Human Behavior and the Social Environment IIHuman

Human Behavior and the Social Environment II
Human Behavior and the
Social Environment II
WHITNEY PAYNE
U N I V E R S I T Y O F A R K A N S A S L I B R A R I E S
F AY E T T E V I L L E , A R
Human Behavior and the Social Environment II by Whitney
Payne is licensed under a
Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0
International License,
except where otherwise noted.
Content in his book is adapted was from
• Kennedy, Vera. (2018). Beyond race: cultural influences on
human social life. This work is licensed under a Creative
Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0
International License

• “Beyond Race: Cultural Influences on Human Social Life” by
Vera Kennedy under the license CC BY-NC-SA 4.0.
• Social Problems by University of Minnesota is licensed under
a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike
4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted.
• Introduction to Women, Gender, Sexuality Studies by Miliann
Kang, Donovan Lessard, Laura Heston, Sonny Nordmarken is
licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0
International License,
• Principles of Social Psychology by University of Minnesota
under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-
ShareAlike 4.0 International License,
• McAdams, D. P. (2019). Self and identity. In R. Biswas-
Diener &
E. Diener (Eds), Noba textbook series: Psychology. Champaign,
IL: DEF publishers. Retrieved from http://noba.to/3gsuardw.
Self and Identity by Dan P. McAdams is licensed under
a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike

4.0 International License.
• Immigrant and Refugee Families, 2nd Ed. by Jaime Ballard,
Elizabeth Wieling, Catherine Solheim, and Lekie Dwanyen is
licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-
NonCommercial 4.0 International License, except where
otherwise noted.
Contents
Introduction 1
Attributions 4
Part I. Traditional Paradigms & Dominant
Perspectives on Individuals
Chapter 1: Self and Identity
1.1 Introduction 14
1.2 The Social Actor 15
1.3 The Motivated Agent 19

1.4 The Autobiographical Author 21
1.5 End-of-Chapter Summary 26
1.6 Outside Resources 27
1.7 Discussion Questions 27
13
Chapter 2: Culture and Meaning
2.1 Introduction 33
2.2 Link between Culture and Society 34
2.3 Defining Culture 35
2.4 Cultural Sociology 39
2.5 Theoretical Perspectives on Culture 42
33
Chapter 3: Culture as a Social Construct
3.1 Social Production of Culture 53
3.2 Collective Culture 56
3.3 Cultural Change 69
53

Chapter 4: Cultural Power
4.1 Cultural Hierarchies 72
4.2 Cultural Hegemony 79
4.3 Prejudice and Discrimination 82
72
Chapter 5: Cultural Identity
5.1 Identity Formation 90
5.2 Sex and Gender 94
5.3 Sexuality and Sexual Orientation 99
5.4 Body and Mind 103
5.5 Race and Ethnicity 108
5.6 Religion and Belief Systems 114
5.7 Identity Today 120
90
Chapter 6: The Multicultural World
6.1 Globalization and Identity 133
6.2 Building Cultural Intelligence 138
133

Part II. Alternative Perspectives on Individuals
Chapter 7: Individual and Cultural Differences in
Person Perception
7.1 Introduction 151
7.2 Perceiver Characteristics 152
7.3 Cultural Differences in Person Perception 156
7.4 Attribution Styles and Mental Health 160
151
Chapter 8: Poverty
8.2 The Measurement & Extent of Poverty 174
8.3 Who the Poor Are: Social Patterns of Poverty 181
8.4 Explaining Poverty 195
8.5 The Consequences of Poverty 210
8.6 Global Poverty 224
8.7 Reducing Poverty 246

170
Chapter 9: People of Color, White Identity, &
Women
9.1 Introduction to Prejudice, Discrimination, and
Stereotyping
260
9.2 Dimension of Racial and Ethnic Equality 276
9.3 Feminism and Sexism 286
9.4 Reducing Gender Inequality 292
9.5 The Benefits and Costs of Being Male 296
9.6 Masculinities 300
260
Chapter 10: Aging and Ableness
10.1 Aging Social Problems in the News 303
10.2 Age Cohorts 304
10.3 The Concept & Experience of Aging 307

10.4 Perspectives on Aging 309
10.5 Life Expectancy & the Graying of Society 313
10. 6 Biological & Psychological Aspects of Aging 317
10.7 Children and Our Future 319
10.8 Applying Social Research 321
10.9 Problems Facing Older Americans 324
10.10 Lessons from Other Societies 332
10.11 People Making a Difference 340
10.12 Reducing Ageism & Helping Older Americans 344
302
Chapter 11: Sexual Orientation, Sexuality, &
Pornography
11.1 What is Sex, Gender, Sexuality, & Sexual
Orientation?
351
11.2 Sexual Orientation and Inequality 356
11.3 Understanding Sexual Orientation 359

11.4 Public Attitudes About Sexual Orientation 377
11.5 Inequality Based on Sexual Orientation 392
11.6 Improving the Lives of the LGBT Community 419
11.7 Sexual Orientation & Inequality Summary 422
11.8 Pornography 425
351
Part III. Perspectives on Families
Chapter 12: The Family
12.2 What is Family? 440
12.3 How Families Develop 444
12.4 Dating, Courtship, and Cohabitation 447
12.5 Family Issues and Considerations 456
12.6 Happy Healthy Families 461
12.7 Additional Resources 462
439
Chapter 13: Relationships & Well-Being

13.2 The Importance of Relationships 469
13.3 The Question of Measurement 470
13.4 Presence and Quality of Relationships and
Well-Being
474
13.5 Types of Relationships 479
13.6 Fact or Myth: Are Social Relationships the
Secret to Happiness?
483
468
Chapter 14: Childhood Experiences & Epigenetics
14.1 Early childhood experience 491
14.2 Parental investment and programming of stress
responses in the offspring
492
14.3 Child nutrition and the epigenome 495

491
Part IV. Perspectives on Groups
Chapter 15: Working Groups: Performance &
Decision Making
15.2 Understanding Social Groups 510
15.3 Group Process: the Pluses & Minuses of
Working Together
521
15.4 Improving Group Performance 573
15.5 Thinking Like A Social Psychologist About
Social Groups
590
503
Chapter 16: The Psychology of Groups
16.1 Introduction to the Psychology of Groups 597

16.2 The Psychological Significance of Groups 599
16.3 Motivation and Performance 604
16.4 Making Decisions in Groups 613
16.5 You and Your Groups 619
16.6 Outside Resources 620
16.7 References 622
596
Part V. Stages of Group Development & Group
Think
Chapter 17: Groupthink
17.1 Overview of Groupthink 632
631
Part VI. Perspectives on Organizations
Chapter 18: Industrial/Organizational Psychology
19.1 What is Industrial and Organizational (I/O)
Psychology?

