points emerge from this passage. First, it describes a musical expe- rience which can only be understood in high cultural terms (it tells us nothing of what Halliday's low-class fans made of his music). The organization of high culture in terms of bourgeois respectability has meant, inevitably, the identification of low culture with the unrespectable (and obviously, in insti- tutional terms, while high art took its nineteenth-century place in the secular temples of gallery, museum, and concert hall, low music continued to be associated with the bodily pleasures of the bar and the brothel).12 By the beginning of this century, in other words, low music was both a real and a fantasy site for casting off bourgeois inhibitions. The second point here concerns race. In 1922, forty years before Johnny Halliday's Nice concert, another French avant-garde intellectual, Darius Mil- haud, was taken by a friend to a Harlem "which had not yet
  • 40. been discovered by the snobs and the aesthetes." As Bernard Gendron explains, "in a club in which 'they were the only white folks' he encountered a music that was 'absolutely different from anything [he] had ever heard before.'" This surprising experience moved him from an exclusively formalist and experimentalist preoccupation with jazz to one tempered by a strong interest in its lyricism and primitivism. Such "authentic mu- sic," he was sure, had "its roots in the darkest corner of negro soul, the vestigial traces of Africa." It is in this "primitive African side," this "savage" "African character," "still profoundly anchored" in black North American music, "that we find the source of this formidable rhythmic, as well as of such expressive melodies, which are endowed with a lyricism which only oppressed races can produce." Milhaud starkly contrasted the archaic lyricism of negro blues with the hyper-modernity, worldliness (la mondanite), and mechanical- ness, of white jazz.13 There is, indeed, a long history in Romanticism of defining
  • 41. black culture, specifically African culture, as the body, the other of the bourgeois mind. Such a contrast is derived from the Romantic opposition of nature and culture: the primitive or pre-civilized can thus be held up against thf sophis- ticated or over-civilized—one strand of the Romantic argument was that primitive people were innocent people, uncorrupted by culture, still close to a human "essence."14 It's important to understand how this argument works, because it lies at the heart of claims about rock, rhythm, and sex. The logic here is not that African music (and African-derived musics) are more "physical," more "di- rectly" sexual than European and European-derived musics. Rather, the ar- gument is that because "the African" is more primitive, more "natural" than the European, then African music must be more directly in touch with the body, with unsymbolized and unmediated sensual states and expectations. And given that African musics are most obviously different from European musics in their uses of rhythm, then rhythm must be how the primitive, the sexual, is expressed. The cultural ideology produces the way of hearing the music, in short; it is not the music which gives rise to the
  • 42. ideology. Or, as Marianna Torgovnick puts it, "within Western culture, the idiom 'going primitive' is in fact congruent in many ways with the idiom 'getting physi- cal.'"15 I can best illustrate this argument by quotation: the histories of both jazz and rock 'n' roll are littered with such racist readings. The Bloomsbury art critic Clive Bell, for example, complained in the New Republic in 1921 about the people "who sat drinking their cocktails and listening to nigger b a n d s . . . Niggers can be admired artists without any gift more singular than high spirits: so why drag in the intellect?" For Bell, as D. L. LeMahieu notes, jazz represented a rebellion not only of "the lower instincts," but of "an inferior race" against European "civilization."16 In France after World War I, wrote the ethnographer Michel Leiris, a newly adult generation ("the generation that made Josephine Baker a star") colluded in "an abandonment to the animal joy of experiencing the influence of a modern rhythm . . . In jazz, too, came the first public appearances of Negroes, the manifestation and the myth of black Edens which
  • 43. were to lead me to Africa and, beyond Africa, to ethnography."17 In the United States, as Lawrence Levine writes, "jazz was seen by many contemporaries as a cultural form independent of a number of the basic central beliefs of bourgeois society, free of its repressions, in rebellion against many of its grosser stereo- types. Jazz became associated with what [Aaron] Esman has called the Vital libidinal impulses . . . precisely the id drives that the surperego of the bour- geois culture sought to repress.'" Young white musicians were attracted by jazz because it seemed to promise cultural as well as musical freedom; it gave them live opportunity "to be and express themselves, the sense of being natural"™ ' Ted Gioia has shown how these strands of white thought about black music—as instinctive, as free—became entangled in jazz criticism. The French intellectual ideology of the primitive, the myth of the noble savage, meant that jazz was heard as a "music charged with emotion but largely devoid of intellectual content," while the jazz musician was taken to be an "inarticulate and unsophisticated practitioner of an art which he himself scarcely understands." (As late as 1938 Winthrop Sergeant could write that "those who create [jazz] are the ones who know the least about
  • 44. its abstract structure. The Negro, like all folk musicians, expresses himself intuitively.") At the same time, young white musicians (and fans) had their own reasons for asserting that jazz was quite different from art music: "cerebral" became a term of jazz critical abuse ("energy" the contrasting term of praise). Robert O'Meally notes that John Hammond, for example, objected to Billie Holiday's work after "Strange Fruif'.as "too arty." Holiday herself "felt that she had finally begun to discover herself as a singer."19 Gioia notes that the underlying body/mind split here—the supposed opposition of "inspired spontaneous creativity" and "cold inlellectualism"— makes no sense of what jazz musicians do at all. All music- making is about the inind-in-the-body; the "immediacy" of improvisation no more makes unscd'red music "mindless" than the immediacy of talking makes unscripted speech somehow without thought. Whatever the differences between African- and European-derived musics, they cannot be explained in terms of African (or African-American) musicians' lack of formal training, their ignorance of technical issues, their simple "intuition" (any more than what European musicians do can really be described as non-physical). The matrix of race, rhythm, and sex through which white critics
