7. Thesis conclusion and bibliography.pdf

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7.
CONCLUSION
Name: Robert D.
Age: 19
Occupation: Soldier
Diagnosis: Dementia Praecox
Cause: Always a nervous lad and the excitement of his new life as a soldier.
May 16. In bed in the admission… Dull, slow in response. He does not converse
much.
May 27. Getting up all day. Weak mentally.
July 6. Marked improvement. Got on very well. Played in a cricket match a
fortnight ago and was alert and mentally much alive.
July 27. Kept well and was today transferred to some English asylum.872
Robert is an important man. By age nineteen, he had answered the call for duty and
enlisted into the army. He was later discharged from military service when his mental health
had broken down and was admitted to Edinburgh District Asylum at Bangour. Robert
encountered the military again as they commissioned Bangour Asylum as Edinburgh War
Hospital. In May 1915, he was removed from that institution to make room for his former
brothers-in-arms. He was transferred to nearby Midlothian and Peebles District Asylum at
Rosslynlee.
Robert was an important man, but a forgotten one. He was an ex-serviceman ousted
from military healthcare services, a war hospital migrant patient ousted for military
patients, and a resident in a civilian asylum demoted in the priorities of national healthcare
872
Extracts from case notes for Robert D., Case Books. No. 28, MPDA, (14th
May 1915), p. 36, ref. LHB33/12/28.

228
boards in favour of military hospitals. Robert therefore reflects the patient bodies who were
marginalised by the First World War.
*
This thesis set out to find an answer to two questions. First, what happened to the
patients cast out of Scotland’s new war hospitals? Second, how privileged were service
patients, really?
This research was inspired by the forgotten narratives of mental health in wartime
that were being rediscovered, first by Crammer, and later Barham, Reid, Jones and Wessely,
Loughran, and Meyer, and emerging in the field, Brumby and Walker, to name but a few.873
Whether attributed to compassion fatigue or the wider trend of finding voices for those
who have hitherto remained voiceless, research has veered away from the shell shocked
and the soldier, and has mined the archives to reveal what was happening away from these
semi-public figures and diagnoses. To contribute to these emerging narratives, this project
had initially intended to focus on the lives of those patients who were forced from their
home institutions as the War Office commandeered asylums and transformed them into
‘war hospitals’. Both contemporary reports and historical research shed light on life,
treatment regimes, and patient demographics inside these war hospitals. Yet little has been
said about the patients who were transferred to other asylums to make room for military
patients. The scene of their departure was a favourite recollection of asylum doctors. Each
inpatient seemed to have faced their imminent move differently, despite the effort of some
published reports to suggest otherwise. Doctors liked to stress how the parting was equally
difficult for themselves and for their patients, yet they embraced the new challenge before
them, treating service patients. They anticipated that their reputation and the profile of
their institutions would only benefit from their association with the military, and their
contribution towards the war effort. It was a benefit that did not come to light. We know
873
J. L. Crammer, ‘Extraordinary deaths of asylum inpatients’, Medical History, 36(2), (October, 1992); Peter
Barham, Forgotten lunatics, (Yale University Press, New Haven, 2004); Fiona Reid, Broken men, (Continuum,
London, New York, 2010); Edgar Jones, Simon Wessely, From shell shock to PTSD, (Psychology Press, New York,
2005); Tracey Loughran, ‘Hysteria and neurasthenia in pre-1914 British medical discourse and in histories of
shell-shock’, History of Psychiatry, 19(1), (February, 2008); Tracey Loughran, ‘A crisis of masculinity? Re-writing
the history of shell-shock and gender in First World War Britain’, History Compass, 11(9), (September, 2013);
Jessica Meyer, Men of war: masculinity and the First World War in Britain, (Palgrave Macmillan, 2009); Alice
Brumby, ‘A painful and disagreeable position’, First World War Studies, 6(1), (June, 2015); Simon Walker, A
different existence altogether': constructing, conditioning and controlling the British soldier's body in the First
World War, PhD thesis, (University of Strathclyde, 2018).

229
much of what happened inside the war hospitals once the civilian insane had been moved
on, but of those men and women themselves, we know very little. No comprehensive study
of their experiences once they left the new war hospitals exists.
Meanwhile, certain assumptions have remained relatively unchallenged in the
history of mental healthcare and the First World War, primarily that servicemen were a
privileged patient group granted distinct identities, who experienced asylum life in markedly
different ways than civilians.874 Outside of the asylum, servicemen were placed at the top of
a socio-political hierarchy. The physical and mental breakdown of servicemen was
prioritised over the breakdown of civilians. There were conscious, legislative measures to
protect servicemen from the long-standing stigma of the asylum, and to make their lives
inside the asylum easier.875 However, there did seem to have been an assumption at the
time that these measures were going to be implemented. There was some recognition by
contemporaries and by researchers today, that all was not as it seemed with the treatment
of servicemen in asylums. One of the distinctions servicemen were afforded was a uniform,
or some sort of visual marker that distinguished them from the civilian insane. Yet Frederick
Mott on his visit to London Count Mental Hospital, Hanwell, noted that there was barely a
uniform to be seen.876 Through a longitudinal study, Barham recorded the mobility of
servicemen through healthcare systems. If they enjoyed these supposedly privileged
positions, they did not necessarily stay there. Instead, servicemen journeyed through civil
and military care, and navigated routes back into the armed forces, and often back out of it
again.877 Historians have begun to recognise that institutional archives do not reflect the
privileged position carved out for servicemen. The histories of civilian inpatients of district
874
GBCS, The fourth annual report of the General Board of Control for Scotland, (HMSO, Edinburgh, 1917) p.
xxvii; Ian M. Beech, ‘The universal khaki. The impact of the Asylum War Hospitals Scheme on Cardiff City
Mental Hospital, 1915-1920’, Llafur. Journal of the Welsh People, 9(2), (2005), p. 4.
875
The Asylum War Hospitals Scheme which originated in England, came with a strict set of rules and
guidelines which set out how the conversion of asylums or military purposes was to be managed,
administered, and how the patients were to be treated. See EDBC, Report of Bangour Village, 1914-1923,
(William R. Duff & Co., Leith, 1923); EDBC Special Committee, Meeting minutes, (27th
April, 1915); House of
Commons debates, (14th
June, 1915), vol. 72, cc491-3; (10th June 1915), vol. 72 cc367-9; (19th May, 1915), vol.
71, cc2331.
876
Peter Barham, Forgotten lunatics, (Yale University Press, 2007), pp. 185-6.
877
Ibid.