640
19.2 What Does an I/O Psychologist Do? 644
19.3 Careers in I/O Psychology 647
19.4 History of I/O Psychology 649
639
Chapter 19: Competition and Cooperation in Our
Social Worlds
19.1 Competition and Cooperation in Our Social
Worlds
657
19.2 Conflict, Cooperation, Morality, and Fairness 662
19.3 How the Social Situation Creates Conflict: The
Role of Social Dilemmas
684
19.4 Strategies for Producing Cooperation 704
19.5 Thinking Like a Social Psychologist About
Cooperation and Competition

721
657
Chapter 20: Group & Organizational Culture
20.2 Group Dynamics 727
20.3 Organization 729
20.4 Symbolic Power 730
20.5 Organizational Culture 730
726
Part VII. Perspectives on Communities
Chapter 21: Geographic Region
21.1 Communities Based Upon Geographical Region 738
737
Chapter 22: Population & the Environment
22.2 Sociological Perspectives on Population & the

Environment
744
22.3 Population 750
23.4 The Environment 785
22.5 Addressing Population Problems & Improving
the Environment
820
742
Chapter 23: Urban & Rural Problems
23.2 A Brief History of Urbanization 831
23.3 Sociological Perspectives on Urbanization 843
23.4 Problems of Urban Life 853
23.5 Problems of Rural Life 880
23.6 Improving Urban & Rural Life 888
829

Part VIII. Communities & Police Relations
Chapter 24: The Criminal Justice System
24.2 Police 898
24.3 Criminal Courts 901
24.4 The Problem of Prisons 903
24.5 Focus on the Death Penalty 907
897
Part IX. Global Perspectives & Theories
Chapter 25: Immigration & Immigrant Policy:
Barriers & Opportunities for Families
25.2 Immigration Policy 921
25.3 Current Immigration Policy 929
25.4 Opportunities & Barriers for Immigrant
Families
935

25.5 Future Directions 944
27.7 Appendices 956
917
Chapter 26: From There to Here: The Journey of
Refugee Families to the United States
26.2 Fleeing Persecution and Separation from
Family
966
26.3 Travel to Temporary Refuge 969
26.4 Family Admittance to the United States 971
26.5 Entering the United States 974
26.6 Future Directions in Policy and Refugee Family
Support
986
26.7 Conclusion 988

26.8 Appendix 995
964
Chapter 27: Human Rights
27.2 What are Human Rights? 1001
27.3 The Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1004
27.4 The Status of Human Rights in the United
States
1006
27.5 Emerging Directions 1021
998
Chapter 28: Economic Well-Being, Supports &
Barriers
28.2 Employment 1033
28.3 Access to Necessities 1040
28.4 Financial Problems 1052

1030
Chapter 29: Mental Health
29.2 Different Shared Experiences 1072
29.3 Mental Health Challenges 1075
29.4 Mental Health Treatments 1086
1070
Chapter 30: Intimate Partner Violence Among
Immigrants & Refugees
32.2 Defining IPV 1112
32.3 IPV Among Immigrants & Refugees 1115
32.4 Risk & Protective Factors 1116

32.5 Responses to IPV 1119
32.6 Barriers to Help Seeking 1123
32.7 Future Decisions 1134
32.8 Case Study 1135
1108
Chapter 31: Substance Abuse
33.2 Substance Abuse Prevalence 1151
33.3 Risk Factors 1154
33.4 Family Influences on Substance Abuse 1159
33.5 Theoretical Frameworks 1160
33.6 Policy on Legal Consequences on Substance
Abuse
1165
33.7 Substance Abuse Prevention & Intervention 1166

1148
Chapter 32: Resilience in Immigrant & Refugee
Families
34.2 Family Motivation: Value of Work & Education 1186
34.3 Family Connectedness & Identity 1194
34.4 Role of Resources in Achieving Aspirations 1202
1184
Chapter 33: Embracing a New Home:
Resettlement Research & the Family
35.2 Assimilation 1222
35.3 Family Theories: A New Direction for Research
with Resettled Populations
1235

35.4 Critical Theories 1241
35.5 Cultural Values to Consider in Resettlement
Research
1241
35.7 End-of-Chapter 1246
1221
Part X. Additional Resources
Introduction
The Meaning Behind This Book
In the Fall of 2003, I started my undergraduate career at the
University of Alaska Anchorage. For as long as I could
remember I
had wanted to be a veterinarian and had begun my freshman
year
as a Pre-vet major. Before long, I came to the startling
realization
that biology and chemistry were not a place of academic

strength
for me and my hopes of making it through four more years of
these
particular types of classes became daunting and perhaps
unrealistic.
However, at this same time, I was enrolled in an Introduction to
Social Work and Social Welfare Policy course, and it had
become a
respite from the periodic table of elements and algebraic
algorithms
that were the cornerstone of my other classes that semester.
Before
enrolling in that course, I had no idea that a profession such as
Social Work existed. I had spent most of my life interested in
human
behavior and how the environment can influence the way that
people navigate their lives. I had also been enamored by social
justice movements and had started to really recognize how
policy
decisions can have collateral consequences on individuals,
groups,
and communities. Needless to say, the Introduction to Social
Work

course changed the trajectory of my personal and professional
life,
and I went on to earn my BSW as well as my MSW.
After I completed graduate school, I began working as a
substance
abuse counselor within the prison system in Arkansas, and
during
my time there it became even more clear to me how much
individuals are shaped by their environments. An overwhelming
majority of the clients that I worked with had been survivors of
trauma and had been at the mercy of generational cycles of
poverty,
abuse, addiction, and criminal justice involvement. These were
not
individuals that were making random, bad choices. These were
Introduction | 1
individuals who were facing extreme structural impediments in
life
and who were doing the best that they could with the resources
and skills that they had at the time. And, just like that, I finally

understood how multidimensional the treatment needs of
individuals can be and how every person’s story and potential
success is based on our ability, as the clinician, to attend to and
acknowledge the complexity of their lives.
After several years of clinical practice, I made the unexpected
transition to academia and was given the opportunity to teach
the
Human Behavior and the Social Environment course. After
working
on the curriculum for two semesters, it became clear to me that
students wanted and desired a textbook that was free, easy to
access online, and contained information from a multitude of
disciplines. I was fortunate enough to learn about Open
Educational
Resources at our institution and began working with the
University
library system to compile several different chapters from
several
different open and free textbooks. These materials will help
students and instructors alike explore human behavior and how

it is shaped and impacted by both traditional and non-traditional
paradigms. This text will also support the reader in having a
deeper
understanding of how the environment, in all of its complexity,
can
affect individuals, families, groups, and communities.
It is my hope that the information contained in this book will
help you, as a future social worker, approach client systems
with
empathy, understanding, and a compassionate curiosity that
allows
for comprehensive assessment, individualized approaches to
treatment, and continuity of care.
“Social advance depends as much upon the process through
which
it is secured as upon the result itself.” –Jane Addams
2 | Introduction
About the Author:
Professor Whitney Payne was the Treatment Coordinator of the
Northwest Arkansas Community Correction Center, a residential

treatment facility that serves 100 non-violent, female offenders
who
often struggle with chemical dependency. Professor Payne
worked
at NWACCC from June of 2010 August of 2016. Professor
Payne
became an adjunct faculty member with the University of
Arkansas
School of Social Work in August of 2012 and was hired as a
Clinical
Assistant Professor in August of 2016. Professor Payne
graduated
with a BSW from the University of Alaska Anchorage in 2008
and
an MSW for the University of Arkansas in 2010. In addition to
these
degrees, Professor Payne is a Licensed Clinical Social Worker
as well
as a Certified Drug and Alcohol Counselor.
Introduction | 3
Attributions
Human Behavior and the Social Environment II is adapted from

various work produced and distributed under the Creative
Commons License. Below, is the list of all adapted chapters
used in
the making of this book.
COVER DESIGN: Image by Gerd Altmann from Pixabay.
CHAPTER 1: Adapted from Self and Identity by Dan P.
McAdams
under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-
ShareAlike 4.0 International License.
CHAPTER 2: Adapted from Module 1 from “Beyond Race:
Cultural
Influences on Human Social Life” by Vera Kennedy under the
license
CC BY-NC-SA 4.0.
Cultural
license
CC BY-NC-SA 4.0.
Cultural
license
CC BY-NC-SA 4.0.