  • 45. and fans made ideological sense of jazz was just as important for the interpretation of rock 'n' roll. As Charles Shaar Murray writes in his illuminating study of Jimi Hendrix: -" The "cultural dowry" Jimi Hendrix brought with him into the pop market-place included not only his immense talent and the years of experience acquired in a particularly hard school of show business, but the accumulated weight of the fantasies and mythologies con- structed around black music and black people by whites, hipsters and reactionaries alike. Both shared one common article of faith: that black people represent the personification of the untrammelled id—intrinsically wild, sensual, dangerous, "untamed" in every sense of the word.20 And Linda Martin and Kerry Seagrove's study of "the opposition to rock 'n' roll" shows how appalled 1950s observers automatically equated the rhythm of rock 'n' roll with savagery of various sorts, whether they were moralists like the Bishop of Woolwich ("the hypnotic rhythm and wild gestures in [Rock Around the Clock] had a maddening effect on a rhythm-loving age group"), high musicians like Sir Malcolm Sergeant ("nothing more than
  • 46. an exhibition of primitive tom-tom thumping ... rock 'n' roll has been played in the jungle for centuries") or Herbert von Karajan ("strange things happen in the blood- stream when a musical resonance coincides with the beat of the human pulse"), or psychologists like Dr. Francis J. Braceland, director of the Institute of Living, who explained that rock 'n' roll was both "cannibalistic and tribal- istic." The various strands of the argument were brought together in an editorial in the academic Music Journal in February 1958. Adolescents were, it seemed, "definitely influenced in their lawlessness by this throwback to jungle rhythms. Either it actually stirs them to orgies of sex and violence (as its model did for the savages themselves), or they use it as an excuse for the removal of all inhibitions and the complete disregard of the conventions of decency."21 The academic witnesses who lined up against rock 'n' roll (historians and anthropologists, psychologists and music analysts) conflated a number of different arguments about rhythm and the primitive. "Experts Propose Study of 'Craze,'" ran a rock 'n' roll headline in the New York Times on February 23, 1957, "Liken It to Medieval Lunacy, 'Contagious Dance Furies' and Bite of Tarantula." A Dr. Joost A. M. Meerlo, Associate in
  • 47. Psychiatry at Columbia University, explained that, as in the late fourteenth century, there was now a "contagious epidemic of dance fury." He himself had observed young people moved by a juke box to dance themselves "more and more into a prehistoric rhythmic trance until it had gone far beyond all the accepted versions of human dancing." Why are rhythmical sounds and motions so especially contagious? A rhythmical call to the crowd easily foments mass ecstasy: "Duce! Ducel Duce!" The call repeats itself into the infinite and liberates the mind of all reasonable inhibitions . . . as in drug addiction, a thou- sand years of civilization fall away in a moment . . . Rock 'n' roll is a sign'pf depersonalization of the individual, of ecstatic veneration of mental decline and passivity. If we cannot stem the tide with its waves of rhythmic narcosis . . . we are preparing our own downfall in the midst of pandemic funeral dances. The dance craze is the infantile rage and outlet of our actual world.22 The primitive in music (rhythm), the primitive in social evolution (the medieval, the African), and the primitive in human development (the infan- tile) are thus reflections of each other. In the words of the
  • 48. psychoanalyst Heinz Kohut, "the rocking of disturbed children and of schizophrenics, and the ecstatic rites of primitive tribes" are thus equally examples of the "regres- sive" function of rhythm. From a psychoanalytic perspective, people's pleasure in music is clearly "a catharsis of primitive sexual tension under cover." Under cover, that is to say, of melody and harmony. "The weaker the aesthetic disguise of such rhythmic experiences," the less "artistic" the music.23 Eric Lott suggests that in the United States, at least, what may be at issue here in terms of racial ideology is not so much the infantile as "the state of arrested adolescence . . . to which dominant codes of masculinity aspire . . . These common white associations of black maleness with the onset of pu- bescent sexuality indicate that the assumption of dominant codes of mascu- linity in the United States was (and still is) partly negotiated through an imaginary black interlocutor."24 And if "black culture in the guise of an attractive masculinity" was "the stock in trade of the exchange so central to minstrelsy," it was equally essential for the use value of rock 'n' roll. As Bernard Gendron has argued, "the claim that rock and roll brought real sexuality to popular music is usually under-
  • 49. stood to be related to the claim that it brought real blackness," and from this perspective it certainly does seem "reasonable to place [Jerry Lee] Lewis's 'Whole Lotta Shakin' in the tradition of black-faced minstrelsy." "If 'Whole Lotta Shakin' was to succeed in advertising itself as white-boy- wildly-sings- black, it had to do so quickly and simply. The result had to be a coarsely outlined cartoon of what it means to sing black. That is, the result had to be a caricature."25 The racism endemic to rock 'n' roll, in other words, was not that white musicians stole from black culture but that they burlesqued it. The issue is not how "raw" and "earthy" and "authentic" African-American sounds were "diluted" or "whitened" for mass consumption, but the opposite process: how gospel and r&b and doo-wop were blacked-up. Thanks to rock 'n' roll, black performers now reached a white audience, but only if they met "the tests of 'blackness'—that they embody sensuality, spontaneity, and gritty soulful- ness." 26 As Gendron writes: The black pioneers of rock and roll were also driven to produce caricatures of singing-black. Chuck Berry, Little Richard, and Ray Charles . . . quite radically changed their styles as their audience