230
asylums seems to have been taken for granted, despite studies into the impact of the First
World War on British public health.878
In the early stages of this thesis project, the typical scoping exercises were carried
out in the archives, assessing the available records and the feasibility of the study. These
exercises quickly revealed how War hospital migrant patients and ex-servicemen removed
from military care, quickly became assimilated into the rank and file, civilian patient
population of Scotland’s district asylums. The carefully constructed distinctions between
servicemen and civilians were obscured. Whilst the initial questions proposed by this study
still stood therefore, it grew to consider one more: was there a shared inpatient experience
inside Scotland’s district asylums during the First World War?
AN ASSUMED PRIVILEGE: EX-SERVICEMEN IN THE ASYLUM
Despite the best efforts of politicians and military authorities, ex-servicemen were
not protected from the stigma of the mental health institution. Although there was an
extensive programme of therapeutic and architectural conversion that turned asylums into
‘hospitals’, military authorities were still ill-equipped, unprepared and ill-suited to care for
the mental injuries of ex-servicemen. Asylum conversions prioritised physical injury and
illness over mental conditions, as they were reserved for those asylums being transformed
into medical hospitals, as opposed to military psychiatric units. This was a hierarchy that
was reflected as early as the soldier’s journey home, as there were far fewer opportunities
to diagnose mental illness, and therefore to provide emergency, immediate care. It was not
only medical voices that prioritised the care of servicemen. District Lunacy Boards produced
a patriotic rhetoric that handed over control to their institutions with little complaint.
However, this was often at odds with those on the ground – the asylum superintendents
and commissioners who were tasked with organising and implementing these changes in
select institutions across Scotland. Superintendents like Dr Hotchkiss at Renfrew District
Asylum, Dykebar, were conflicted in performing the duties ascribed to them by district
boards and the war office, and their duties and responsibilities to their patients, and putting
their welfare first.
878
J. M. Winter, The Great War and the British people, (Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke, New York, 2003).

231
This hierarchy – with ex-servicemen at the top and civilians at the bottom – was
mostly relevant outside the asylum. The surviving admission records, and by extension the
narratives which followed a patient into the Scottish district asylum, did not often reflect
the same discourses taking place amongst military authorities, lunacy boards, politicians and
doctors. In fact, they were almost entirely absent. The voices who constructed these
documents – laymen, families, employers, landlords, general practitioners and other
medical examiners, Inspectors of the Poor – did not construct a privileged position for
patients entering the asylum with a military background. Instead, they reflected ex-
servicemen who were subject to a process of marginalisation, just like war hospital migrant
patients and all other men and women admitted to district asylums between 1914 and
1934. Ex-servicemen were considered unfit and unable to serve their country and were
removed from active duty. They then ‘failed’ to recover quickly enough in military
healthcare systems and removed from military care altogether. They were seen as
‘hopeless’ cases and assimilated into the civilian ‘rank and file’ in the non-militarised district
asylum. Far from focusing on their experiences in the army, or their distinct rank as a
serviceman, admission documents of ex-servicemen mostly focused on the implications
their admission, and the events leading to it, had on the gender identity of ex-servicemen
and those around them.
Despite the lack of hierarchical rhetoric in the admission papers, some traces of a
socio-political ranking system favouring ex-servicemen did exist in the case notes
documenting life once inside the asylum. For one, some doctors demonstrated a higher
tolerance for uncooperative or even violent behaviour amongst former soldiers than their
civilian co-residents. Ex-servicemen were also more likely to be discharged from asylums
sooner (within three months) than civilians. The masculine ideals ascribed to soldiers were
valued in the asylum wards, and their case notes emphasised their ‘masculine’ contributions
to the asylum regime, including the work they performed on wards and on the grounds, and
their participation in sporting events. Admittedly, gendered work programmes were a staple
inside the district asylum, and all men and women, regardless of their class, were expected
to contribute in some way. Once they were inside civilian asylums however, ex-servicemen
were able to recover the masculinity military discourse had said they had lost due to their
breakdown during service. Importantly, most of these observations were particular to the