Cultural
license
CC BY-NC-SA 4.0.
Cultural
license
CC BY-NC-SA 4.0.
CHAPTER 7: Adapted from Chapter 6.3 from Principles of
Social
Psychology by the University of Minnesota under the Creative
4 | Attributions
International License.
CHAPTER 8: Adapted from Chapter 2 from Social Problems by
the
University of Minnesota under the Creative Commons
Attribution-
NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License, except
where
otherwise noted.

CHAPTER 9: Adapted from Prejudice, Discrimination, and
Stereotyping by Susan T. Fiske under the Creative Commons
Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International
License.
Adapted from Chapter 3.2, Social Problems by University of
Minnesota is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-
where
otherwise noted.
where
otherwise noted.
where
otherwise noted.

where
otherwise noted.
Adapted from Unit II, Introduction to Women, Gender,
Sexuality
Studies by Miliann Kang, Donovan Lessard, Laura Heston,
Sonny
Nordmarken is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution
4.0
International License, except where otherwise noted.
CHAPTER 10: Adapted from Chapter 6 from Social Problems
by the
Attribution-
where
otherwise noted.
Attributions | 5
Adapted from page 37 through 38, Self and Identity by Dan P.
McAdams under the Creative Commons Attribution-

NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License.
CHAPTER 11: Adapted from Chapter 5 and Chapter 9.5 from
Social
Problems by University of Minnesota under the Creative
Commons
License,
Adapted from pages 39 through 43 from “Beyond Race: Cultural
license
CC BY-NC-SA 4.0.
Adapted from The International Encyclopedia of Human
Sexuality.
CHAPTER 12: Adapted from The Family by Joel A. Muraco is
licensed
under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-
ShareAlike 4.0 International License.
CHAPTER 13: Adapted from Relationships and Well-
being by Kenneth Tan and Louis Tay is licensed under a
Creative

CHAPTER 14: Adapted from Epigenetics in Psychology by Ian
Weaver under the CC BY-NC-SA: Attribution-NonCommercial-
ShareAlike license.
CHAPTER 15: Adapted from Chapter 11 from Principles of
Social
Psychology by University of Minnesota under the Creative
CHAPTERS 16 & 17: Adapted from The Psychology of
Groups by Donelson R. Forsyth under the Creative Commons
License.
CHAPTER 18: Adapted from Industrial/Organizational (I/O)
Psychology by Berrin Erdogan and Talya N. Bauer under the
6 | Attributions
CHAPTER 19: Adapted from Chapter 13 from Principles of
Social
Psychology by University of Minnesota under the Creative

CHAPTER 20: Adapted from pages 17 through 20 from
“Beyond
Race: Cultural Influences on Human Social Life” by Vera
Kennedy
under the license CC BY-NC-SA 4.0.
CHAPTER 21: Adapted from pages 43 through 44 from
“Beyond
Kennedy
by the
Attribution-
where
otherwise noted.
by the
Attribution-
where
otherwise noted.

CHAPTER 24: Adapted from Chapter 8.5 from Social Problems
by
the University of Minnesota under the Creative Commons
License,
CHAPTER 25: Adapted from Chapters 1 from Immigrant and
Refugee
Families, 2nd Ed. by Jaime Ballard, Elizabeth Wieling,
Catherine
Solheim, and Lekie Dwanyen under the Creative Commons
Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, except
where otherwise noted.
Attributions | 7
Refugee Families, 2nd Ed. by Jaime Ballard, Elizabeth Wieling,
Catherine Solheim, and Lekie Dwanyen under the Creative
Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International
License,

License,
License,
CHAPTER 29: Adapted from Chapters 5 from Immi grant and
License,
License,

Refugee
Families, 2nd Ed. by Jaime Ballard, Elizabeth Wieling,
Catherine
Solheim, and Lekie Dwanyen under the Creative Commons
Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License, except
where otherwise noted.
8 | Attributions
License,
License,

Attributions | 9
PART I
TRADITIONAL
PARADIGMS & DOMINANT
PERSPECTIVES ON
INDIVIDUALS
Traditional Paradigms & Dominant
Perspectives on Individuals | 11
Chapter 1: Self and Identity
Learning Objectives
• Explain the basic idea of reflexivity in human
selfhood—how the “I” encounters and makes sense of
itself (the “Me”).
• Describe fundamental distinctions between three
different perspectives on the self: the self as actor,

agent, and author.
• Describe how a sense of self as a social actor
emerges around the age of 2 years and how it
develops going forward.
• Describe the development of the self’s sense of
motivated agency from the emergence of the child’s
theory of mind to the articulation of life goals and
values in adolescence and beyond.
• Define the term narrative identity, and explain what
psychological and cultural functions narrative
identity serves.
For human beings, the self is what happens when “I” encounters
“Me.” The central psychological question of selfhood, then, is
this:
How does a person apprehend and understand who he or she is?
Self and Identity | 13
Over the past 100 years, psychologists have approached the
study

of self (and the related concept of identity) in many different
ways,
but three central metaphors for the self repeatedly emerge. First,
the self may be seen as a social actor, who enacts roles and
displays
traits by performing behaviors in the presence of others.
Second,
the self is a motivated agent, who acts upon inner desires and
formulates goals, values, and plans to guide behavior in the
future.
Third, the self eventually becomes an autobiographical author,
too,
who takes stock of life — past, present, and future — to create a
story
about who I am, how I came to be, and where my life may be
going.
This module briefly reviews central ideas and research findings
on
the self as an actor, an agent, and an author, with an emphasis
on
how these features of selfhood develop over the human life
course.
1.1 Introduction

In the Temple of Apollo at Delphi, the ancient Greeks inscribed
the
words: “Know thyself.” For at least 2,500 years, and probably
longer,
human beings have pondered the meaning of the ancient
aphorism.
Over the past century, psychological scientists have joined the
effort. They have formulated many theories and tested countless
hypotheses that speak to the central question of human
selfhood:
How does a person know who he or she is?
The ancient Greeks seemed to realize that the self is inherently
reflexive—it reflects back on itself. In the disarmingly simple
idea
made famous by the great psychologist William James
(1892/1963),
the self is what happens when “I” reflects back upon “Me.” The
self
is both the I and the Me—it is the knower, and it is what the
knower
knows when the knower reflects upon itself. When you look
back
at yourself, what do you see? When you look inside, what do

you
find? Moreover, when you try to change your self in some way,
what
is it that you are trying to change? The philosopher Charles
Taylor
(1989) describes the self as a reflexive project. In modern life,
Taylor
14 | Self and Identity
argues that, we often try to manage, discipline, refine, improve,
or
develop the self. We work on our selves, as we might work on
any
other interesting project. But what exactly is it that we work
on?
Imagine for a moment that you have decided to improve
yourself.
You might say, go on a diet to improve your appearance. Or you
might decide to be nicer to your mother, in order to improve
that
important social role. Or maybe the problem is at work—you
need
to find a better job or go back to school to prepare for a

