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CAUSES OF ECONOMIC, POLITICAL AND SOCIAL DELAY OF BRAZIL
Fernando Alcoforado *
Mutt Complex is an expression created by the playwright Nelson Rodrigues when he
referred to the trauma suffered by the Brazilian people with the defeat of the Brazilian
team to Uruguay in the final match of the 1950 World Cup at the Maracana and it only
would have recovered from the shock in 1958, when Brazil won the World Cup for the
first time in Sweden. Nelson Rodrigues says that the mutt complex was not limited only
to the football field. According to him, the mutt complex is the inferiority that the
Brazilian arises voluntarily in the face of the world. Also according to Nelson
Rodrigues, the Brazilian would be a narcissus inside out not finding personal or
historical pretexts for self-esteem.
The idea that the Brazilian people are inferior to other people is not new. In the
nineteenth century, in the 1920 and 1930s, many thought currents fought about the
origin of this supposed inferiority. Some thinkers, like Nina Rodrigues, Oliveira Viana
and even Monteiro Lobato, proclaimed that miscegenation of the Brazilian people was
the root of all evil and that the "white race" was superior to the others. Others, such as
Roquette-Pinto, said that the inferiority was a problem of ignorance of the Brazilian
people, not of miscegenation.
The inferiority complex is reinforced by the fact that Brazil would never have had its
scientific output recognized by a Nobel prize, while other Latin American countries
have won 19, as is the case of Argentina, Colombia and Venezuela. The Brazilian
inferiority complex is further enhanced by the fact that we live in a country that holds
the immense natural resources and have not had the ability to achieve the status of a
country developed equating with the great nations of the planet. The successive
corruption scandals in which the Brazilian government and the political class
experienced in recent decades and are still involved mean that there is a discredit to our
ability to transform Brazil into a serious country.
This Brazilian inferiority complex is also enhanced by the striking inability of the
Brazilian people to play a leading role throughout the history of the country. It can be
said that in Brazil, there was never, in fact, a social revolution. The very independence
of Brazil did not result from the struggle of the Brazilian people, but the will of the
Emperor D. Pedro I. The struggle for the independence of Brazil in Bahia in 1823 can
be interpreted as his final act to expel the troops of Portugal from Brazil that it cannot,
however, be considered decisive for its realization. It is an indisputable fact that the
independence of Brazil differed from the experience of other Latin American countries
because it did not present the characteristics of a typical national-liberating
revolutionary process that in these countries was frustrated throughout history. Like
Brazil, all Latin American countries were formed in peripheral countries, some, and
semi peripheral, others like Brazil, subaltern to the central capitalist countries.
The revolutionary nativism, under the influence of the ideals of liberalism and the great
revolutions of the late eighteenth century gave way in Brazil to the logic of the save-
changing for the benefit of economically dominant social classes that prevails today,
while the D. Pedro I took the initiative, prince of the Portuguese Royal House Crown,
and not the Brazilian people, the political act that led to independence. The
Independence of Brazil was therefore a "revolution without revolution" because there
were no changes in the economic base and the political and legal superstructure of the
nation. The state born of Brazil's Independence keeps the execrable landlordism and
intensifies no less execrable slavery making this the support of the restoration that
performs as the inherited economic structures of Cologne. Despite numerous popular
uprisings recorded throughout the history of Brazil, a true revolution political, economic
and social able to carry out deep structural change and promote development for the
benefit of the population never actually happened in the country. All the revolutionary
attempts made in Brazil were aborted with harsh repression by those in power.
Brazil was the last country to end slavery in the nineteenth century which abolition
resulted of the concession held by those in power and not of the struggle of slaves. Land
reform is yet to be realized because the ill-fated agrarian structure based on large estates
still exists in Brazil, modernized today with agribusiness, and the industrialization
process was introduced late in Brazil, 200 years after the Industrial Revolution in
England. This all reflects the economic and political backwardness of Brazil in relation
to more developed countries. The economic crisis faced by Brazil throughout its history
were not able to generate political crises that took the Brazilian people to the social
revolution and put them at question the economic system and in power for the
promotion of their economic and social development.
It is known that in the world, countries that have advanced politically, economically and
socially are those whose people were the protagonists, through social revolutions, of the
changes made in the economic and social sphere. As an example, the Glorious
Revolution in England in 1689 laid the foundations of the British Empire, the
Revolution or the American War of Independence in 1776 began the transformation of
the United States in world power, the French Revolution in 1789 revolutionized France
and world scenario, the Meiji Revolution in Japan in 1868 laid the groundwork that
transformed Japan into major world power, the Russian Revolution in 1917 transformed
an agrarian country in major world power despite the failure to socialism deployment,
the Scandinavian Revolution that gave their people the state social well-being with a
society that holds the largest HDI (Human development Index) of the planet and the
Chinese Revolution in 1949 was leverage factor of development of this country whose
fruits are being obtained in recent decades.