  • 50. shifted from predominantly black to largely white. Though all three began their careers by singing the blues in a rather sedate manner (at least by rock and roll standards), they later accelerated their singing speed, resorted to raspy-voiced shrieks and cries, and dressed up their stage acts with manic piano-pounding or guitar acrobatics. According to rock and roll mythology, they went from singing less black (like Nat King Cole or the Mills Brothers) to singing more black. In my judgement it would be better to say that they adopted a more caricaturized version of singing black wildly, thus paving the way for soul music and the British invasion.27 The problem of rock and roll arguments about rhythm and sex (the arguments still made by bands like the Red Hot Chili Peppers) is not just their racist starting point, but also their confusion about what's meant by rhythm, by musical rhythm in particular. The assumption that a musical "beat" is equivalent to a bodily beat (the heartbeat, the .pulse) doesn't stand up to much examination (why isn't musical regularity compared to mechani- cal repetition—neither metronomes nor clocks are thought to rouse their listeners to a frenzy). There is equally little evidence that Western readings of African rhythmic
  • 51. patterns as "sexual" have anything at all to do with their actual use, musical or otherwise. As John Miller Chernoff points out, "African music and dance are not performed as an unrestrained emotional expression." They are, rather, ways of realizing aesthetic and ethical structures. "Ecstatic" is, in fact, the most inappropriate adjective to apply to African music: "The feelings the music brings may be exhilarating but not overpowering, intense but not frenzied. Ecstasy as we see it would imply for most Africans a separation from all that is good and beautiful, and generally, in fact, any such loss of control is viewed by them as tasteless, ridiculous, or even sinful."28 In her study of African oral poetry, Ruth Finnegan notes similarly that "cultural factors help to determine what is appreciated as 'rhythmic' in any given group or period: it is not purely physical." If some oral poetry is bound up with a regular physical action (as in a work song), nevertheless "the rhythmic movements are accepted by current convention rather than dictated by universal physiological or material requirements." As Maurice Halbwachs
  • 52. once put it, "Rhythm does not exist in nature; it, too, is a result of living in society."29 - The point here seems so obvious that it's surprising that it still has to be made: musical rhythm is as much a mental as a physical matter; deciding when to play a note is as much a matter of thought as deciding what note to play (and, in practice, such decisions are anyway not separable).30 In analyzing the differences between African and European musics, then, we can't start from a distinction between body and mind; that distinction, while now an important aspect of musical meaning, is ideological, not musicological. What are the alternatives? One common analytic strategy is to rework the nature/culture metaphor in terms of the simple and the complex: African music is simple, European music is complex. There is an obvious evolutionary claim here: European music, it is implied, was once simple too—that's what we mean by "folk music." Tims, although this argument may not be biologi- cally racist (blacks as "naturally" more rhythmic than whites), it remains historically racist: African cultures, it seems, haven't yet
  • 53. "advanced" to the European level. In short, the association of the rhythmic with the primitive is retained: simple music is music driven by rhythmic rules; music becomes "complex" when it is concerned with melodic and harmonic structure. Lawrence Levine notes a particularly lucid statement of the combined musical and social assumptions of this attitude in a 1918 issue of the New Orleans Times-Picayune. There were, the paper suggested, "many mansions in the houses of the muses." There was the "great assembly hall of melody," where "most of us take our seats." There were the "inner sanctums of harmony" where a lesser number enjoyed "truly great music." Finally, there was, "down in the basement, a kind of servants' hall of rhythm. It is there we hear the hum of the Indian dance, the throb of the Oriental tambourines and , kettledrums, the clatter of the clogs, the click of Slavic heels, the thumpty- tumpty of the negro banjo, and, in fact, the native dances of the world."31 The different pleasures offered by the musically "simple" and the musi-
  • 54. cally "complex" are, then, still being related to differences between body and mind. Leonard Meyer suggests that "the differentia between art music and ; primitive music lies in speed of tendency gratification. The primitive seeks almost immediate gratification for his tendencies whether these be biological or musical." Meyer's definition of "primitive" here refers to music that is "dull syntactically" rather than to music "produced by non-literate peoples," but it is difficult not to read the familiar equation of musical, social, psychological, and racial infantility into an assertion like the following: One aspect of maturity both of the individual and of the culture within which a style arises consists then in the willingness to forego immediate, and perhaps lesser gratification. Understood generally, not with reference to any specific musical work, self-imposed ten- dency-inhibition and the willingness to bear uncertainty are indica- tions of maturity. They are signs, that is, that the animal is becoming a man. And this, I take it, is not without relevance to considerations of value.32