232
north of Scotland, or more specifically to Inverness District Asylum. Elsewhere, at
institutions including Midlothian and Peebles District Asylum, admission and the subsequent
inpatient experience could have been perceived as a sort of ‘demotion’ to ex-servicemen, as
they were transferred from specialised, military-ran, or private institutions that afforded
them privileged status and less stigmatisation than the district asylum.
The financial figures, meanwhile, offered the strongest case in support of a
‘privileged’ ex-servicemen inside the civil asylum. They reflected generous community
engagement, and multiple avenues of support to mitigate the pressures placed upon all
resources during wartime and interwar Scotland. Fundamentally, ex-servicemen who were
formally classed as “service patients” were supported by the Ministry of Pensions. However,
the evidence of pension awards within the institutions themselves is sparse and irregular.
Moreover, the ‘service patient’ class that afforded servicemen their privileged distinction
along with their pension was becoming more and more selective with changes in the
legislation. In practice, privileged status in civil district asylums, in so far as it meant benefits
that increased an inpatient’s comfort, were in fact awarded to the elderly, sick and infirm,
who were typically considered burdens on asylum resources, from beds to staff time. As
they were in parts of the asylum classed as medical hospitals, i.e. the infirmary wards, these
were the patients who were afforded extra food rations for every meal.
Letters did not reflect any particular privilege or distinction either. When ex-
servicemen wrote, they did not often use the opportunity to assert themselves and their
military identities over other patients in the asylum, or even the staff. As a class, ex-
servicemen were fairly aimless in their letter writing, and their letters were extremely
personal. As such it is difficult to find a class-oriented goal, or trend typical in the
expressions of ex-servicemen. To some extent we can argue that ex-servicemen wrote to
reassert their masculinity. Most of the few records of ex-servicemen discussing their military
history offered an account for their actions and health. However, no record existed of an ex-
serviceman in a district asylum reaching out to his former military friends, colleagues,
superiors or even doctors. Although some letters existed from the military authorities
themselves, they were never sent directly to the patient, and reflected the transfer of
responsibility for a man onto civilian authorities.

233
‘UNDISGUISED SATISFACTION AT THE PROSPECT OF A CHANGE OF SCENERY’:
WHATEVER HAPPENED TO THE WAR HOSPITAL PATIENTS?
Whatever the resident superintendents of the asylums fashioned as war hospitals
claimed to see when they transferred thousands of patients across the country over the
span of four years, little evidence exists to support or challenge them. Perhaps the reason
why there is such a limited narrative surrounding these patients, is because of the lack of
records which tell their stories. Yet this study has made inroads where it could, and we have
been able to shed a little more light on what happened to war hospital patients, after they
left their home institutions.
There were clear divides drawn between ex-servicemen and civilians in both the
military’s medical and psychiatric hospitals. Yet war hospital patients were separated into
another ‘class’ all their own. Their social and medical marginalisation began when the War
Office decided to commission the institutions that cared for them for military use, and the
General Board of Control and district lunacy boards agreed, if somewhat reluctantly, at least
in the case of the latter. Superintendents in the remaining civilian asylums, (or receiving
hospitals) bartered and negotiated which war hospital patients they had to accommodate.
Each were looking for the most active, best behaved, or least troublesome. The physical
marginalisation of war hospital patients meanwhile, manifested itself as they were herded
out of the war hospitals and put on trains, boats and other means of transportation. Few
staff could be spared to take these men and women to their new homes. Those few men
and women who got to remain at their home institutions after they had assumed their new
military identities, were kept for the explicit purpose of doing kitchen, laundry and other
work that was seen as unsuitable for ex-servicemen to do themselves. Meanwhile, once
those who had been ousted arrived at their respective receiving hospitals, and fully
admitted, they became part of an over-crowded ward community where, as per official
guidance from the GBCS, patients could be sleeping in every available space, including
corridors. There is no evidence to suggest that these impromptu quarters were reserved for
war hospital migrant patients, alone.
Their physical marginalisation also existed in another sense. When compared to ex-
servicemen and civilians, the records that exist detailing the asylum life of war hospital
migrant patients were minimal. Frankly, their experiences were barely documented at all.

234
The staff of district asylums were stretched during wartime and interwar Scotland, because
of political and economic crises and the impact this had on the mental health of Britain’s
men and women. Yet why this ‘silence’ in the asylum records did not extend to ex-
servicemen and other civilian patients to the same extent is unclear. Perhaps, because there
was the understanding that these patients would return to their home institutions as soon
as the military relinquished them, and because superintendents worked so hard to control
who came through the doors of their asylums, the idea that these patients were the
responsibility of the doctors, nurses, and attendants of the receiving hospitals never fully
took hold.
Through the few records we were able to uncover however, including case notes and
letters, a more nuanced story than contemporaries or historians have been able to detail so
far has emerged, despite not being given the same voice as their fellow inpatients. Through
both perfunctory and personal narratives, war hospital migrant patients were able to
reclaim their histories to a degree. These were men and women who were often fully aware
of their transitions through the asylum system, and did not necessarily respond with
‘undisguised satisfaction’.879 Their experiences were very much individual, and whilst one
man could have enjoyed the change of scenery just as his doctors promised him, a woman
from the same war hospital, resident at the same receiving hospital, could have clearly
suffered physically and mentally from her transient experiences, and fought to retain her
agency. In their letters, war hospital patients rarely wrote for any other purpose than
escaping the asylum, though they did also pen complaints about their treatment or issued
threats. War hospital patients therefore, were no more likely to have enjoyed their time in
the asylum as other civilians or ex-servicemen, and they had the same desires for their
freedom, to assert themselves, to undermine the asylum authorities, or to act out and hurt
themselves or others. They were not the silent figures that archives and histories have
inadvertently rendered them.
A SHARED EXPERIENCE?
Can we consider then, the possibility that ex-servicemen and civilians, including
pauper, private, war hospital migrant, voluntary, and boarded out patients in Scotland’s
879
Extract of a report of the clearance of Edinburgh District Asylum and war hospital, The Scotsman, (15th
May,
1915), p. 12.