different
career. Perhaps you just need to work harder. Or get organized.
Or
recommit yourself to religion. Or maybe the key is to begin
thinking
about your whole life story in a completely different way, in a
way
that you hope will bring you more happiness, fulfillment, peace,
or
excitement.
Although there are many different ways you might reflect upon
and try to improve the self, it turns out that many, if not most,
of them fall roughly into three broad psychological categories
(McAdams & Cox, 2010). The I may encounter the Me as (a) a
social
actor, (b) a motivated agent, or (c) an autobiographical author.
1.2 The Social Actor
Shakespeare tapped into a deep truth about human nature when
he famously wrote, “All the world’s a stage, and all the men and
women merely players.” He was wrong about the “merely,”
however,

for there is nothing more important for human adaptation than
the
manner in which we perform our roles as actors in the everyday
theatre of social life. What Shakespeare may have sensed but
could
not have fully understood is that human beings evolved to live
in
social groups. Beginning with Darwin (1872/1965) and running
through contemporary conceptions of human evolution,
scientists
have portrayed human nature as profoundly social (Wilson,
2012).
For a few million years, Homo sapiens and their evolutionary
forerunners have survived and flourished by virtue of their
ability to
live and work together in complex social groups, cooperating
with
each other to solve problems and overcome threats and
competing
with each other in the face of limited resources. As social
animals,

human beings strive to get along and get ahead in the presence
of
each other (Hogan, 1982). Evolution has prepared us to care
deeply
about social acceptance and social status, for those unfortunate
individuals who do not get along well in social groups or who
fail
to attain a requisite status among their peers have typically been
severely compromised when it comes to survival and
reproduction.
It makes consummate evolutionary sense, therefore, that the
human
“I” should apprehend the “Me” first and foremost as a social
actor.
For human beings, the sense of the self as a social actor begins
to
emerge around the age of 18 months. Numerous studies have
shown
that by the time they reach their second birthday most toddlers
recognize themselves in mirrors and other reflecting devices
(Lewis,M Brooks-Gunn, 1979Lewis & Brooks-Gunn, 1979;
Rochat,

2003). What they see is an embodied actor who moves through
space and time. Many children begin to use words such as “me”
and “mine” in the second year of life, suggesting that the I now
has
linguistic labels that can be applied reflexively to itself: I call
myself
“me.” Around the same time, children also begin to express
social
emotions such as embarrassment, shame, guilt, and pride
(Tangney,
Stuewig, & Mashek, 2007). These emotions tell the social actor
how
well he or she is performing in the group. When I do things that
win the approval of others, I feel proud of myself. When I fail
in
the presence of others, I may feel embarrassment or shame.
When I
violate a social rule, I may experience guilt, which may
motivate me
to make amends.
Many of the classic psychological theories of human selfhood
point to the second year of life as a key developmental period.
For

example, Freud (1923/1961) and his followers in the
psychoanalytic
tradition traced the emergence of an autonomous ego back to the
second year. Freud used the term “ego” (in German das Ich,
which
also translates into “the I”) to refer to an executive self in the
personality. Erikson (1963) argued that experiences of trust and
interpersonal attachment in the first year of life help to
consolidate
the autonomy of the ego in the second. Coming from a more
sociological perspective, Mead (1934) suggested that the I
comes
to know the Me through reflection, which may begin quite
literally
with mirrors but later involves the reflected appraisals of
others. I
come to know who I am as a social actor, Mead argued, by
noting
how other people in my social world react to my performances.
In

the development of the self as a social actor, other people
function
like mirrors—they reflect who I am back to me.
Research has shown that when young children begin to make
attributions about themselves, they start simple (Harter, 2006).
At
age 4, Jessica knows that she has dark hair, knows that she lives
in
a white house, and describes herself to others in terms of simple
behavioral traits. She may say that she is “nice,” or “helpful,”
or
that she is “a good girl most of the time.” By the time, she hits
fifth grade (age 10), Jessica sees herself in more complex ways,
attributing traits to the self such as “honest,” “moody,”
“outgoing,”
“shy,” “hard-working,” “smart,” “good at math but not gym
class,”
or “nice except when I am around my annoying brother.” By
late
childhood and early adolescence, the personality traits that
people
attribute to themselves, as well as those attributed to them by

others, tend to correlate with each other in ways that conform to
a well-established taxonomy of five broad trait domains,
repeatedly
derived in studies of adult personality and often called the Big
Five:
(1) extraversion, (2) neuroticism, (3) agreeableness, (4)
conscientiousness, and (5) openness to experience (Roberts,
Wood,
& Caspi, 2008). By late childhood, moreover, self-conceptions
will
likely also include important social roles: “I am a good
student,” “I am
the oldest daughter,” or “I am a good friend to Sarah.”
Traits and roles, and variations on these notions, are the main
currency of the self as social actor (McAdams & Cox, 2010).
Trait
terms capture perceived consistencies in social performance.
They
convey what I reflexively perceive to be my overall acting style,
based in part on how I think others see me as an actor in many
different social situations. Roles capture the quality, as I
perceive

it, of important structured relationships in my life. Taken
together,
traits and roles make up the main features of my social
reputation,
as I apprehend it in my own mind (Hogan, 1982).
If you have ever tried hard to change yourself, you may have
taken
aim at your social reputation, targeting your central traits or
your
social roles. Maybe you woke up one day and decided that you
must
become a more optimistic and emotionally upbeat person.
Taking
into consideration the reflected appraisals of others, you
realized
that even your friends seem to avoid you because you bring
them
down. In addition, it feels bad to feel so bad all the time:
Wouldn’t
it be better to feel good, to have more energy and hope? In the

language of traits, you have decided to “work on” your
“neuroticism.”
Or maybe instead, your problem is the trait of
“conscientiousness”:
You are undisciplined and don’t work hard enough, so you
resolve
to make changes in that area. Self-improvement efforts such as
these—aimed at changing one’s traits to become a more
effective
social actor—are sometimes successful, but they are very
hard—kind
of like dieting. Research suggests that broad traits tend to be
stubborn, resistant to change, even with the aid of
psychotherapy.
However, people often have more success working directly on
their
social roles. To become a more effective social actor, you may
want
to take aim at the important roles you play in life. What can I
do to become a better son or daughter? How can I find new and
meaningful roles to perform at work, or in my family, or among
my friends, or in my church and community? By doing concrete

things that enrich your performances in important social roles,
you
may begin to see yourself in a new light, and others will notice
the change, too. Social actors hold the potential to transform
their
performances across the human life course. Each time you walk
out
on stage, you have a chance to start anew.
1.3 The Motivated Agent
Whether we are talking literally about the theatrical stage or
more
figuratively, as I do in this module, about the everyday social
environment for human behavior, observers can never fully
know
what is in the actor’s head, no matter how closely they watch.
We
can see actors act, but we cannot know for sure what they want
or what they value, unless they tell us straightaway. As a social
actor, a person may come across as friendly and compassionate,
or

cynical and mean-spirited, but in neither case can we infer their
motivations from their traits or their roles. What does the
friendly
person want? What is the cynical father trying to achieve? Many
broad psychological theories of the self prioritize the
motivational
qualities of human behavior—the inner needs, wants, desires,
goals,
values, plans, programs, fears, and aversions that seem to give
behavior its direction and purpose (Bandura, 1989; Deci &
Ryan, 1991;
Markus & Nurius, 1986). These kinds of theories explicitly
conceive
of the self as a motivated agent.
To be an agent is to act with direction and purpose, to move
forward into the future in pursuit of self-chosen and valued
goals.
In a sense, human beings are agents even as infants, for babies
can
surely act in goal-directed ways. By age 1 year, moreover,
infants
show a strong preference for observing and imitating the goal -