  • 55. Musicologists themselves have criticized the simple/complex, African/ European distinction in two ways. Some accept Meyer's broad descriptive terms but reverse his evaluative conclusions—the spontaneous, human ex- pression of African communities contrasts positively with the alienated ra- tionalism of the European … The Cinematic Rhetorics of Lynching in Jordan Peele’s Get Out JENNIFER RYAN-BRYANT T HE PERIOD OF AMERICAN HISTORY BETWEEN THE END OF THE CIVIL War and the height of the Civil Rights Movement was marked by intense, unrelenting racist violence in many parts of the country. People of color not only faced discrimination in employment, housing, healthcare, education, and access to public facilities, but they also negotiated daily threats to the very fact of their existence. These threats sometimes took the form of lynching, a type of mob violence that sought to punish individuals for unsub- stantiated crimes without trial, jury, or consequence for the perpetra- tors themselves. W. Fitzhugh Brundage calls lynching “a
  • 56. southern obsession” that represented “but one manifestation of the strenuous and bloody campaign by whites to elaborate and impose a racial hier- archy upon people of color throughout the globe” (1–2). Manfred Berg argues, in addition, that lynching contains ritualistic elements and a sense of communal engagement; its vigilante mobs react against “the establishment of a modern criminal justice system” (ix– x). Finally, Ashraf Rushdy suggests that lynching arises at times of national crisis, when certain groups are dissatisfied with the limits of their legal rights and other social practices are also in flux (3). For the victims of lynching, these aggressive social practices signal a total erasure of identity and personhood, an effective rejection of their right to exist. In the years before the Civil Rights Act, persons tar- geted by lynchers could not expect legal defense of their rights or legal redress for the crimes committed against them. Instead, activists like journalist Ida B. Wells published essays and monographs docu- menting their experiences and, along with prominent voices, such as The Journal of Popular Culture, Vol. 53, No. 1, 2020 © 2020 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
  • 57. 92 http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1111%2Fjpcu.1287 8&domain=pdf&date_stamp=2020-03-01 NAACP executive secretary Walter White and educator Mary McLeod Bethune, articulated the steps necessary to achieve real social change. Today, we face another crisis in American identity, civil rights, and self-expression brought about by reactionary political conser- vatism and ongoing revocations of civil rights. While these reversals have been tempered to a degree by social activism, broad-based pro- gressive views, and existing laws, many people also see social media and popular culture as key forums for public resistance. Jordan Peele’s 2017 directorial debut Get Out represents a popular culture vehicle whose message specifically opposes public violence, recurring instances of hate speech, and regressions in social policy. This film, marketed to commercial audiences as another entry in the horror cate- gory, in fact presents a comprehensive view of the conflicting perspec- tives on racial identity that define twenty-first-century American social politics. In the movie, Peele constructs a paradigmatic example of a lynching narrative in which a black man is targeted by a
  • 58. group of wealthy white people intent on robbing him of his individuality, intelligence, and life. The film’s protagonist, Chris Washington, finds himself the target of a planned lynching, though his greatest offense is only his decision to date the daughter of Dean and Missy Armi- tage, a white couple who live on an imposing country estate in Westchester County, New York. His innocence is easy to recognize; he says goodbye to his dog before leaving his apartment for the week- end, he seems anxious to please his girlfriend, Rose, and he carries with him only a suitcase and the main tool of his profession, a Canon camera. However, these seemingly neutral elements, coupled with his gentle personality, already signal the film’s imbrication in the histori- cal realities of lynching: as Wells herself pointed out back in 1895, the vast majority of lynchings were staged to target black men who were innocent of the sexual assaults with which they had been charged. The white perpetrators of lynchings, she notes, argued that “Negroes had to be killed to avenge their assaults upon women. There could be framed no possible excuse more harmful to the Negro and more unanswerable if true in its sufficiency for the white man” (224). After tabulating the reasons given for the 159 recorded victims
  • 59. of lynching in 1893 as one telling example, Wells points out that thirty-nine had been accused of rape, eight of “attempted rape,” four of “alleged rape,” and one of “suspicion of rape” (235): fifty- two out Cinematic Rhetorics of Lynching 93 of 159, or 33 percent. However, the majority of these victims had been guilty of nothing more than an interracial relationship: in Wells’s words, “With the Southern white man any m�esalliance exist- ing between a white woman and a colored man is a sufficient founda- tion for the charge of rape” (225). Chris’s temperament and occupation portray him from the beginning of the film as a non- threatening individual. Yet, the unmistakable fact of his blackness, set next to the “flower of white Southern womanhood” that Rose’s name implies, 1 lays him open to social condemnation before the opening credits roll. Peele acknowledges the violent national history that has defined American race relations in Chris’s and Rose’s personal traits and in their weekend destination—which Chris’s best friend, Rod, has warned him against, stating that “You never take my advice . . . Like don’t go to a white girl’s parents’ house” (Get Out). While viewers are meant to interpret Rod’s statement here as an