235
district asylums had a shared inpatient experience between 1914 and 1934? Class, alongside
gender, was a formative component of a man or woman’s experience of mental illness and
mental healthcare. It determined how a person’s mental illness was described, and the
connotations it branded them with. It determined the locus of their care, their treatment
options, and often their likelihood of recovery. We could easily expect therefore, that a
comparative study of mental healthcare experiences between ex-servicemen, war hospital
patients, and other civilian patients, would reflect the same emphasis on class. This turned
out not to be the case.
In admission documents, gender and peaceful cohabitation were the most
transparent frameworks which shaped the experiences of men and women entering the
district asylum in Scotland. Violent, threatening, or atypical behaviour was often the last
straw in caring for mentally ill relatives at home. Protecting women at home was an
especially serious concern, and both men and women were removed to the district asylum if
they were seen to have posed a threat. The language surrounding ex-servicemen was far
more likely to focus on feminine or hereditary attributes, or aggression, than on their
distinct socio-political position. At least in terms of their admission therefore, civilians and
ex-servicemen were held to the same standards of mental wellbeing, and often discussed in
similar terms, few of which were related to their class. Scull’s theory that asylums had a
capitalist function, in that they were used as receptacles for those who could not contribute
to their immediate economies, did not truly seem to apply in Scotland between 1914 and
1934. Instead admissions were framed as a mutually beneficial step between institutions
and families and patients. Little mention of class, employment or finances were ever made.
Importantly, the physical journey to the asylum was an especially unifying experience. It was
something that nearly all patients entering the Scottish district asylum between 1914 and
1934 had in common: when they were taken to the asylum, they were alone. The final
journey onto the asylum was almost always done in the company of strangers.
After the admission process came ward life, and the role that class played in shaping
this part of the inpatient experience again defied expectations. Class was much more
present in the documents that recorded a patient’s daily life – including case notes, account
books, minute accounts from the monthly meetings of district boards, and various registers
(restraint and seclusion, accidents, and escapes etc). In wartime and interwar Scotland, the

236
socio-political hierarchy which prioritised ex-servicemen and marginalised civilians existed,
but to a limited extent. Evidence exists which shows how behaviour which was not tolerated
from civilian men in district asylums, was tolerated amongst ex-service patients. The records
also showed that ex-servicemen were sometimes more likely to be discharged more
frequently and much sooner than their civilian co-residents. By participating in sports and
asylum work regimes, ex-servicemen could also recover the masculinity that the military’s
discourse of mental illness stripped from them. However, the majority of these cases
occurred in one location and during one time period: at Inverness District Asylum during the
First World War. No similar patterns survived the armistice.
For the most part however, this hierarchy was inverted, thanks in large part to
sanctions from the Ministry of Food. From the perspective of patient care, it was the elderly,
the infirm, the sick and the bed-ridden who were arguably the privileged ones, especially
during the First World War. The extra rations provided for civil district asylums were
specifically for patients residing those parts of these institutions that were formally classed
as medical hospitals, i.e. the infirmaries and hospital wards. From a more pragmatic
perspective, private patients were prioritised because of the income they brought to an
institution. Yet in Scotland, the remunerative benefit that the asylums turned war hospital
expected from treating military cases, never manifested inside civil asylums with any
constancy. It was civilian patients that were far more valuable in purely economic terms.
Income from private patients and charges raised for men and women being treated outside
their own districts may have been small, but it was far more reliable. Importantly, it was the
most ‘burdensome’ patients – classed as ‘mental defectives’ – who provided a more stable
income than any other class.
Patient letters too, did not support the hierarchy which prioritised ex-service
patients in healthcare systems. On one hand, war hospital migrants and boarded-out
patients continued to be marginalised and had the most restricted voices of any other class
of patient. On the other, private and ex-service patients did not rally themselves to any
unifying cause as a class. Instead, they joined the ranks of the civilian inpatient population
and, for the most part, used their voices as far as we can tell from the surviving records, to
try and gain their freedom from the Scottish district asylum.

237
Whilst an argument can be made that the admission experience was more of a
shared one than patient hierarchies would perhaps lead us to expect, it is much more
difficult to reach the same conclusion about the inpatient experience after admission. The
impact of the socio-political hierarchy prioritising ex-servicemen was certainly limited, and
only seemed prevalent in a specific environment. However, in the daily life of the asylum,
different hierarchies emerged. It was not the ex-serviceman who became valuable, but the
‘mental defective’. It was not the ex-serviceman who was privileged, but the sick, the bed-
ridden, and the infirm. And although the men and women transferred from the country’s
war hospitals were undoubtedly marginalised and much of their story undocumented, they
did reclaim some of their narratives and did not remain as voiceless as history has assumed.

238
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Huxley, James E., ‘The treatment of melancholia with refusal of food’, The Asylum
Journal, 1(11), (February 1855).
CONTEMPORARY BOOKS
Grant-Smith, Rachel, The experiences of an asylum patient, (George Allen & Unwin Ltd,
London, 1922).
Lomax, Montague, The experiences of an asylum doctor. With suggestions for asylum and
lunacy reform, (George Allen & Unwin Ltd, London, 1921).
Macpherson, W. G., History of the Great War based on official documents. medical services
general history, vol. 1, (HMSO, London, 1921).
Mercier, Charles, Lunatic asylums: their organisation and management, (Charles Griffin and
Company, Limited, Strand, 1894).