directed, intentional behavior of others, rather than random
behaviors (Woodward, 2009). Still, it is one thing to act in goal -
directed ways; it is quite another for the I to know itself (the
Me)
as an intentional and purposeful force who moves forward in
life in
pursuit of self-chosen goals, values, and other desired end
states. In
order to do so, the person must first realize that people indeed
have
desires and goals in their minds and that these inner desires and
goals motivate (initiate, energize, put into motion) their
behavior.
According to a strong line of research in developmental
psychology,
attaining this kind of understanding means acquiring a theory of
mind (Wellman, 1993), which occurs for most children by the
age
of 4. Once a child understands that other people’s behavior is
often

motivated by inner desires and goals, it is a small step to
apprehend
the self in similar terms.
Building on theory of mind and other cognitive and social
developments, children begin to construct the self as a
motivated
agent in the elementary school years, layered over their still -
developing sense of themselves as social actors. Theory and
research on what developmental psychologists call the age 5-to-
7
shift converge to suggest that children become more planful,
intentional, and systematic in their pursuit of valued goals
during
this time (Sameroff & Haith, 1996). Schooling reinforces the
shift in
that teachers and curricula place increasing demands on
students
to work hard, adhere to schedules, focus on goals, and achieve
success in particular, well-defined task domains. Their relative
success in achieving their most cherished goals, furthermore,
goes

a long way in determining children’s self-esteem (Robins,
Tracy, &
Trzesniewski, 2008). Motivated agents feel good about
themselves
to the extent they believe that they are making good progress in
achieving their goals and advancing their most important
values.
Goals and values become even more important for the self in
adolescence, as teenagers begin to confront what Erikson (1963)
famously termed the developmental challenge of identity. For
adolescents and young adults, establishing a psychologically
efficacious identity involves exploring different options with
respect to life goals, values, vocations, and intimate
relationships
and eventually committing to a motivational and ideological
agenda
for adult life—an integrated and realistic sense of what I want
and
value in life and how I plan to achieve it (Kroger & Marcia,
2011).
Committing oneself to an integrated suite of life goals and
values is

perhaps the greatest achievement for the self as motivated
agent.
Establishing an adult identity has implications, as well, for how
a person moves through life as a social actor, entailing new role
commitments and, perhaps, a changing understanding of one’s
basic
dispositional traits. According to Erikson, however, identity
achievement is always provisional, for adults continue to work
on
their identities as they move into midlife and beyond, often
relinquishing old goals in favor of new ones, investing
themselves
in new projects and making new plans, exploring new
relationships,
and shifting their priorities in response to changing life
circumstances (Freund & Riediger, 2006; Josselson, 1996).
There is a sense whereby any time you try to change yourself,
you are assuming the role of a motivated agent. After all, to
strive to

change something is inherently what an agent does. However,
what
particular feature of selfhood you try to change may correspond
to
your self as actor, agent, or author, or some combination. When
you
try to change your traits or roles, you take aim at the social
actor. By
contrast, when you try to change your values or life goals, you
are
focusing on yourself as a motivated agent. Adolescence and
young
adulthood are periods in the human life course when many of us
focus attention on our values and life goals. Perhaps you grew
up as
a traditional Catholic, but now in college you believe that the
values
inculcated in your childhood no longer function so well for you.
You
no longer believe in the central tenets of the Catholic Church,
say,
and are now working to replace your old values with new ones.
Or
maybe you still want to be Catholic, but you feel that your new

take
on faith requires a different kind of personal ideology. In the
realm
of the motivated agent, moreover, changing values can influence
life
goals. If your new value system prioritizes alleviating the
suffering
of others, you may decide to pursue a degree in social work, or
to become a public interest lawyer, or to live a simpler life that
prioritizes people over material wealth. A great deal of the
identity
work we do in adolescence and young adulthood is about values
and
goals, as we strive to articulate a personal vision or dream for
what
we hope to accomplish in the future.
1.4 The Autobiographical Author
Even as the “I”continues to develop a sense of the “Me” as both
a
social actor and a motivated agent, a third standpoint for

selfhood
gradually emerges in the adolescent and early-adult years. The
third
perspective is a response to Erikson’s (1963) challenge of
identity.
According to Erikson, developing an identity involves more
than
the exploration of and commitment to life goals and values (the
self as motivated agent), and more than committing to new roles
and re-evaluating old traits (the self as social actor). It also
involves
achieving a sense of temporal continuity in life—a reflexive
understanding of how I have come to be the person I am
becoming, or
put differently, how my past self has developed into my present
self,
and how my present self will, in turn, develop into an
envisioned
future self. In his analysis of identity formation in the life of
the 15th-
century Protestant reformer Martin Luther, Erikson (1958)
describes
the culmination of a young adult’s search for identity in this

way:
“To be adult means among other things to see one’s own life
in continuous perspective, both in retrospect and prospect. By
accepting some definition of who he is, usually on the basis of a
function in an economy, a place in the sequence of generations,
and
a status in the structure of society, the adult is able to
selectively
reconstruct his past in such a way that, step for step, it seems to
have
planned him, or better, he seems to have planned it. In this
sense,
psychologically we do choose our parents, our family history,
and
the history of our kings, heroes, and gods. By making them our
own,
we maneuver ourselves into the inner position of proprietors, of
creators.”(Erikson, 1958, pp. 111–112; emphasis added).
In this rich passage, Erikson intimates that the development of
a mature identity in young adulthood involves the I’s ability to
construct a retrospective and prospective story about the Me

(McAdams, 1985). In their efforts to find a meaningful identity
for
life, young men and women begin “to selectively reconstruct”
their
past, as Erikson wrote, and imagine their future to create an
integrative life story, or what psychologists today often call a
narrative identity. A narrative identity is an internalized and
evolving
story of the self that reconstructs the past and anticipates the
future in such a way as to provide a personarrative identityn’s
life
with some degree of unity, meaning, and purpose over time
(McAdams, 2008; McLean, Pasupathi, & Pals, 2007). The self
typically
becomes an autobiographical author in the early-adult years, a
way
of being that is layered over the motivated agent, which is
layered
over the social actor. In order to provide life with the sense of
temporal continuity and deep meaning that Erikson believed

identity should confer, we must author a personalized life story
that
integrates our understanding of who we once were, who we are
today, and who we may become in the future. The story helps to
explain, for the author and for the author’s world, why the
social
actor does what it does and why the motivated agent wants what
it
wants, and how the person as a whole has developed over time,
from
the past’s reconstructed beginning to the future’s imagined
ending.
By the time they are 5 or 6 years of age, children can tell well -
formed stories about personal events in their lives (Fivush,
2011).
By the end of childhood, they usually have a good sense of what
a
typical biography contains and how it is sequenced, from birth
to
death (Thomsen & Bernsten, 2008). But it is not until
adolescence,
research shows, that human beings express advanced
storytelling