  • 60. unneces- sary caution, particularly given its hyperbolic tone and actor Lil Rel Howery’s real-life popularity as a comedian, his reference to the dan- gers of interracial romance that haunted earlier periods in American history will resonate in the film’s later scenes. At the same time, Peele ensures that the narrative Chris inhabits is fluid enough to accommodate and even promote several different types of opposi- tional strategies. As a horror story, the film includes several recog- nizable elements, including a central protagonist whose death seems likely for much of the time, a physical threat that is revealed slowly to viewers, and an extended scene of conflict between the protago- nist and the forces trying to kill him. Jody Keisner points out that many recent horror movies are aligned with postmodernist thought because “they push viewers to consider their own notions of what is real” by depicting an existence that we can see is in some way simu- lated (416). This challenge to reality fosters an attitude of general ambivalence toward the possibility of survival in such films; while the characters are usually able to adapt some part of their environ- ment to serve as a means of defense, the danger facing them is by
  • 61. no means resolved at the end. In Get Out, Jordan Peele explores this ambivalence by invoking both familiar horror movie tropes and the social context of Ameri- can racism in the 2010s. As he stated in an interview with NPR’s Terry Gross, “every true horror—human horror, American Horror— 94 Jennifer Ryan-Bryant has a horror movie that deals with it and allows us to face that fear and—except race, in a modern sense, hadn’t been touched. You know, it really hadn’t been touched, in my opinion, since Night of the Living Dead 50 years ago [and] maybe with the film Candyman. And that, to me, I just saw a void there.” Horror works particularly well as a genre through which to explore the ambiguities of racial representation since, because of its reliance on sustained tension and jump scares, it functions as a “space of exception, where paranoia is always founded, though its object may be misrecognized” (Jarvis 102). In creating such a “space of exception,” the film’s narrative structure relies upon three types of rhetoric, or three means by which Peele establishes connections with his audience through care-
  • 62. fully chosen symbols used in meaningful, though not necessarily transparent, ways (Renegar and Malkowski 51). The three types of rhetoric that Peele employs—aural, visual, and linguistic—both por- tray the threat of lynching that Chris faces and articulate the possi- bilities open to him for resistance. Upon an initial viewing of the film, audience members might think that its horror exists primarily in his sense of entrapment, in the fact that he has found himself the unwitting object of selfish and bloodthirsty desires. A more careful screening reveals, though, that the horror really emerges from the accumulation of these three types of rhetoric, the piling of one threat on top of another until Chris himself cannot tell which aspects of his situation he is reading correctly and which are magni- fied through fear or misdirection. In order to examine the threats that are posed to Chris and to apprehend his opposition to them, this essay analyzes three key aspects of the movie: its soundtrack, or aural rhetoric; characters’ repeated use of animal metaphors, a visual technique; and the linguistically innovative phone conversations that Chris holds with Rod. In each of these cinematic elements, we see Chris both facing an immediate danger and gaining knowledge about how to defend himself. These rhetorical devices function ambivalently, containing both the problem of lynching in
  • 63. America and its potential solution—just as today’s actively resistant political climate not only signals a groundswell of opposition to white supre- macy but also exists in large part because of our country’s current pattern of relentless violence. Cinematic Rhetorics of Lynching 95 Aural Rhetoric and National Identities The film starts with three songs that prepare the audience for the types of conflict that will define the story as a whole. In the first scene, a young black man walks a suburban street at night, talking on his cell phone. After he hangs up, a white car passes him, makes a U-turn, circles back, and stops next to him on the street. He starts walking faster, and British duo Flanagan and Allen’s 1939 hit “Run Rabbit Run” plays from the car’s speakers. As the man tries to turn away from the car, an assailant wearing a helmet strides on screen from the sidewalk, grabs him, chokes him, and drags him into the car. As the attacker shoves the victim into the trunk, Flanagan and Allen sing, “He’ll get by without his rabbit pie, / Just run,
  • 64. rabbit, run”; he slams the trunk shut and the music cuts off. Next, the film’s credits begin to roll, starting with the title in all caps. Over a shot of a forest behind the credits, a Swahili singer intones, “Sikiliza Kwa Wahenga,” which translates to “listen to your ancestors”; this piece was written by Michael Abels, the film’s music director. The third song in this sequence is the one perhaps best-known to its viewers, Childish Gambino’s “Redbone.” This song, which plays over shots of several professional photographs that Chris has taken, warns listeners to “stay woke” and advises, “Now don’t you close your eyes.” In an interview with GQ writer Caity Weaver, Jordan Peele notes that he “was into this idea of distinctly black voices and black musical refer- ences, so it’s got some African influences, and some bluesy things going on, but in a scary way, which you never really hear. African American music tends to have, at the very least, a glimmer of hope to it—sometimes full-fledged hope. I wanted Michael Abels, who did the score, to create something that felt like it lived in this absence of hope but still had [black roots].” “Run Rabbit Run” is an example of mainstream white World
  • 65. War II-era music and lacks the “African influences” that Peele discusses here. Yet, its allusion to the “Brer Rabbit” stories sanitized for white audiences by folklorist Joel Chandler Harris, among others, suggests a kind of “absence of hope.” Although Brer Rabbit is a trickster fig- ure with West African roots, he often finds himself entangled within his own plots in modern American versions of the stories, and the form in which many Americans came to know him was through Walt 96 Jennifer Ryan-Bryant Disney’s famously racist cartoon Song of the South. In a discussion of Harris’s storytelling strategies, William Tynes Cowan labels Brer Rabbit a “slave cognate” who “unleashes his frenetic energy upon stronger animals whom he defeats with his wit and cunning.” Brer Rabbit’s actions are defined by opposition, but Harris frames every instance of his “cunning” in the voice of Uncle Remus, whose passive acceptance of slavery undermines the characters’ potentially subversive acts (Cowan 170). The forms of resistance in which such a “rabbit”