The most important historical events in Brazil found an answer that was configured on
the explicit intention of keeping outside of the decisions, classes and social strata "from
low" to "reconciliation by the high" as with the Independence and the Abolition of
Slavery or the realization of coups d´état, when the "reconciliation by the high" has
become impossible as occurred in the Proclamation of the Republic, in the 1930
revolution and the deployment of the military dictatorship in 1964. It can be said that
the changes occurred in the history of Brazil not was the result of authentic revolutions,
movements from the bottom to up, involving the whole population, but always made
their way through a compromise between the representatives of the economically
dominant groups or conducting coups d´état when reconciliation was not possible.
The critical political, economic and social situation in Brazil at the present time is
unlikely to be resolved with "conciliation by the high" going on with the rise to power
of Michel Temer. All measures adopted by the Temer government do not point to
reverse the process of economic, political and social devastation imposed on Brazil by
Lula and Dilma Rousseff. Scientific, technological, economic and financial dependence
of Brazil from the outside will be further deepened. The "conciliation by the high" is
therefore consequence fundamentally of fragile role of the Brazilian people which
results, on the one hand, of the absence of political parties and reliable leaders with
proposals capable of galvanizing the vast majority of the population and on the other,
the policy alienation of the population. Without the leadership of the Brazilian people in
defining the direction of the Brazilian society, Brazil will not turn into a developed
country and, consequently, will not overcome his inferiority complex.
* Fernando Alcoforado, member of the Bahia Academy of Education, engineer and doctor of Territorial
Planning and Regional Development from the University of Barcelona, a university professor and
consultant in strategic planning, business planning, regional planning and planning of energy systems, is
the author of Globalização (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1997), De Collor a FHC- O Brasil e a Nova
(Des)ordem Mundial (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1998), Um Projeto para o Brasil (Editora Nobel, São
Paulo, 2000), Os condicionantes do desenvolvimento do Estado da Bahia (Tese de doutorado.
Universidade de Barcelona, http://www.tesisenred.net/handle/10803/1944, 2003), Globalização e
Desenvolvimento (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 2006), Bahia- Desenvolvimento do Século XVI ao Século XX
e Objetivos Estratégicos na Era Contemporânea (EGBA, Salvador, 2008), The Necessary Conditions of
the Economic and Social Development-The Case of the State of Bahia (VDM Verlag Dr. Muller
Aktiengesellschaft & Co. KG, Saarbrücken, Germany, 2010), Aquecimento Global e Catástrofe
Planetária (P&A Gráfica e Editora, Salvador, 2010), Amazônia Sustentável- Para o progresso do Brasil e
combate ao aquecimento global (Viena- Editora e Gráfica, Santa Cruz do Rio Pardo, São Paulo, 2011),
Os Fatores Condicionantes do Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2012) and
Energia no Mundo e no Brasil- Energia e Mudança Climática Catastrófica no Século XXI (Editora CRV,
Curitiba, 2015).

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Causes of economic, political and social delay of brazil

  • 1. CAUSES OF ECONOMIC, POLITICAL AND SOCIAL DELAY OF BRAZIL Fernando Alcoforado * Mutt Complex is an expression created by the playwright Nelson Rodrigues when he referred to the trauma suffered by the Brazilian people with the defeat of the Brazilian team to Uruguay in the final match of the 1950 World Cup at the Maracana and it only would have recovered from the shock in 1958, when Brazil won the World Cup for the first time in Sweden. Nelson Rodrigues says that the mutt complex was not limited only to the football field. According to him, the mutt complex is the inferiority that the Brazilian arises voluntarily in the face of the world. Also according to Nelson Rodrigues, the Brazilian would be a narcissus inside out not finding personal or historical pretexts for self-esteem. The idea that the Brazilian people are inferior to other people is not new. In the nineteenth century, in the 1920 and 1930s, many thought currents fought about the origin of this supposed inferiority. Some thinkers, like Nina Rodrigues, Oliveira Viana and even Monteiro Lobato, proclaimed that miscegenation of the Brazilian people was the root of all evil and that the "white race" was superior to the others. Others, such as Roquette-Pinto, said that the inferiority was a problem of ignorance of the Brazilian people, not of miscegenation. The inferiority complex is reinforced by the fact that Brazil would never have had its scientific output recognized by a Nobel prize, while other Latin American countries have won 19, as is the case of Argentina, Colombia and Venezuela. The Brazilian inferiority complex is further enhanced by the fact that we live in a country that holds the immense natural resources and have not had the ability to achieve the status of a country developed equating with the great nations of the planet. The successive corruption scandals in which the Brazilian government and the political class experienced in recent decades and are still involved mean that there is a discredit to our ability to transform Brazil into a serious country. This Brazilian inferiority complex is also enhanced by the striking inability of the Brazilian people to play a leading role throughout the history of the country. It can be said that in Brazil, there was never, in fact, a social revolution. The very independence of Brazil did not result from the struggle of the Brazilian people, but the will of the Emperor D. Pedro I. The struggle for the independence of Brazil in Bahia in 1823 can be interpreted as his final act to expel the troops of Portugal from Brazil that it cannot, however, be considered decisive for its realization. It is an indisputable fact that the independence of Brazil differed from the experience of other Latin American countries because it did not present the characteristics of a typical national-liberating revolutionary process that in these countries was frustrated throughout history. Like Brazil, all Latin American countries were formed in peripheral countries, some, and semi peripheral, others like Brazil, subaltern to the central capitalist countries. The revolutionary nativism, under the influence of the ideals of liberalism and the great revolutions of the late eighteenth century gave way in Brazil to the logic of the save- changing for the benefit of economically dominant social classes that prevails today, while the D. Pedro I took the initiative, prince of the Portuguese Royal House Crown, and not the Brazilian people, the political act that led to independence. The Independence of Brazil was therefore a "revolution without revolution" because there were no changes in the economic base and the political and legal superstructure of the