244
Read, C. Stanford, Military psychiatry in peace and war, (H. K. Lewis and Co. Ltd., London,
1920).
PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
House of Commons debates
Army casualties (mental strain), (14th June, 1915), vol. 72, cc491-3.
Army casualties (mental strain), (10th June 1915), vol. 72 cc367-9.
Military hospital (Bangour Asylum), (6th May, 1915), vol. 71, cc1262-2.
Provision for insane soldiers, (19th May, 1915), vol. 71, cc2331.
Sailors (nerve strain), (14th July 1915), vol. 73, cc833-4.
Ental[sic] troubles (treatment), (20th July, 1915), vol. 73, cc1323-4.
Nelve[sic]-shaken soldiers, (26th July 1915), vol. 19, cc697.
Mental and nervous cases (military), (16th September 1915), vol. 74, cc154-6.
Clause 6. – (Visiting Committee of the Council may receive boarders at Maudsley
Hospital), (24th June, 1915), vol. 72, cc1423.
SECONDARY JOURNAL ARTICLES
Adriaens, Pieter R., De Block, Andreas, ‘The evolutionary turn in psychiatry: a historical
overview’, History of Psychiatry, 21(2), (June, 2010).
Allison, Laura, Moncrieff, Joanna, ‘Rapid tranquillisation’: an historical perspective on its
emergence in the context of the development of antipsychotic medications’, History of
Psychiatry, 25(1), (March, 2014).
Anderson, Neill, Lange, Arturo, ‘The development of institutional care for ’idiots and
imbeciles’ in Scotland’, History of Psychiatry, 8(30), (June, 1997).
Andrews, Emily, ‘Institutionalising senile dementia in 19th-century Britain’, Sociology of
Health and Illness, 39(2), (February, 2017).

245
Andrews, Jonathan, ‘Documents and sources. Case notes, case histories, and the patient’s
experience of insanity at Gartnavel Royal Asylum, Glasgow, in the nineteenth century’’,
Social History of Medicine, 11(2), (August, 1998).
Andrews, Jonathan, ‘A failure to flourish?: David Yellowlees and the Glasgow school of
Psychiatry’, Part 1, 8(30), History of Psychiatry, (June, 1997); Part 2, 8(31), History of
Psychiatry, (September, 1997).
Andrews, Jonathan, Kennaway, James, ‘The grand organ of sympathy’: ‘fashionable’
stomach complaints and the mind in Britain’, Social History of Medicine, 32(1), (February
2009).
Appelquist, Malin, Åsberg, Marie, Brådvik, Louise, Ottosson, Ingemar, ‘As good as it gets: an
empirical study on mentally-ill patients and their stay at a general hospital in Sweden, 1896–
1905’, History of Psychiatry, 30(2), (January, 2019).
Barfoot, Peter, Beveridge, Allan, ‘Madness at the crossroads: John Home’s letters from the
Royal Edinburgh Asylum, 1886-87’ Psychological Medicine, 20(2), (May, 1990).
Barfoot, Peter, Beveridge, Allan, ‘’Our most notable inmate’: John Willis Mason at the Royal
Edinburgh Asylum, 1864-1901’, History of Psychiatry, 4(14), (June, 1993).
Barona, Josep L., ‘Nutrition and health. The international context during the inter-war crisis,
Social History of Medicine, 21(1), (April, 2008).
Beech, Ian M., ‘The universal khaki. The impact of the Asylum War Hospitals Scheme on
Cardiff City Mental Hospital, 1915-1920’, Llafur.Journal of the Welsh People, 9(2), (2005).
Beveridge, Allan, Williams, Morag, ‘Inside the lunatic manufacturing company’: the
persecuted world of John Gilmour’, History of Psychiatry, 13(49), (March, 2002).
Beveridge, Allan, ‘Life in the asylum: patients’ letters from Morningside, 1873-1908’, History
of Psychiatry, 9(36), (December, 1998).
Beveridge, Allan, ‘Madness in Victorian Edinburgh: a study of patients admitted to the Royal
Edinburgh Asylum under Thomas Clouston, 1873-1908, part I’, History of Psychiatry, 6(21),
(March, 1995).

246
Beveridge, Allan, ‘Madness in Victorian Edinburgh: a study of patients admitted to the Royal
Edinburgh Asylum under Thomas Clouston, 1873-1908, part II’, History of Psychiatry, 6(22),
(June, 1995).
Hide, Louise, Bourke, Joanna, ‘Cultures of harm in institutions of care: introduction’, Social
History of Medicine, 31(4), (November, 2018).
Brown, Victoria, Long, Vicky, ‘Conceptualizing work-related mental distress in the British
coalfields (c.1900–1950)’, Palgrave Communications, vol. 4, (November, 2018).
Browning, C. R., Cagney, A., Iveniuk, J., English, N., ‘The onset of depression during the Great
Recession: foreclosure and older adult mental health’, America Journal of Public Health,
104(3), (March, 2014).
Brumby, Alice, ‘A painful and disagreeable position’: rediscovering patient narratives and
evaluating the difference between policy and experience for institutionalized veterans with
mental disabilities, 1924–1931’, First World War Studies, 6(1), (June, 2015).
Burns, Nicola, Parr, Hester, Philo, Chris, ‘‘That awful place was home’: reflections on the
contested meanings of Craig Dunain Asylum’, Scottish Geographical Journal, 119(4),
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Campbell, Morag Allan, ‘Noisy, restless and incoherent’: puerperal insanity at Dundee
Lunatic Asylum’, History of Psychiatry, 28(1), (March, 2017).
Clarke, Liam, ‘The opening of doors in British mental hospitals in the 1950s’, History of
Psychiatry, 4(16), (December, 1993).
Crammer, J. L., ‘The extraordinary deaths of asylum inpatients during the 1914-1918 war’,
Medical History, 36(4), (October, 1992).
Crammer, J. L., ‘English asylums and English doctors: where Scull is wrong’, History of
Psychiatry, 5(17), (March, 1994).
Crossman, A. M., ‘The Hydra, Captain AJ Brock and the treatment of shell-shock in
Edinburgh’, Journal of the Royal College of Physicians of Edinburgh, 33(2), (2003).
Davies, Kerry, ‘’Silent and censured travellers’? Patients’ narratives and patients’ voices:
perspectives on the history of mental illness since 1948’, Social History of Medicine, 14(2),
(August, 2001).