  • 66. participates, therefore, may only make him vulnerable to harm. The title “Run Rabbit Run” also alludes to earlier, more insidiously racist American texts. The Norton Anthology of African American Literature includes an undated rhyme entitled “Run, Nigger, Run” that starts, “Run, nigger, run; de patter-roller catch you” (24). This poem’s structural and rhetorical resemblance to the Flanagan and Allen tune is unmistakable; its use of a racist epithet in place of the Brer Rabbit moniker points to the violent origins of much post- Reconstruction popular culture. The phrase also recalls the dream that motivates the narrator of Ralph Ellison’s Invisible Man to pursue a more subversive approach to survival after several earlier attempts at assimilation have failed. After receiving a college scholarship and leather briefcase from a drunken gathering of local businessmen, the narrator dreams that his grandfather—whose own seditious tendencies were only revealed on his deathbed—has given him “an engraved document containing a short message in letters of gold.” It says, simply, “To Whom It May Concern . . . Keep This Nigger-Boy Running” (Ellison 33). The nar- rator’s grandfather recognizes that he will be chased by the threat of white racist violence throughout his life; he uses the phrasing of
  • 67. a popular jingle in order to spur his grandson on to actions that could undermine social persecution. Peele’s use of “Run Rabbit Run” evokes both the history of white repression and the possibility of resistance. The other two songs that open Get Out offer, in contrast, access to a repository of specifically black cultural concepts. Stephen Hen- derson labels such culturally defined terms “mascon” words, or “mas- sive concentration[s] of Black experiential energy” (44). According to Henderson, mascon words “have levels of meanings that seem to go back to our earliest grappling with the English language in a strange and hostile land” and “carry an inordinate charge of emo- tional and psychological weight.” Some key examples of mascon Cinematic Rhetorics of Lynching 97 words include “jazz,” “jelly,” “funk,” and “blues”; these terms, which each possess several different meanings and resonate in diverse con- texts, “form meaningful wholes in ways which defy understanding by outsiders” (Henderson 44). “Sikiliza Kwa Wahenga,” the song that invokes Chris’s ethnic heritage by reminding him—and the
  • 68. viewers—to listen to the ancestors, provides an essential example of a mascon phrase. The song, which contains the lyrics “run far away” and “save yourself ” (Bowen), signals both to Chris and to informed viewers that Swahili possesses social power and that his cultural her- itage may protect him from threats within his current environment. Peele notes that he wanted “something we hadn’t experienced before”; Abels created a “hybrid” piece that sounded to the director “like a demonic Negro spiritual” (Gray 22). Setting the stage for the conflicts to come, this tune accompanies the film’s title and is heard three more times during scenes of heightened dramatic inten- sity. It first recurs about half an hour into the movie, when Chris, staying overnight at the Armitages’ country house, goes out after bedtime for a cigarette and runs into Missy in the living room. She insists on hypnotizing Chris to rid him of his smoking habit; she stirs a spoon rhythmically in her teacup until Chris’s eyes widen and tears stream down his face. He remembers the rainy night on which his mother died in a car accident as he seems to fall, terrified, into a black gulf that Missy labels “the sunken place.” 2 In order to underline the scene’s emotional intensity, “Sikiliza” plays in the background, accelerating until Chris wakes up in bed.
  • 69. Although “Sikiliza” does not appear again until the end of the film, it ultimately signals Chris’s triumph over racist conditions. The tune accompanies his attempt to flee from the family in the film’s cli- max, when he realizes they mean to use his young, fit body as a receptacle to house an older white man’s brain. After escaping from a basement room in which Dean and Rose’s brother, Jeremy, meant to operate on him, Chris runs through the kitchen and dining room, where he spots Missy. She lunges for her teacup, intending perhaps to hypnotize him again, but he knocks it onto the floor, where it shat- ters. “Sikiliza” rises in volume in the background as Missy stabs Chris in the hand with a letter opener; he grapples with her, attempting to strangle her. This interaction provides a key example of the film’s ambivalent representations of social traits historically associated with lynching scenes. Though Chris has successfully subdued the threat of 98 Jennifer Ryan-Bryant irrational white violence that the entire Armitage family represents, he has done so at a great personal cost: as an educated person, he knows that he risks confirming the stereotypical view of black
  • 70. bes- tiality that generations of racists used to justify vigilante attacks on blacks. Brundage cites, for instance, a widespread belief among white Southerners in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries that “blacks, particularly those members of the new generation unschooled in appropriate behavior by slavery, were retrogressing into savagery”; as a result, “the myth of black criminality was (and indeed remains) resistant to change” (53). In the present day, Chris has avoided being murdered but only by resorting to a type of physical violence that might recall that myth. “Sikiliza” also provides the background to his flight from the house at the end of the movie. After Chris has run away from the house and down the long driveway, Rod shows up in his TSA cruiser to save the day. As he and Chris drive away, the car’s lights flashing, the song accompanies their only in-person conversa- tion and plays over the final credits. In each of these moments—the opening credits, the hypnotism scene, the struggle for Chris’s life, and his ultimate escape—“Sikiliza” reminds viewers of the cultural strength that underlies Chris’s actions but also indicates that he must rely on himself in the end.