skills and what psychologists call autobiographical reasoning
(Habermas & Bluck, 2000; McLean & Fournier, 2008). In
autobiographical reasoning, a narrator is able to derive
substantive
conclusions about the self from analyzing his or her own
personal
experiences. Adolescents may develop the ability to string
together
events into causal chains and inductively derive general themes
about life from a sequence of chapters and scenes (Habermas &
de
Silveira, 2008). For example, a 16-year-old may be able to
explain
to herself and to others how childhood experiences in her family
have shaped her vocation in life. Her parents were divorced
when
she was 5 years old, the teenager recalls, and this caused a gre at
deal of stress in her family. Her mother often seemed anxious
and
depressed, but she (the now-teenager when she was a little
girl—the
story’s protagoniHabermas & de Silveira, 2008st) often tried to

cheer her mother up, and her efforts seemed to work. In more
recent years, the teenager notes that her friends often come to
her
with their boyfriend problems. She seems to be very adept at
giving
advice about love and relationships, which stems, the teenager
now
believes, from her early experiences with her mother. Carrying
this
causal narrative forward, the teenager now thinks that she
would
like to be a marriage counselor when she grows up.
Unlike children, then, adolescents can tell a full and convincing
story about an entire human life, or at least a prominent line of
causation within a full life, explaining continuity and change in
the
story’s protagonist over time. Once the cognitive skills are in
place,
young people seek interpersonal opportunities to share and
refine

their developing sense of themselves as storytellers (the I) who
tell
stories about themselves (the Me). Adolescents and young
adults
author a narrative sense of the self by telling stories about their
experiences to other people, monitoring the feedback they
receive
from the tellings, editing their stories in light of the feedback,
gaining new experiences and telling stories about those, and on
and
on, as selves create stories that, in turn, create new selves
(McLean
et al., 2007). Gradually, in fits and starts, through conversation
and
introspection, the I develops a convincing and coherent
narrative
about the Me.
Contemporary research on the self as autobiographical author
emphasizes the strong effect of culture on narrative identity
(Hammack, 2008). Culture provides a menu of favored plot
lines,
themes, and character types for the construction of self-defining

life stories. Autobiographical authors sample selectively from
the
cultural menu, appropriating ideas that seem to resonate well
with
their own life experiences. As such, life stories reflect the
culture,
wherein they are situated as much as they reflect the authorial
efforts of the autobiographical I.
As one example of the tight link between culture and narrative
identity, McAdams (2013) and others (e.g., Kleinfeld, 2012)
have
highlighted the prominence of redemptive narratives in
American
culture. Epitomized in such iconic cultural ideals as the
American
dream, Horatio Alger stories, and narratives of Christian
atonement,
redemptive stories track the move from suffering to an enhanced
status or state, while scripting the development of a chosen

protagonist who journeys forth into a dangerous and
unredeemed
world (McAdams, 2013). Hollywood movies often celebrate
redemptive quests. Americans are exposed to similar narrative
messages in self-help books, 12-step programs, Sunday
sermons,
and in the rhetoric of political campaigns. Over the past two
decades, the world’s most influential spokesperson for the
power
of redemption in human lives may be Oprah Winfrey, who tells
her
own story of overcoming childhood adversity while encouraging
others, through her media outlets and philanthropy, to tell
similar
kinds of stories for their own lives (McAdams, 2013). Research
has
demonstrated that American adults who enjoy high levels of
mental
health and civic engagement tend to construct their lives as
narratives of redemption, tracking the move from sin to
salvation,
rags to riches, oppression to liberation, or sickness/abuse to

health/recovery (McAdams, Diamond, de St. Aubin, &
Mansfield,
1997; McAdams, Reynolds, Lewis, Patten, & Bowman, 2001;
Walker &
Frimer, 2007). In American society, these kinds of stories are
often
seen to be inspirational.
At the same time, McAdams (2011, 2013) has pointed to
shortcomings and limitations in the redemptive stories that
many
Americans tell, which mirror cultural biases and stereotypes in
American culture and heritage. McAdams has argued that
redemptive stories support happiness and societal engagement
for
some Americans, but the same stories can encourage moral
righteousness and a naïve expectation that suffering will always
be
redeemed. For better and sometimes for worse, Americans seem
to
love stories of personal redemption and often aim to assimilate
their
autobiographical memories and aspirations to a redemptive
form.

Nonetheless, these same stories may not work so well in
cultures
that espouse different values and narrative ideals (Hammack,
2008).
It is important to remember that every culture offers its own
storehouse of favored narrative forms. It is also essential to
know
that no single narrative form captures all that is good (or bad)
about
a culture. In American society, the redemptive narrative is but
one
of many different kinds of stories that people commonly employ
to
make sense of their lives.
What is your story? What kind of a narrative are you working
on?
As you look to the past and imagine the future, what threads of
continuity, change, and meaning do you discern? For many
people,
the most dramatic and fulfilling efforts to change the self

happen
when the I works hard, as an autobiographical author, to
construct
and, ultimately, to tell a new story about the Me. Storytelling
may be
the most powerful form of self-transformation that human
beings
have ever invented. Changing one’s life story is at the heart of
many forms of psychotherapy and counseling, as well as
religious
conversions, vocational epiphanies, and other dramatic
transformations of the self that people often celebrate as turning
points in their lives (Adler, 2012). Storytelling is often at the
heart of
the little changes, too, minor edits in the self that we make as
we
move through daily life, as we live and experience life, and as
we
later tell it to ourselves and to others.
1.5 End-of-Chapter Summary
For human beings, selves begin as social actors, but they
eventually

become motivated agents and autobiographical authors, too. The
I first sees itself as an embodied actor in social space; with
development, however, it comes to appreciate itself also as a
forward-looking source of self-determined goals and values, and
later yet, as a storyteller of personal experience, oriented to the
reconstructed past and the imagined future. To “know thyself”
in
mature adulthood, then, is to do three things: (a) to apprehend
and
to perform with social approval my self-ascribed traits and
roles,
(b) to pursue with vigor and (ideally) success my most valued
goals
and plans, and (c) to construct a story about life that conveys,
with
vividness and cultural resonance, how I became the person I am
becoming, integrating my past as I remember it, my present as I
am
experiencing it, and my future as I hope it to be.

1.6 Outside Resources
The website for the Foley Center for the Study of Lives, at
Northwestern University. The site contains research materials,
interview protocols, and coding manuals for conducting studies
of
narrative identity.
http://www.sesp.northwestern.edu/foley/
1.7 Discussion Questions
1. Back in the 1950s, Erik Erikson argued that many adolescents
and young adults experience a tumultuous identity crisis. Do
you think this is true today? What might an identity crisis look
and feel like? And, how might it be resolved?
2. Many people believe that they have a true self buried inside
of
them. From this perspective, the development of self is about
discovering a psychological truth deep inside. Do you believe
this to be true? How does thinking about the self as an actor,
agent, and author bear on this question?
3. Psychological research shows that when people are placed in

front of mirrors they often behave in a more moral and
conscientious manner, even though they sometimes
experience this procedure as unpleasant. From the standpoint
of the self as a social actor, how might we explain this
phenomenon?
4. By the time they reach adulthood, does everybody have a
narrative identity? Do some people simply never develop a
story for their life?
5. What happens when the three perspectives on self—the self
as
actor, agent, and author—conflict with each other? Is it
necessary for people’s self-ascribed traits and roles to line up
well with their goals and their stories?
6. William James wrote that the self includes all things that the
person considers to be “mine.” If we take James literally, a
person’s self might extend to include his or her material
possessions, pets, and friends and family. Does this make

sense?
7. To what extent can we control the self? Are some features of
selfhood easier to control than others?
8. What cultural differences may be observed in the
construction
of the self? How might gender, ethnicity, and class impact the
development of the self as actor, as agent, and as author?
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Attribution
Adapted from Self and Identity by Dan P. McAdams under the
Chapter 2: Culture and
Meaning
Learning Objectives
• Explain the relationship between culture and the
social world
• Understand the role and impact of culture on
society

