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Yulia Sharakina
ENLG/SPAN 4110
12 Oct, 2015
Anne McCabe
Beyond Words
This paper provides an analysis of the potential role of discourse markers in
two languages, English and Spanish, possible differences in its usage, and/or poor
quality in translating text from one language to another. The data that serves as evidence
are the two transcripts of the TV show Friends, and one additional transcript of an
actual Spanish TV show La que se avecina.
In order to properly analyze the fragment of Friends we have first to understand the
situation and the subject, i.e. conversational topic, since the discourse markers are going
to depend on the scenario.
Likewise, the grammatical structure varies form one language to another; thus, we will
not have this into account when analyzing the transcripts.
I speak both English and Spanish fluently, and every time I watch any TV show in
either language I can clearly perceive differences in both. Do these dissimilarities come
from a baffling translation, or it is because English and Spanish have a myriad of
differences grammatically?
The setup starts when Ross enters sad in the cafeteria where gathered all his
friends Joey, Chandler, Monica and Phoebe. Because Ross looks miserable his friend
Joey begins the conversation by asking the reason of his distress. Ross answers him by
saying that someone has eaten his sandwich at work, and here is where the real dialogue
takes place, and the topic is the sandwich of Ross.
Let’s take a look to the English transcript first and analyze the discourse markers as
follow. The first marker of speech that we find in the text in English is "well" (line 4) –
as a frame marker that prefaces direct reported speech. In this case Chandler breaks into
the conversation between Ross and Joe, and his use of “well” shows some sarcasm
because of this (absurd) situation.
"Just" (line 6 and 7) is a textual marker that is often used to soften the tone of the
conversation, to not sound forceful. The location of "just" is syntactically important
because in this case is minimizing the importance of the matter by saying that it is “just”
a sandwich –something irrelevant (Tagliamonte, Sali). The cohesion that provides the
marker is reinforced by repetition that is stated on lines 6, and twice in the 7th.
The discourse marker "okay" ("vale" in Spanish) (line 16) is the most dependent on the
communicative situation, as it is always oriented towards the interlocutor, seeking to
keep his attention. “Okay” (line 8 and 13) is a delay/response marker that is focusing
attention and structuring the discourse.
“Okay?” (line 11) on the other hand, checks the understating of what was previously
said (Anne McCabe).
Discourse markers for monitoring the speech, appellatives such as "okay"
and "look" (“oye” y “mira” in Spanish) that appear in the lines 7, 8, 9 and 13 have the
same function in the both texts; besides, it is interesting to see its intersexual position
that is at the beginning of each speech -making the opening function.
We sometimes use “look” as a discourse marker but it needs to be used carefully as it is
very strong. We use it when we are explaining something or making a point, especially
when we are annoyed or speaking very forcefully. “Look” in the line 7 is making
appoint as Ross seems annoyed because Chandler is being sarcastic, in the line 8 and 9
“look” functions as linking verb, it also as reorientation in knowledge of new
information
“I mean” has a similar function; in line 8 Monica uses it in order to paraphrase what se
has already said, and in line 9 uses it ordering what he will say next (Erman, B).
“Like” (line 14) is a preposition “similar to”, we use it in order to introduce an example.
“Whoa! Ohh! (line 17) are interjections; shows a negative response in this case because
of the following sentence: “Phoebe, you are a bad ass!”.
Other discourse markers as “but”, “really” (line 14, which shows interest and preface a
response), “so” (as conjunction to initiate discourse)…
Formerly, what is happening in the Spanish text? We can clearly see that it
has less discourse markers that the English transcript. Does it have to do to a poor
translation; difference in Spanish grammar, or it is just because Spaniards express more
with a tone of voice rather than using discourse markers?
Lets look at the beginning of the dialogue, as in the text in English; we see the use of
the discourse marker “y qué” (line4), it serves as additive connector that gives start to
the discourse but it looses the sarcasm that “well” has in English.
Although, when watching and listening the TV show that sarcasm is reflected by the
tone in both, English and Spanish version of Friends. So, is it possible that Spanish
culture takes more usage of facial expressions, body movements, and speech tones
rather than focusing in grammar and, therefore, there is a lower variety and use of the
discourse markers.