  • 71. Although Childish Gambino’s “Redbone” is only heard once dur- ing the film, it serves a similar cautionary function. After the first iteration of “Sikiliza” behind the film’s opening credits, “Redbone” accompanies a series of photographs seemingly taken by Chris. These three photographs appear before the film’s primary action begins, yet their subjects anticipate the kinds of tension that define the narrative. In the first photograph, a black man in a black jacket and pants walks down a city street, carrying an enormous bunch of white balloons whose misshapen shadow shows up clearly against the building next to him; the second features a close-up of a dark-skinned woman’s pregnant belly, as, in the background, a man in a white T-shirt walks away from her toward a group of apartment buildings; and the third focuses on a man in a baggy jacket and jeans struggling to hold onto a white dog’s chain in a litter-strewn yard as the dog strains to break free, its tail pointed straight out and its muscles clearly outlined against its skin. These pictures remind us of Chris’s professional sta- tus, his insight into the social world, and the struggles between opposing forces that inspire his creativity. In terms of their visual
  • 72. Cinematic Rhetorics of Lynching 99 structure, the photographs’ compositions rely upon contrasting shapes, sizes, light sources, and shadows. These disjunctions under- score the friction that defines the photographs, each of which captures the moment before some urgent action will take place: birth, flight, or escape. These themes are conveyed subtly through the three- photo- graph sequence, but they establish the actions that Chris will have to take later on in order to survive. The lyrics to “Redbone” that under- score these photographs signal Chris’s urgent need to “get” and remain “woke.” His creative work suggests that he already possesses a keen perception of society’s profound imbalances, but now he has to put his intuition to practical use. This three-song sequence—“Run Rabbit Run,” “Sikiliza,” and “Redbone”—offers the film’s first example of the oppositional and even contradictory rhetorics that structure its message. People of color are under attack by white forces that intend not just to incapac- itate but to repurpose their bodies and minds. Peele argues that Chris has the resources with which to counter these attacks but, in keeping with both a long tradition in horror film and the current
  • 73. political cli- mate, the film’s ultimate message remains ambivalent. Will these resources be enough, in the end, to prevail against persistent white treachery? The film ends with a second three-song sequence that does not provide any clear answer. First, we see Rose in her room, sitting on her bed with her laptop, listening to the Bill Medley and Jennifer Warnes song “I Had the Time of My Life” on a Walkman. This song, which Rose enjoys while dressed in a white button-down shirt, drink- ing white milk and searching for “NCAA prospects” on Bing, soared in popularity after appearing in the 1987 film Dirty Dancing. The lyrics begin, “Now, I’ve had the time of my life” but progress, in the sixth stanza, to “Don’t be afraid to lose control” (“Bill Medley”). Instead of contemplating the romantic relationship that these words imply, Rose surveys the pool of potential victims for her family to incapacitate. Next, “Run Rabbit Run” plays again from Jeremy’s car as Chris climbs in to escape from the Armitages; this reiteration con- firms that Jeremy was the masked hunter who captured the solitary man in the first scene. Finally, “Sikiliza” provides the film’s final auditory reminder of cultural identities and clashes. Although
  • 74. Rose’s family has been vanquished by this point, there is no telling, these songs imply, what other white families may already possess the knowledge to sustain their genocidal traditions. 100 Jennifer Ryan-Bryant Visual Rhetoric: Beasts Among Us In addition to the film’s use of music, Peele organizes several key sce- nes around images of animals. This imagery both evokes popular racist discourse and allows Chris to challenge directly some of the social conventions associated with public lynchings. While Chris and Rose are driving on the highway to her parents’ house, for instance, Rose’s car is struck by a deer. The camera is positioned to one side of the scene so that the deer appears to fly or to be thrown across the road before striking the car, rather than running into it. The deer knocks off the passenger-side mirror next to Chris before falling into the woods at the side of the road; it can be heard groaning in pain from off-screen. After they arrive at their destination, they describe the incident to Rose’s parents, and Dean asserts, “I say, one down, a
  • 75. couple hundred thousand to go . . . They’re like rats. They’re destroy- ing the ecosystem. I see a dead deer on the side of the road, I think to myself, ‘That’s a start’” (Get Out). Though this deer is not targeted by hunters, its abrupt death and unlamented life recall vigilante approaches to violence. Dean’s comments demonstrate a lack of humane feelings toward animals in general as well as his belief that he has the right to want to wipe out entire populations like so much vermin. The one full day that Chris spends at the Armitage home includes a garden party that the family hosts every fall. The gather- ing at first appears fairly innocuous—involving the arrival of several primarily white, wealthy, elderly people in a caravan of black cars— but the conversations that take place quickly reveal the participants’ true attitudes and motivations. At one point, Chris and Rose join a white couple in conversation; the husband says, “Fairer skin has been in fashion for what? A couple hundred years? But now the pendulum has swung back. Black is in fashion” (Get Out). After pro- cessing this casual dismissal of cultural experience and identity in silence, Chris leaves the group to take some photographs and encounters Logan King, the party’s only other black attendee. When Chris is asked how he feels about being African American, he turns