• Describe concepts central to cultural sociology
• Summarize and apply the theoretical perspectives
on the study of culture
2.1 Introduction
Culture is an expression of our lives. It molds our identity and
connection to the social world. Whether it is our values, beliefs,
norms, language, or everyday artifacts each element of culture
reflects who we are and influences our position in society.
If you think about how we live, communicate, think and act,
these
Chapter 2: Culture and Meaning | 33
Ballet_Swan Lake CCO. Image by Niki
Dinov from Pixabay
parts of our existence develop from the values, beliefs, and
norms
we learn from others, the language and symbols we understand,
and
the artifacts or materials we use. Culture is embedded into
everyday

life and is the attribute in which others view and understand us.
2.2 Link between Culture and Society
Culture is both expressive and social. Neither culture nor
society
exist in the real world rather it is the thoughts and behaviors of
people that constructs a society, its culture, and meanings
(Griswold
2013). People build the world we live in including the cultural
attributes we choose to obtain, exhibit, and follow. Societies
communicate and teach culture as part of the human experience.
Historically, culture referred
to characteristics and qualities
of the fine arts, performing
arts, and literature connecting
culture to social status. This
perspective emphasized a
subculture shared by the social
elite or upper class and has
been historically characterized

as civilized culture. This
perspective within the humanities studied the “ideal type” or
“high
culture” of affluent social groups depicting whom was
“cultured” or
rather was wealthy and educated in society lending itself to a
ranking of cultures in its study.
In the 19th century, anthropologist Edward B. Tyler (1871)
introduced culture as a complex social structure encompassing
“. .
. knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, customs, and other
capabilities
34 | Chapter 2: Culture and Meaning
and habits acquired by man as a member of society.” This
definition
focused on culture as a social attribute of humanity. Social
scientists
adopted this perspective expanding the study of culture beyond
the ethnocentric elitism of “high culture.” With emphasis on
human
social life as a reflection of culture, social scientists sought to

understand not only how culture reflects society but also how
society reflects culture. These new insights inspired social
scientists to examine the practices of people lending itself to a
sociological perspective on culture.
2.3 Defining Culture
Culture is universal. Every society has culture. Culture touches
every “aspect of who and what we are” and becomes a lens of
how
we see and evaluate the world around us (Henslin 2011:36).
Culture
molds human nature and people learn to express nature in
cultural
ways. The sociological perspective acknowledges that all people
are
cultured.
Each generation transmits culture to the next providing us a
roadmap and instruction on how to live our lives. Cultural
transmission occurs through the learning and expression of
traditions and customs. Learning your own group’s culture is
enculturation. Adults are agents of enculturation responsible for

passing on culture to each generation.
Through learning, people develop individual cultural
characteristics that are part of a social pattern and integrated set
of traits expressing a group’s core values (Kottak and Kozitis
2012).
Thus, cultures are integrated and patterned systems serving a
variety of social functions within groups. Enculturation gives
members of a group a process to think symbolically, use
language
and tools, share common experiences and knowledge, and learn
by
observation, experience, as well as unconsciously from each
other
(Kottak and Kozitis 2003). The commonalities we share
through culture establish familiarity and comfort among
members
of our own group.
Non-Material vs. Material Culture

Culture is either non-material or material. Non-material culture
includes psychological and spiritual elements influencing the
way
individuals think and act. Material culture refers to physical
artifacts
people use and consume.
Immaterial aspects of culture reflect social values, beliefs,
norms,
expressive symbols, and practices. Though these cultural
elements
are intangible, they often take on a physical form in our minds.
Non-
material culture becomes real in our perceptions and we begin
to
view them as objects as in the belief of God or other deity.
Though
we cannot physically see, hear, or touch a God belief makes
them
real and imaginable to us.
Values or ideals define what is desirable in life and guides our
preferences and choices. Changes in core values may seem
threatening to some individuals or societies as “a threat to a
way

of life” (Henslin 2011). A strong bind to core values can also
blind
individuals to reality or objectivity reinforcing fallacies and
stereotypes. Throughout history, there have always been
differences between what people value (their ideal or public
culture)
and how they actually live their lives (their real or personal
culture).
Beliefs sometimes mirror values. One’s belief system may align
or
determine their values influencing thoughts and actions. Beliefs
are
not always spiritual or supernatural. For example, the belief in
love
or feelings of affection are internal emotions or physical
reactions
that exhibit physiological changes in human chemistry. Some
beliefs
are true representations of metaphysical or abstract thinking
which
transcend the laws of nature such as faith or superstitions.

Cultural Inventory
• What is your personal cultural inventory? Describe
your values and beliefs, the social norms in which you
conform, the expressive symbols (including language)
you understand and use regularly, your daily
practices, and the artifacts you use frequently and
those you treasure.
• How did you learn culture? Explain the socializing
agents responsible for teaching you the traditions,
customs, and rituals you live by and follow.
• What impact does culture have on your identity?
Discuss how your culture influences your self-image,
views, and role in society.
• How does culture influence your thinking and
behavior towards others? Explain how your culture
impacts the image or understanding you have about
others including assumptions, stereotypes, and
prejudices.

Norms or rules develop out of a group’s values and beliefs.
When
people defy the rules, they receive social reactions resulting in
a
sanction. Sanctions are a form of social control (Griffiths et al,
2015).
When people follow the rules, they receive a positive sanction
or
reward, and when they break the rules, they receive a negative
one
or punishment that may include social isolation.
Symbols help people understand the world (Griffiths et al.
2015).
Symbols include gestures, signs, signals, objects, and words.
Language is the symbolic system people use to communicate
both
verbally and in writing (Griffiths et al. 2015). Language
constantly
evolves and provides the basis for sharing cultural experiences
and
ideas.

The Sapir-Worf Hypothesis suggests people experience the
world
through symbolic language that derives from culture itself
(Griffiths
et al. 2015). If you see, hear, or think of a word, it creates a
mental
image in your head helping you understand and interpret
meaning.
If you are not familiar with a word or its language, you are
unable to
comprehend meaning creating a cultural gap or boundary
between
you and the cultural world around you. Language makes
symbolic
thought possible.
Practices or the behaviors we carry out develop from or in
response to our thoughts. We fulfill rituals, traditions, or
customs
based on our values, beliefs, norms, and expressive symbols.
Culture
dictates and influences how people live their lives. Cultural
practices become habitual from frequent repetition (Henslin
2011).
Habitualization leads to institutionalization by consensus of a

social
group. This results in cultural patterns and systems becoming
logical and
the viewed as the norm.
Material culture is inherently unnatural, such as buildings,
machines, electronic devices, clothing, hairstyles, etc. (Henslin
2011).
Dialogue about culture often ignores its close tie to material
realities in society. The cultural explanations we receive from
family,
friends, school, work, and media justify cultural realities and
utilities
of the artifacts we use and consume. Human behavior is
purposeful
and material culture in our lives derives from the interests of
our
socializing agents in our environment.
2.4 Cultural Sociology
There is division among sociologists who study culture. Those