  • 2. nation. The state born of Brazil's Independence keeps the execrable landlordism and intensifies no less execrable slavery making this the support of the restoration that performs as the inherited economic structures of Cologne. Despite numerous popular uprisings recorded throughout the history of Brazil, a true revolution political, economic and social able to carry out deep structural change and promote development for the benefit of the population never actually happened in the country. All the revolutionary attempts made in Brazil were aborted with harsh repression by those in power. Brazil was the last country to end slavery in the nineteenth century which abolition resulted of the concession held by those in power and not of the struggle of slaves. Land reform is yet to be realized because the ill-fated agrarian structure based on large estates still exists in Brazil, modernized today with agribusiness, and the industrialization process was introduced late in Brazil, 200 years after the Industrial Revolution in England. This all reflects the economic and political backwardness of Brazil in relation to more developed countries. The economic crisis faced by Brazil throughout its history were not able to generate political crises that took the Brazilian people to the social revolution and put them at question the economic system and in power for the promotion of their economic and social development. It is known that in the world, countries that have advanced politically, economically and socially are those whose people were the protagonists, through social revolutions, of the changes made in the economic and social sphere. As an example, the Glorious Revolution in England in 1689 laid the foundations of the British Empire, the Revolution or the American War of Independence in 1776 began the transformation of the United States in world power, the French Revolution in 1789 revolutionized France and world scenario, the Meiji Revolution in Japan in 1868 laid the groundwork that transformed Japan into major world power, the Russian Revolution in 1917 transformed an agrarian country in major world power despite the failure to socialism deployment, the Scandinavian Revolution that gave their people the state social well-being with a society that holds the largest HDI (Human development Index) of the planet and the Chinese Revolution in 1949 was leverage factor of development of this country whose fruits are being obtained in recent decades. The most important historical events in Brazil found an answer that was configured on the explicit intention of keeping outside of the decisions, classes and social strata "from low" to "reconciliation by the high" as with the Independence and the Abolition of Slavery or the realization of coups d´état, when the "reconciliation by the high" has become impossible as occurred in the Proclamation of the Republic, in the 1930 revolution and the deployment of the military dictatorship in 1964. It can be said that the changes occurred in the history of Brazil not was the result of authentic revolutions, movements from the bottom to up, involving the whole population, but always made their way through a compromise between the representatives of the economically dominant groups or conducting coups d´état when reconciliation was not possible. The critical political, economic and social situation in Brazil at the present time is unlikely to be resolved with "conciliation by the high" going on with the rise to power of Michel Temer. All measures adopted by the Temer government do not point to reverse the process of economic, political and social devastation imposed on Brazil by Lula and Dilma Rousseff. Scientific, technological, economic and financial dependence of Brazil from the outside will be further deepened. The "conciliation by the high" is therefore consequence fundamentally of fragile role of the Brazilian people which
  • 3. results, on the one hand, of the absence of political parties and reliable leaders with proposals capable of galvanizing the vast majority of the population and on the other, the policy alienation of the population. Without the leadership of the Brazilian people in defining the direction of the Brazilian society, Brazil will not turn into a developed country and, consequently, will not overcome his inferiority complex. * Fernando Alcoforado, member of the Bahia Academy of Education, engineer and doctor of Territorial Planning and Regional Development from the University of Barcelona, a university professor and consultant in strategic planning, business planning, regional planning and planning of energy systems, is the author of Globalização (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1997), De Collor a FHC- O Brasil e a Nova (Des)ordem Mundial (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1998), Um Projeto para o Brasil (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 2000), Os condicionantes do desenvolvimento do Estado da Bahia (Tese de doutorado. Universidade de Barcelona, http://www.tesisenred.net/handle/10803/1944, 2003), Globalização e Desenvolvimento (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 2006), Bahia- Desenvolvimento do Século XVI ao Século XX e Objetivos Estratégicos na Era Contemporânea (EGBA, Salvador, 2008), The Necessary Conditions of the Economic and Social Development-The Case of the State of Bahia (VDM Verlag Dr. Muller Aktiengesellschaft & Co. KG, Saarbrücken, Germany, 2010), Aquecimento Global e Catástrofe Planetária (P&A Gráfica e Editora, Salvador, 2010), Amazônia Sustentável- Para o progresso do Brasil e combate ao aquecimento global (Viena- Editora e Gráfica, Santa Cruz do Rio Pardo, São Paulo, 2011), Os Fatores Condicionantes do Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2012) and Energia no Mundo e no Brasil- Energia e Mudança Climática Catastrófica no Século XXI (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2015).