  • 76. to Logan and says, “Yo, my man. They were asking me about the African American experience. Maybe you could take this one.” Logan, who moves slowly and awkwardly, and is accompanied by a Cinematic Rhetorics of Lynching 101 white woman at least thirty years his senior, observes, “I find that the African American experience for me has been, for the most part, very good. Although I find it difficult to go much into detail as I haven’t had much of a desire to leave the house in a while.” Sur- prised at his reticence, Chris snaps a picture with his cell phone; Logan’s mouth trembles, tears fill his eyes, and blood begins to drip from his left nostril. Chris tries to apologize, but Logan moves toward him, grabs his shirt, and starts shaking him, yelling, “Get out! Get outta here! Get outta here!” (Get Out).3 Missy and Dean move quickly to quiet Logan and troubleshoot the scene, attributing Logan’s outburst to anxiety and a potential seizure. However, Chris will not accept this explanation; he recognizes Logan from some- place he cannot yet identify and is disturbed by the family’s ready willingness to handle him as they would an unruly animal. He
  • 77. and Logan remain on display throughout this scene, observed by a large group of white attendees who make no move to participate in the conversation but seem fascinated by their behavior. Chris’s apprehension about both his own social status and Logan’s identity is reinforced by a conversation he has with the family’s black housekeeper. When he finds that she has unplugged his phone so that it has lost its charge, she apologizes: “How rude of me to have touched your belongings without asking.” “It’s cool,” Chris responds, “I wasn’t trying to snitch.” The housekeeper is puzzled: “Snitch?” she asks. “Rat you out,” he explains. She moves her head to one side, thinking, then says, “Tattletale. Oh, don’t you worry about that. I can assure you, I don’t answer to anyone.” As he did with Logan, Chris tries to form a bond with her, noting sympathetically that “All I know is sometimes, if there’s too many white people, I get nervous, you know?” To his surprise, her smile slowly fades, her lips begin to tremble, and tears spill from her eyes as she forces a laugh and shakes her head from side to side, saying, “Oh. Oh. No. No. No, no, no, no. Aren’t you something? That’s not my experience. Not at all. The
  • 78. Armitages are so good to us. They treat us like family” (Get Out). The animal metaphor that Chris employs here recalls Dean’s earlier comments about the deer, a population whose worth he feels entitled to judge. Like Logan, the housekeeper seems trapped in her situation at the Armitages’, able to voice only a contentment that her physio- logical reactions belie. The conversation that she has with Chris reveals her “rat”-like sense of entrapment. 102 Jennifer Ryan-Bryant The … PARAPHRASING 1. Reread the original passage until you understand its full meaning. 2. Set the original aside, and write your paraphrase on a note card. 3. Jot down a few words below your paraphrase to remind you later how you envision using this material. At the top of the note card, write a key word or phrase to indicate the subject of your paraphrase. 4. Check your rendition with the original to make sure that your version accurately expresses all the essential information in a new form.
  • 79. 5. Use quotation marks to identify any unique term or phraseology you have borrowed exactly from the source. 6. Record the source (including the page) on your note card so that you can credit it easily if you decide to incorporate the material into your paper. Use your sources as support for your insights, not as the backbone of your paper. A patchwork of sources stuck in a paper like random letters in a ransom note does not a research paper make. If do you use a direct quote, the explanation should be twice as long as the quote. Readers have to know why you include source material where you do. Here are some possible signal phrases: * According to Jane Doe, "..." * As Jane Doe goes on to explain, "..." * Characterized by John Doe, the society is "..." * As one critic points out, "..." * John Doe believes that "..." * Jane Doe claims that "..." * In the words of John Doe, "..." acknowledges, adds, admits, affirms, agrees, argues, asserts, believes, claims, comments, compares, confirms, contends, declares, demonstrates, denies, disputes, emphasizes, endorses, grants, illustrates, implies, insists, notes, observes, points out, reasons, refutes, rejects, reports, responds, states, suggests, thinks, underlines, writes
  • 80. 1. Do not overuse quotations. Follow this pattern: a. Assertion. Make some argument or sub-argument about the text(s). b. Quotation. Quote, with context, a word, phrase, line or passage that supports that (sub)argument. c. Commentary. Comment on the quotation, directly engaging with the language within the quotation and explaining how it supports your assertion. 2. Avoid “floating quotes.” The style of your writing will be better if you incorporate quoted phrases into your own structure rather than writing a sentence and then quoting a sentence or a poetic line. 3. Always work your quotation comfortably into your own sentence structure. 4. Longer quotations (more than four lines of prose) should be set off from your paragraph's usual display form: single-spaced and centered without quotation marks. This longer form is called a block quote. 7. If, for clarity or sentence structure, you must alter a quotation, use brackets to indicate the change(s). 8. If you omit material in order to be succinct, mark the omission by three periods (ellipsis) with a space between each (. . .). NOTE: There is no need to use these routinely at the beginning and end or your quotations; it is understood that you are lifting passages from a longer work.
  • 81. “US” Film Analysis Worksheet Description of the plot in chosen scene Describe sound and/or music and/or silence in scene (see Yale site) Describe visuals in the scene (color, camera angle, lighting, foreground/background) (see Yale site) Meaning Statement related to descriptions Support from scholarly source on related topic (quote and pg#) 1. Fill in film( "Us" 2019 American horror film ) analysis sheet 2. Based on the film worksheet analysis , build a paragraph of analysis on "Us". 3. According to incorporating quotations, go back to the paragraphs of Analysis essay ( "The Raft").Find one of them and fix it. 4. 5 min free-write read the intro (pp. 92-95 of Jpcu12878) As you read, identify what is happening in each paragraph of the intro in terms of the 4 D's and also identify the thesis. Is the thesis in stages? How
  • 82. do the authors dole out background information throughout the intro to prepare the reader for what the article does? When you get to the end of the intro do you feel you know exactly what the article will cover and argue? 5. 1 page reading summary of (Firth 1996 and Szatmary 2004)