On the other hand, the luck of discourse markers in he Spanish transcript
may be the result of a poor translation. For example, lets take some of the sentences of
the both transcripts: “Tranquilo, aun quedan sobras para otro bocadillo, en fin
pensaba comérmelo yo pero...” and “Okay, look, I-I have enough stuff for one more
sandwich, I mean I was going to eat it myself, but (motions that he can have it.)”. We
see that some of the discourse markers have practically identical translation (“en fin”
and “I mean”, “pero” and “but”). Besides, there is a couple of discourse markers that are
missing at the beginning of the Spanish text; “okay” and “look” –that would be “vale”
and “mira”. Thus, we have two theories: One, is the modest translation, and two, poor
use of discourse markers in Spanish language.
After analyzing the original Spanish TV show Aquí no hay quién viva I
realized that Spanish language does use discourse markers in speech. The use of “pero
(line 14, 32, 41,42)”, “pero que (line 18, 20)” and “que (line 31, 38, 43)” is incredibly
large, they are reformulation markers (“that is”, “that is to say” in English).
Reformulation ensures cohesion and facilitates discourse by reducing any possible
communicative defects of a text. “Pero” can also act as a contrastive discourse marker
(line 32) that places restriction on the details (Vallesteros, Francisco José); in this text of
the relationship between Judith and Maite who answers the indirect speech of Judith
declaring that her thoughts were wrong and she was the plan “B” in her relationship
with Don Enrique. We can also say that this “pero” (“but”) is a semantic and denial of
expectations.
Moreover, we can see many other types of discourse markers: Interjections
(“joder” –line 46, and “virgin santísima” line 47), discourse markers as responses (“ no
no no” –line 36, “que no que no” –line 16), and one that we usually find in English
language “well” that is “bueno” (line 27), works as a response/delay marker commonly
used to signal a departure from the previous discourse topic, or as an indicator that the
speaker is disagreeing with the interlocutor or telling him something he doesn't want to
hear.
The discourse marker “pués” is often used in Spanish; it is a casual
discourse marker and serves as a connector, perhaps these forms sometimes may not
have precise meanings, they structure the overall discourse (Casado Velarde, Manuel).
The discourse marker “well” (“pués”) almost always marks a response to some previous
utterance, and beginning a sentence with “well” often indicates that the information in
the utterance is somehow counter to the expectations raised by the preceding utterance:
“Tu la tenias ahí chupando del bote sin hacer nada” (line 24), with its following
answer “Pues como tu.
Hence, in Spanish language, like in English, we can find lots of discourse
markers that certainly differ from those used in English. Discourse markers in both
languages used to have the same meaning, which is reinforced when listening the
dialogue in direct form, when the tone plays a relevant role because it sets the position
and performance of the characters. So, when doing a conversational analysis we have to
take into account not only the actual written and/or spoken dialogue but also other
language behaviors such as the tone patterns, and the interlocutor’s body movements
and facial expression as well.
Furthermore, after listening and reading the transcripts on both languages we can clearly
see that contrastive analysis is useful not only for applied purposes such as translation,
but also for descriptive purposes, since “hidden meanings become focused in
contrastive contexts and allow the researcher to test hypotheses about the nature of
discourse markers”. (Cuenca, Maria Josep). Thus, is not matter of translation but the
difference in cultural patterns that reshape ethnic languages; the way we say things vary
from one culture to another, and the translation of the discourse markers also vary. That
does not mean that one nation uses more or less discourse markers than another, it just
uses them by a different way. In this paper we have only analyzed Spanish and English
languages, which do not have as many differences as we could imagine: Both languages
use the Roman alphabet, which means that they have a similar phonemic and
phonological foundation. And sentences in both languages have the same basic
structures as well. Nonetheless, if we compare them with other languages with
completely different idioms we could have completely different conclusions.
Work Cited
Anne McCabe. An Introduction to Linguistics and Language Studies. Saint
LondonUnited Kingdom, N.p. 2011: Equinox, n.d. Print.
Casado Velarde, Manuel, (1991), "Los operadores discursivos es decir, esto
es, o sea y a saber en español actual: valores de lengua y funciones textuales",
Lingüística Española Actual, XIII, 1, págs. 87-116.
Cuenca, Maria Josep. "Pragmatic Markers in Contrast: The Case of Well."
ScienceDirect. Univrsitat De Valencia, 2008. Web. 01 Oct. 2015.
Erman, B., 1987. Pragmatic expressions in English: A study of you know,
you see, and I mean in face- to-face conversation. Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell.
Tagliamonte, Sali. "So Who? Like How? Just What?" Journal of
Pragmatics 37.11 (2005): 1896-915. People.duke.edu. University of Toronto,
Department of Linguistics, 10 Mar. 2013. Web. 26 Sept. 2015.
Vallesteros, Francisco José. "Mecanismos de atenuación en español e inglés.
