The Brazilian inferiority complex is reinforced by the fact that Brazil would never have had its scientific output recognized by a Nobel Prize, while other Latin American countries have won 19, as is the case of Argentina, Colombia and Venezuela. The Brazilian inferiority complex is further enhanced by the fact that we live in a country that holds the immense natural resources and we have not been able to achieve the status of a developed country equating with the great nations of the planet. Successive corruption scandals in which the Brazilian government and the political class have experienced in recent decades and remain involved mean that there is a discredit to our ability to transform Brazil into a serious country. This Brazilian inferiority complex is also enhanced by the flagrant failure of the Brazilian people to play a protagonist role throughout the history of the country.

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BRAZILIAN PEOPLE'S INFERIORITY COMPLEX IN FOOTBALL AND IN
POLITICAL FIGHT
Fernando Alcoforado *
Mutt complex is a term coined by the playwright Nelson Rodrigues when he referred to
the trauma suffered by the Brazilian people with the defeat of the Brazilian team to
Uruguay in the final match of the 1950 World Cup at the Maracanã and that they would
only have recovered from the shock in 1958, when Brazil won the World Cup for the
first time in Sweden.
For Nelson Rodrigues, the mutt complex was not limited only to the football field.
According to him, the mutt complex is the inferiority that Brazilian people puts
voluntarily in the face of the world. Also according to Nelson Rodrigues, the Brazilian
people would be a narcissus inside out not finding personal or historical pretexts for
self-esteem.
The idea that the Brazilian people are inferior to other people is not new. In the
nineteenth century, in the 1920 and 1930s, several schools of thought confronted to the
origin of this supposed inferiority. Some thinkers, like Nina Rodrigues, Oliveira Viana
and even Monteiro Lobato, proclaimed that miscegenation of the Brazilian people was
the root of all evil and that the "white race" was superior to the other. Others, such as
Roquette-Pinto, said the inferiority was a problem of ignorance of the Brazilian people,
not miscegenation.
The inferiority complex is reinforced by the fact that Brazil would never have had its
scientific output recognized by a Nobel Prize, while other Latin American countries
have won 19, as is the case of Argentina, Colombia and Venezuela. The Brazilian
inferiority complex is further enhanced by the fact that we live in a country that holds
the immense natural resources and we have not been able to achieve the status of a
developed country equating with the great nations of the planet. Successive corruption
scandals in which the Brazilian government and the political class have experienced in
recent decades and remain involved mean that there is a discredit to our ability to
transform Brazil into a serious country.
This Brazilian inferiority complex is also enhanced by the flagrant failure of the
Brazilian people to play a protagonist role throughout the history of the country. It can
be said that in Brazil, there was never, in fact, a social revolution. The very
Independence of Brazil did not result from the struggle of the Brazilian people, but the
will of the Emperor D. Pedro I. The Independence of Brazil differed from the
experience of other Latin American countries because it did not present the
characteristics of a typical national-liberating revolutionary process.
The revolutionary nativism, under the influence of the ideals of liberalism and the great
purposes of revolutions of the eighteenth century gave way in Brazil to the logic of
conserve-changing prevailing today, while the initiative of D. Pedro I, Crown Prince of
the Portuguese Royal House and not the Brazilian people the political act that led to
independence. The Independence of Brazil was therefore a "revolution without
revolution" because there were no changes in the economic base and the political and
legal superstructure of the nation. The state that born from Brazil's Independence keeps
the execrable landlordism and intensifies no less despicable slavery making this the
support of the restoration that performs as the inherited economic structures of Cologne.

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Despite numerous popular uprisings recorded throughout the history of Brazil, a true
political, economic and social revolution able to carry out deep structural change and
promote development for the benefit of the population never actually happened in the
country. All the revolutionary attempts made in Brazil were aborted with harsh
repression by those in power. It is known that in the world, countries that have advanced
politically are those whose people were the protagonists, through social revolutions, of
the changes made in the economic and social spheres.
Brazil was the last country of the world to end slavery in the nineteenth century which
abolition resulted of the concession held by that in power and not of the struggle of
slaves. Land reform is yet to be realized because the ill-fated agrarian structure based on
large estates still exists in Brazil, modernized today with agribusiness, and the process
of industrialization was introduced very late in Brazil, 200 years after the Industrial
Revolution in England. This all reflects the economic and political backwardness of
Brazil in relation to more developed countries. The economic crisis faced by Brazil
throughout its history were not able to generate political crises that took the Brazilian
people to the social revolution and put them at question the economic system and those
in power in order to promote their economic and social development.
The most important historical events in Brazil found an answer that was configured on
the explicit intention of keeping outside the scope of the decisions, classes and social
"low" strata with “conciliation from the high” as occurred with the Independence and
the Abolition of Slavery or the realization of coups d´état, when the "conciliation by the
high" has become impossible as occurred in the Proclamation of the Republic in 1889,
in the 1930 Revolution and the deployment of the military dictatorship in 1964. It can
be said that the changes occurred in the history of Brazil not were the result of authentic
revolutions, movements from the bottom up, involving the whole population, but they
occurred always through a compromise between the representatives of the economically
dominant opposition groups or to carry out a coup d'état when the "conciliation by the
high" was not possible.
Very difficult, critical political, economic and social situation it is in Brazil at the
moment will find in the protagonism of the Brazilian people the solution to prevent the
repetition of "conciliation by the high" or the emergence of a coup d´état if the
"conciliation by the high" is impossible between holders of economic and political
power in Brazil. The weak protagonism of the Brazilian people results, on the one hand,
of the absence of political parties and reliable leaders with proposals capable of
galvanizing the vast majority of the population and, on the other, the political alienation
of population whose greatest demonstration is his massive presence in the parting of
Carnival even with the country dying in pre-bankruptcy situation. Before the Brazilian
people's inability to impose a course for Brazil at the moment, it seems that the outcome
of the current crisis will end with the "conciliation by the high" with the maintenance of
the current power holders if the economic situation does not deteriorate or carrying out a
coup d´état if the economic situation deteriorates making it unsustainable.
* Fernando Alcoforado, member of the Bahia Academy of Education, engineer and doctor of Territorial
Planning and Regional Development from the University of Barcelona, a university professor and
consultant in strategic planning, business planning, regional planning and planning of energy systems, is
the author of Globalização (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1997), De Collor a FHC- O Brasil e a Nova
(Des)ordem Mundial (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1998), Um Projeto para o Brasil (Editora Nobel, São
Paulo, 2000), Os condicionantes do desenvolvimento do Estado da Bahia (Tese de doutorado.
Universidade de Barcelona, http://www.tesisenred.net/handle/10803/1944, 2003), Globalização e
Desenvolvimento (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 2006), Bahia- Desenvolvimento do Século XVI ao Século XX

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e Objetivos Estratégicos na Era Contemporânea (EGBA, Salvador, 2008), The Necessary Conditions of
the Economic and Social Development-The Case of the State of Bahia (VDM Verlag Dr. Muller
Aktiengesellschaft & Co. KG, Saarbrücken, Germany, 2010), Aquecimento Global e Catástrofe
Planetária (P&A Gráfica e Editora, Salvador, 2010), Amazônia Sustentável- Para o progresso do Brasil e
combate ao aquecimento global (Viena- Editora e Gráfica, Santa Cruz do Rio Pardo, São Paulo, 2011),
Os Fatores Condicionantes do Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2012) and
Energia no Mundo e no Brasil- Energia e Mudança Climática Catastrófica no Século XXI (Editora CRV,
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