247
Denny, Kathleen E., Milkie, Melissa A., ‘Changes in the cultural model of father involvement:
descriptions of benefits to fathers, children, and mothers in Parents’ Magazine, 1926-2006’,
Journal of Family Issues, 35(2), (November, 2012).
Earner-Byrne, Lynsey, ‘’Dear Father my health has broken down’: writing health in Irish
charity letters, 1922-1940’, Social History of Medicine, 28(4), (June, 2015).
Ellis, Rob, “ ‘A constant irritation to the townspeople’? Local, regional and national politics
and London’s county asylums at Epsom”, Social History of Medicine, 26(4), (May, 2013).
Ellis, Rob, ‘Asylums and sport: participation, isolation and the role of cricket in the treatment
of the insane’, The International Journal of the History of Sport, 30(1), (January, 2013).
Engstrom, Eric J., ‘On the question of degeneration’ by Emil Kraepelin (1908)’, History of
Psychiatry, 18(3), (September, 2007).
Esther, Robert J., ‘Use of physical restraints in a nineteenth-century state hospital’, History
of Psychiatry, 8(29), March, 1997).
Evans, Bonnie, Rahman, Shahina, Jones, Edgar, ‘Managing the ‘unmanageable’: interwar
child psychiatry at the Maudsley Hospital, London’, History of Psychiatry, 19(4), (December,
2008).
Farquharson, Lauren, ‘A ‘Scottish poor law of lunacy’? Poor law, lunacy law and Scotland’s
parochial asylums’, History of Psychiatry, 28(1), (March, 2017).
Francis, Martin, ‘The domestication of the male? Recent research on nineteenth and
twentieth-century British masculinity’, The Historical Journal, 45(3), (September, 2002).
Gammel, Irene, ‘We are the dead’: rhetoric, community and the making of John McCrae’s
iconic war poem’, First World War Studies, 9(1), (March, 2018).
Gansel, Yannis, ‘Managing difficult and violent adolescents (adolescents difficiles) in France:
a genealogical approach’, History of Psychiatry, 30(1), (March, 2019).
Hamlet, J., Hoskins, L., ‘Comfort in small things: clothing, control and agency in county
lunatic asylums in nineteenth- and early twentieth-century England, Journal of Material
Culture, 8(1), (February, 2013).

248
Harding, T. W., ‘“Not worth powder and shot”. A reappraisal of Monatgu Lomax’s
contribution to mental health reform’, British Journal of Psychiatry, 156(2), (February, 1990).
Haw, Camilla, Yorsten, Graeme, ‘Old and mad in Victorian Oxford: a study of patients aged
60 and over admitted to the Warneford and Littlemore Asylums in the nineteenth century’,
History of Psychiatry, 16(4), (December, 2005).
Hickman, Clare ‘Cheerful prospects and tranquil restoration: the visual experience of
landscape as part of the therapeutic regime of the British asylum, 1800–60’, History of
Psychiatry, 20(4), (December, 2009).
Hilton, Claire, ‘Joint geriatric and old-age psychiatric wards in the UK, 1940s – early 1990s: a
historical study’, International Journal of Geriatric Psychiatry, 29(10), (October, 2014).
Hirst, David, “ ‘A ticklish sort of affair’: Charles Mott, Haydock Lodge and the economics of
asylumdom”, History of Psychiatry, 16(3), (September, 2005).
Hock, L., ‘Women and melancholy in nineteenth-century German psychiatry’, History of
Psychiatry, 88(4) (December, 2011).
Houston, R. A., ‘Explanations for death by suicide in northern Britain during the long
eighteenth century’, History of Psychiatry, 23(1), (February, 2012).
Huertas, Rafael, Winston, C. M., ‘Madness and degeneration, I. From ’fallen angel’ to
mentally ill’, History of Psychiatry, 3(12), (December, 1992).
Hutchison, Iain, ‘Institutionalization of mentally impaired children in Scotland, c.1855–1914’,
Jensen, T., ‘The importance of age perceptions and nutritional science to early twentieth-
century institutional diets’, Social History of Medicine, 30(1), (February, 2017).
Jones, Edgar, ‘An atmosphere of cure’: Frederick Mott, shell shock and the Maudsley’,
Jones, Edgar, ‘Historical approaches to post-combat disorders’, Philosophical Transactions of
the Royal Society B., 361(1468), (April, 2006).
Jones, Edgar, Rahman, Shahina, ‘Framing mental illness, 1923–1939: the Maudsley Hospital
and its patients’, Social History of Medicine, 21(1), (April, 2008).