Implicaciones pragmáticas en la cortesía." Pendientedemigracion. Universidad
Complutense De Madrid, Nov. 2012. Web. 26 Sept. 2015.

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Beyond Words

  • 1. Yulia Sharakina ENLG/SPAN 4110 12 Oct, 2015 Anne McCabe Beyond Words This paper provides an analysis of the potential role of discourse markers in two languages, English and Spanish, possible differences in its usage, and/or poor quality in translating text from one language to another. The data that serves as evidence are the two transcripts of the TV show Friends, and one additional transcript of an actual Spanish TV show La que se avecina. In order to properly analyze the fragment of Friends we have first to understand the situation and the subject, i.e. conversational topic, since the discourse markers are going to depend on the scenario. Likewise, the grammatical structure varies form one language to another; thus, we will not have this into account when analyzing the transcripts. I speak both English and Spanish fluently, and every time I watch any TV show in either language I can clearly perceive differences in both. Do these dissimilarities come from a baffling translation, or it is because English and Spanish have a myriad of differences grammatically? The setup starts when Ross enters sad in the cafeteria where gathered all his friends Joey, Chandler, Monica and Phoebe. Because Ross looks miserable his friend Joey begins the conversation by asking the reason of his distress. Ross answers him by saying that someone has eaten his sandwich at work, and here is where the real dialogue takes place, and the topic is the sandwich of Ross. Let’s take a look to the English transcript first and analyze the discourse markers as follow. The first marker of speech that we find in the text in English is "well" (line 4) – as a frame marker that prefaces direct reported speech. In this case Chandler breaks into the conversation between Ross and Joe, and his use of “well” shows some sarcasm because of this (absurd) situation. "Just" (line 6 and 7) is a textual marker that is often used to soften the tone of the conversation, to not sound forceful. The location of "just" is syntactically important because in this case is minimizing the importance of the matter by saying that it is “just”
  • 2. a sandwich –something irrelevant (Tagliamonte, Sali). The cohesion that provides the marker is reinforced by repetition that is stated on lines 6, and twice in the 7th. The discourse marker "okay" ("vale" in Spanish) (line 16) is the most dependent on the communicative situation, as it is always oriented towards the interlocutor, seeking to keep his attention. “Okay” (line 8 and 13) is a delay/response marker that is focusing attention and structuring the discourse. “Okay?” (line 11) on the other hand, checks the understating of what was previously said (Anne McCabe). Discourse markers for monitoring the speech, appellatives such as "okay" and "look" (“oye” y “mira” in Spanish) that appear in the lines 7, 8, 9 and 13 have the same function in the both texts; besides, it is interesting to see its intersexual position that is at the beginning of each speech -making the opening function. We sometimes use “look” as a discourse marker but it needs to be used carefully as it is very strong. We use it when we are explaining something or making a point, especially when we are annoyed or speaking very forcefully. “Look” in the line 7 is making appoint as Ross seems annoyed because Chandler is being sarcastic, in the line 8 and 9 “look” functions as linking verb, it also as reorientation in knowledge of new information “I mean” has a similar function; in line 8 Monica uses it in order to paraphrase what se has already said, and in line 9 uses it ordering what he will say next (Erman, B). “Like” (line 14) is a preposition “similar to”, we use it in order to introduce an example. “Whoa! Ohh! (line 17) are interjections; shows a negative response in this case because of the following sentence: “Phoebe, you are a bad ass!”. Other discourse markers as “but”, “really” (line 14, which shows interest and preface a response), “so” (as conjunction to initiate discourse)… Formerly, what is happening in the Spanish text? We can clearly see that it has less discourse markers that the English transcript. Does it have to do to a poor translation; difference in Spanish grammar, or it is just because Spaniards express more with a tone of voice rather than using discourse markers? Lets look at the beginning of the dialogue, as in the text in English; we see the use of the discourse marker “y qué” (line4), it serves as additive connector that gives start to the discourse but it looses the sarcasm that “well” has in English.
  • 3. Although, when watching and listening the TV show that sarcasm is reflected by the tone in both, English and Spanish version of Friends. So, is it possible that Spanish culture takes more usage of facial expressions, body movements, and speech tones rather than focusing in grammar and, therefore, there is a lower variety and use of the discourse markers. On the other hand, the luck of discourse markers in he Spanish transcript may be the result of a poor translation. For example, lets take some of the sentences of the both transcripts: “Tranquilo, aun quedan sobras para otro bocadillo, en fin pensaba comérmelo yo pero...” and “Okay, look, I-I have enough stuff for one more sandwich, I mean I was going to eat it myself, but (motions that he can have it.)”. We see that some of the discourse markers have practically identical translation (“en fin” and “I mean”, “pero” and “but”). Besides, there is a couple of discourse markers that are missing at the beginning of the Spanish text; “okay” and “look” –that would be “vale” and “mira”. Thus, we have two theories: One, is the modest translation, and two, poor use of discourse markers in Spanish language. After analyzing the original Spanish TV show Aquí no hay quién viva I realized that Spanish language does use discourse markers in speech. The use of “pero (line 14, 32, 41,42)”, “pero que (line 18, 20)” and “que (line 31, 38, 43)” is incredibly large, they are reformulation markers (“that is”, “that is to say” in English). Reformulation ensures cohesion and facilitates discourse by reducing any possible communicative defects of a text. “Pero” can also act as a contrastive discourse marker (line 32) that places restriction on the details (Vallesteros, Francisco José); in this text of the relationship between Judith and Maite who answers the indirect speech of Judith declaring that her thoughts were wrong and she was the plan “B” in her relationship with Don Enrique. We can also say that this “pero” (“but”) is a semantic and denial of expectations. Moreover, we can see many other types of discourse markers: Interjections (“joder” –line 46, and “virgin santísima” line 47), discourse markers as responses (“ no no no” –line 36, “que no que no” –line 16), and one that we usually find in English language “well” that is “bueno” (line 27), works as a response/delay marker commonly used to signal a departure from the previous discourse topic, or as an indicator that the
  • 4. speaker is disagreeing with the interlocutor or telling him something he doesn't want to hear. The discourse marker “pués” is often used in Spanish; it is a casual discourse marker and serves as a connector, perhaps these forms sometimes may not have precise meanings, they structure the overall discourse (Casado Velarde, Manuel). The discourse marker “well” (“pués”) almost always marks a response to some previous utterance, and beginning a sentence with “well” often indicates that the information in the utterance is somehow counter to the expectations raised by the preceding utterance: “Tu la tenias ahí chupando del bote sin hacer nada” (line 24), with its following answer “Pues como tu. Hence, in Spanish language, like in English, we can find lots of discourse markers that certainly differ from those used in English. Discourse markers in both languages used to have the same meaning, which is reinforced when listening the dialogue in direct form, when the tone plays a relevant role because it sets the position and performance of the characters. So, when doing a conversational analysis we have to take into account not only the actual written and/or spoken dialogue but also other language behaviors such as the tone patterns, and the interlocutor’s body movements and facial expression as well. Furthermore, after listening and reading the transcripts on both languages we can clearly see that contrastive analysis is useful not only for applied purposes such as translation, but also for descriptive purposes, since “hidden meanings become focused in contrastive contexts and allow the researcher to test hypotheses about the nature of discourse markers”. (Cuenca, Maria Josep). Thus, is not matter of translation but the difference in cultural patterns that reshape ethnic languages; the way we say things vary from one culture to another, and the translation of the discourse markers also vary. That does not mean that one nation uses more or less discourse markers than another, it just uses them by a different way. In this paper we have only analyzed Spanish and English languages, which do not have as many differences as we could imagine: Both languages use the Roman alphabet, which means that they have a similar phonemic and phonological foundation. And sentences in both languages have the same basic structures as well. Nonetheless, if we compare them with other languages with completely different idioms we could have completely different conclusions.
  • 5.
  • 6. Work Cited Anne McCabe. An Introduction to Linguistics and Language Studies. Saint LondonUnited Kingdom, N.p. 2011: Equinox, n.d. Print. Casado Velarde, Manuel, (1991), "Los operadores discursivos es decir, esto es, o sea y a saber en español actual: valores de lengua y funciones textuales", Lingüística Española Actual, XIII, 1, págs. 87-116. Cuenca, Maria Josep. "Pragmatic Markers in Contrast: The Case of Well." ScienceDirect. Univrsitat De Valencia, 2008. Web. 01 Oct. 2015. Erman, B., 1987. Pragmatic expressions in English: A study of you know, you see, and I mean in face- to-face conversation. Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell. Tagliamonte, Sali. "So Who? Like How? Just What?" Journal of Pragmatics 37.11 (2005): 1896-915. People.duke.edu. University of Toronto, Department of Linguistics, 10 Mar. 2013. Web. 26 Sept. 2015. Vallesteros, Francisco José. "Mecanismos de atenuación en español e inglés. Implicaciones pragmáticas en la cortesía." Pendientedemigracion. Universidad Complutense De Madrid, Nov. 2012. Web. 26 Sept. 2015.