249
Jones, Edgar, Rahman, Shahina, ‘Psychiatric case notes: symptoms of mental illness and
their attribution at the Maudsley Hospital, 1924–35’, History of Psychiatry, 23(2), (June,
2012).
Jones, Edgar, Wessely, Simon, ‘War syndromes: The impact of culture of medically
unexplained symptoms’, Medical History, 49(1), (January, 2005).
Jones, Edgar, Wessely, Simon, ‘“Forward psychiatry” in the military: its origins and
effectiveness’, Journal of Traumatic Stress, 16(4), (August, 2003).
Kelly, Brendan D., ‘Criminal insanity in 19th-century Ireland, Europe and the United States:
cases, contexts and controversies’, International Journal of Law and Psychiatry, 32(6),
(November – December, 2009).
Kelly, Brendan D., ‘Poverty, crime and mental Illness: female forensic psychiatric committal
in Ireland, 1910–1948’, Social History of Medicine, 21(2), (May, 2008).
Kelly, Brendan D., ‘Searching for the patient's voice in the Irish asylums’, Medical History,
42(2), (January, 2016)
Kelly, Brendan D., ‘Shell shock in Ireland: the Richmond War Hospital, Dublin (1916-19)’,
History of Psychiatry, 26(1), (March, 2015).
Kloocke, Ruth, Schmiedebach, Heinz-Peter, Priebe, Stefan, ‘Psychological injury in the two
World Wars: changing concepts and terms in German psychiatry’, History of Psychiatry,
16(1), (March, 2005).
Larsson, Marina, ‘Families and institutions for shell-shocked Soldiers in Australia after the
First World War’, Social History of Medicine, 22(1), (February 2009).
Long, Vicky, ‘Rethinking post-war mental health care: industrial therapy and the chronic
mental patient in Britain’, Social History of Medicine, 26(4), (March, 2013).
Loughran, Tracey, ‘A crisis of masculinity? Re-writing the history of shell-shock and gender in
First World War Britain’, History Compass, 11(9), (September, 2013).
Loughran, Tracey, ‘Hysteria and neurasthenia in pre-1914 British medical discourse and in
histories of shell-shock’, History of Psychiatry, 19(1), (February, 2008).

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MacLeod, A. S., ‘Abrupt treatments of hysteria during World War I, 1914-18’, History of
Psychiatry, 29(2), (June 2018).
Macnicol, John, ‘Eugenics and the campaign for voluntary sterilization in Britain between
the Wars’, Social History of Medicine, 2(2), (August, 1989).
Malone, Carolyn, ‘A job fit for heroes? Disabled veterans, the arts and crafts movement and
social reconstruction in post-World War I Britain’, First World War Studies, 4(2), (October,
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Martin, Meredith, ‘Therapeutic measures: The Hydra and Wilfred Owen at Craiglockhart
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May, David, ‘The Baldovan institution abuse inquiry: a forgotten scandal’, History of
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2004).
McCrae, Niall, ‘Resilience of institutional culture: mental nursing in a decade of radical
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McGovern, Constance, ‘Doctors or ladies? Women physicians in psychiatric institutions,
1872-1900’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 55(1), (Spring, 1981).
Meader, Nick, ‘Promising evidence for nutrition intervention in people with serious mental
illness’, British Journal of Psychiatry, 210(2), (February, 2017).
Meyer, Jessica, ‘Not septimus now’: wives of disabled veterans and cultural memory of the
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Meyer, Jessica, ‘Separating the men from the boys: masculinity and maturity in
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Miley, Frances, Read, Andrew, ‘The purgatorial shadows of war: Accounting, blame and shell
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251
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Morrison, Hazel, ‘Constructing patient stories: ‘dynamic’ case notes and clinical encounters
at Glasgow’s Gartnavel Mental Hospital’, Medical History, 60(1), (January, 2016).
Morrison, Hazel, ‘Conversing with the psychiatrist: patient narratives within Glasgow’s Royal
Asylum, 1921-1929’, Journal of Literature and Science, 6(1), (September, 2013).
Oosterhuis, Harry, Slijkhuis, Jessica, ‘Paralysed with fears and worries’: neurasthenia as a
gender-specific disease of civilization’, History of Psychiatry, 24(1), (March, 2013).
Parr, Hester, Philo, Chris, ‘They shut them out the road’: migration, mental health and the
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Perreault, Isabella, Thifault, Marie-Claude, ‘Behind asylum walls: studying the dialectic
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Philo, Chris, ‘Journey to asylum: a medical-geographical idea in historical context’, Journal of
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Philo, Chris, “An oasis for us”: ‘in-between’ spaces of training for people with mental health
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Rabben, Magne Brekke, Thomassen, Øyvind, ‘Humane treatment versus means of control:
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SECONDARY BOOKS
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Braslow, Joel, Mental ills and bodily cures: psychiatric treatment in the first half of the
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Burleigh, Michael, Death and deliverance: 'euthanasia' in Germany, c.1900 to 1945,
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Scull, Andrew, The most solitary of afflictions: madness and society in Britain, 1700-1900,
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(Harper Perennial, London, New York, 2010).
Thomson, Mathew, The problem of mental deficiency: eugenics, democracy, and social
policy in Britain, c.1870-1959, (Clarendon, Oxford, 1998).

258
Ussher, Jane, Women’s madness: misogyny or mental illness, (Routledge, London, New York,
2011).
Winter, J. M., The Great War and the British people, (Palgrave MacMillan, New York, 2003).
Chapters in edited collections
Andrews Jonathan, Digby, Anne, (eds.), Sex and seclusion, class and custody. Perspectives on
gender and class in the history of British and Irish psychiatry, (Clio Medica, Amsterdam, New
York, 2004).
Busfield, Joan, ‘Class and gender in twentieth-century British Psychiatry: shell-shock
and psychopathic disorder’.
Houston, R. A., ‘Class, gender and madness in eighteenth-century Scotland’.
Michael, Pamela, ‘Class, gender, and insanity in nineteenth-century Wales’.
Walsh, Lorraine, ‘A class apart? Admissions to the Dundee Royal Lunatic Asylum,
1890-1910’.
Walsh, Oonagh, ‘Gender and insanity in nineteenth-century Ireland.
Wright, David, ‘Delusions of gender?: lay identification and clinical diagnosis of
insanity in Victorian England’.
Bartlett, Peter, Wright, David (eds.), Outside the walls of the asylum: the history of care in
the community, 1750-2000, (The Athlone Press, London, 1999).
Sturdy, Harriet, Parry Jones, William, ‘Boarding-out insane patients: the significance
of the Scottish system, 1857-1913’.
Berrios, G., Freeman, H., (eds.), 150 years of British psychiatry. Volume II: the aftermath,
(Athlone, New Jersey, London, 1996).
Shephard, Ben, ‘The early treatment of mental disorders: R. G. Rows and Maghull,
1914- 1918’.
Bynum, W. F., Porter, Roy, Shepherd, Michael, (eds.), The anatomy of madness, vol. II,

259
Mackenzie, Charlotte, ‘Social factors in the admission, discharge, and continuing stay
of patients’.
Cooter, R., Pickstone, J., (eds.), Companion to medicine in the twentieth century, (Routledge,
Bourke, Joanna, ‘Wartime’.
Ernst, Waltraud, (ed.), Work, psychiatry and society, c. 1750-2015, (Manchester University
Press, Manchester, 2016).
Ankele, Monika, ‘The patient’s view of work therapy: the mental hospital Hamburg-
Langenhorn during the Weimar Republic’.
Chaney, Sarah, ‘Useful members of society or motiveless malingerers? occupation
and malingering in British asylum psychiatry, 1870–1914’.
McKay, Kathryn, ‘From blasting powder to tomato pickles: patient work at the
provincial mental hospitals in British Columbia, Canada, 1885–1920’.
Walsh, Oonagh, ‘Work and the Irish district asylums during the late Nineteenth
Century’.
Gijswijt-Hoffstra, Marijka, Porter, Roy, (eds.), Cultures of psychiatry and mental health care,
(Rodopi, Amsterdam, 1998).
Busfield, Joan, ‘Restructuring mental health services in twentieth century Britain’.
Porter, Roy, ‘Nervousness, eighteenth and nineteenth century style: from luxury to
labour’.
Thomson, Matthew, ‘Before anti-psychiatry: ‘mental health’ in wartime Britain’.
Gorsky, Marin, Sheard, Sally, (eds.), Financing medicine. the British experience since 1750,
Willis, Tim, ‘The Bradford Municipal Hospital experiment of 1920. The emergence of
the mixed economy on hospital provision in inter-war Britain’.
Micale, Mark, Porter, Roy, (eds.), Discovering the history of psychiatry, (Oxford University
Press, New York, 1994).

260
Tomes, Nancy, ‘Feminist historiographies of psychiatry’.
Porter, Roy, (ed.), Patients and practitioners: lay perceptions of medicine in pre-industrial
society, (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2002).
Joan Lane, ‘The doctor scolds me’: the diaries and correspondence of patients in
eighteenth century England’.
PHD THESES
Brumby, Alice, From "Pauper lunatics" to "rate-aided patients": removing the stigma of
mental health care? 1888-1938, PhD thesis, (University of Huddersfield, Huddersfield, 2015).
Cranstoun, James G. M., The impact of the Great War on a local community: the case of East
Lothian, PhD thesis, (The Open University, 1992).
Darragh, Alison, ‘Gazetteer of public asylums in Scotland 1781-1930’, PhD Thesis, (University
of St Andrews, 2011).
Darragh, Alison, ‘Prison or palace? Haven or hell? An architectural and social study of the
development of public lunatic asylums in Scotland, 1781-1930’, PhD thesis, (University of St
Andrews, 2011).
Halliday, Emma, Themes in Scottish asylum culture: the hospitalisation of the Scottish asylum
1880-1914, PhD thesis, (University of Stirling, 2003).
Hopkins, John, Problems, politics and personalities in the treatment of mental and nervous
casualties in the British Army 1914-1918, PhD thesis, (University of Leicester, 2002).
Kowalski, Maeghan, Enabling the Great War: ex-servicemen, the mixed economy of welfare
and the social construction of disability, 1899-1930, PhD Thesis, (University of Leeds, 2007).
Matheson, Calum, Ruinous pride: the construction of the Scottish military identity, 1745-
1918, MA Thesis, (University of North Texas, 2011).
Roudebush, M. O., A battle of nerves: hysteria and its treatment in France during World War
One, PhD thesis, (University of California, Berkeley, 1995).
Walker, Simon, 'A different existence altogether': constructing, conditioning and controlling
the British soldier's body in the First World War, PhD thesis, (University of Strathclyde,
Glasgow, 2018).

261
Wannell, Louise, Writing the asylum: madness, culture and subjectivity at the York Retreat,
c.1875-c.1940, PhD thesis, (University of York, York, 2005).
York, Sarah, Suicide, lunacy and the asylum in nineteenth-century England, PhD thesis,
(University of Birmingham, Birmingham, 2009).

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