who
study the sociology of culture have limitations on the
categorizations of cultural topics and objects restricting the
view of
culture as a social product or consequence. The theoretical
works
of Emile Durkheim, Karl Marx, and Max Weber and the field of
anthropology, shaped the sociology of culture. Durkheim found
culture and society are interrelated. He explained social
structures
or institutions serve a functions society. As a collective group,
society’s culture including its social, political and economic
values
are essentially part of and reflected in all structures or
institutions
(Durkheim 1965). Marx believed social power influences
culture.
He suggested cultural products depend on economics and people
who have power are able to produce and distribute culture
(Marx
1977). Weber in alignment with the traditional humanities
viewpoint

emphasized the ability of culture to influence human behavior.
His
perspective argued some cultures and cultural works are ideal
types
that could be lost if they were not preserved or archived (Weber
1946). Until the late twentieth century, anthropologists
emphasized
the importance of art and culture to educate, instill morality,
critique society to inspire change (Best 2007). Initial thoughts
on
culture focused on how culture makes a person. These works
accentuated the idea that certain cultural elements (i.e., elite or
high
culture) make a person cultured.
In contrast, the study of cultural sociology suggests social
phenomena is inherently cultural (Alexander 2003). Cultural
sociology investigates culture as an explanation of social
phenomena. During the cultural turn movement of the 1970s,
cultural sociology emerged as a field of study among
anthropologists and social scientists evaluating the role of
culture

in society. Academics expanded their research to the social
process
in which people communicate meaning, understand the world,
construct identity, and express values and beliefs (Best 2007).
This
new approach incorporates analyzing culture using data from
interviews, discussions, and observations of people to
understand
the social, historical structures and ideological forces that
produce
and confine culture.
Cultural sociology examines the social meanings and
expressions
associated with culture. Cultural sociologists study
representations
of culture including elitist definitions and understanding such as
art, literature, and classical music, but also investigate the
broad
range of culture in everyday social life (Back et al). Noting the
significance of culture in human social life, sociologists

empirically
study culture, the impact of culture on social order, the link
between culture and society, and the persistence and durability
of
culture over time (Griswold 2013). Cultural sociology
incorporates
an interdisciplinary approach drawing on different disciplines
because of the broad scope and social influences culture has on
people. Culture is inseparable from the acts and influence of
cultural practices embedded within social categories (i.e.,
gender,
ethnicity, and social class) and social institutions (i.e., family,
school,
and work) that construct identities and lifestyle practices of
individuals (Giddens 1991; Chaney 1996). In the effort to
understand
the relationship between culture and society, sociologists study
cultural practices, institutions, and systems including the forms
of
power exhibited among social groups related to age, body and
mind,
ethnicity, gender, geography, race, religion and belief systems,

sex,
sexuality, and social class.
Cultural Identity in Art
• What forms of identity and symbolism did you see
within the music video This is America by Childish
Gambino?
• Now, watch the breakdown video that explains the
hidden symbolism and forms of cultural identity in
the music video This is America by Childish Gambino.
• Compare your list and note what things you were
able to identify and what things you missed.
Ethnographers and Native Anthropologists
In the study of cultural sociology, many practitioners examine
both
quantitative and qualitative data to develop an understanding of
cultural experiences. Quantitative or numeric data provides a
framework for understanding observable patterns or trends
while

qualitative or categorical data presents the reasoning behind
thoughts and actions associated with patterns or trends.
The collection of qualitative data incorporates scientific
methodological approaches including participant observation
(observing people as a member of the group), interviews (face-
to-
face meetings), focus groups (group discussions), or images
(pictures or video). Each method focuses on collecting specific
types
of information to develop a deep understanding about a
particular
culture and the experiences associated with being a member of
that
culture.
Ethnographers study people and cultures by using qualitative
methods. Ethnography or ethnographic research is the firsthand,
field-based study of a particular culture by spending at least one
year living with people and learning their customs and practices
(Kottak and Kozaitis 2012). In the field, ethnographers are

participant observers and a participant of the group or society of
study. Participant observers face challenges in remaining
objective,
non-bias, and ensuring their participation does not lead or
influence others of the group in a specific direction (Kennedy,
Norwood, and Jendian 2017). This research approach expects
ethnographers to eliminate the risk of contaminating data with
interference or bias interpretations as much as humanly
possible.
Some researchers choose to study their own culture. These
practitioners refer to themselves as native anthropologists.
Many
native anthropologists have experience studying other cultures
prior to researching their own (Kottak and Kozaitis 2012). The
practice of learning how to study other cultures gives
practitioners
the skills and knowledge they need to study their own culture
more
objectively. In addition, by studying other cultures then one’s
own,
native anthropologists are able to compare and analyze
similarities

and differences in cultural perceptions and practices.
2.5 Theoretical Perspectives on Culture
The social structure plays an integral role in the social location
(i.e.,
place or position) people occupy in society. Your social
location is a
result of cultural values and norms from the time period and
place
in which you live. Culture affects personal and social
development
including the way people will think or behave. Cultural
characteristics pertaining to age, gender, race, education,
income,
and other social factors influence the location people occupy at
any
given time.
Furthermore, social location influences how people perceive and
understand the world in which we live. People have a difficult
time

being objective in all contexts because of their social location
within
cultural controls and standards derived from values and norms.
Objective conditions exist without bias because they are
measurable
and quantifiable (Carl 2013). Subjective concerns rely on
judgments
rather than external facts. Personal feelings and opinions from a
person’s social location drive subjective concerns. The
sociological
imagination is a tool to help people step outside subjective or
personal biography, and look at objective facts and the
historical
background of a situation, issue, society, or person (Carl 2013).
Perceptions of Reality
The time period we live (history) and our personal life
experiences (biography) influence our perspectives and
understanding about others and the world. Our history and
biography guide our perceptions of reality reinforcing our
personal bias and subjectivity. Relying on subjective
viewpoints and perspectives leads to diffusion of
misinformation and fake news that can be detrimental to

our physical and socio-cultural environment and negatively
impact our interactions with others. We must seek out facts
and develop knowledge to enhance our objective eye. By
using valid, reliable, proven facts, data, and information, we
establish credibility and make better decisions for the
world and ourselves.
• Consider a socio-cultural issue you are passionate
about and want to change or improve.
• What is your position on the issue? What
ideological or value-laden reasons or beliefs support
your
position? What facts or empirical data support your
position?
• What portion of your viewpoint or perspective on
the issue relies on personal values, opinions, or
beliefs in comparison to facts?

• Why is it important to identity and use empirical
data or facts in our lives rather than relying on
ideological reasoning and false or fake information?
According to C. Wright Mills (1959), the sociological
imagination
requires individuals to “think themselves away” in examining
personal and social influences on people’s life choices and
outcomes. Large-scale or macrosociological influences help
create
understanding about the effect of the social structure and
history
on people’s lives. Whereas, small-scale or
microsociological influences focus on interpreting personal
viewpoints from an individual’s biography. Using only a
microsociological perspective leads to an unclear understanding
of
the world from biased perceptions and assumptions about
people,
social groups, and society (Carl 2013).
Sociologists use theories to study the people. “The theoretical
paradigms provide different lenses into the social constructions

of life and the relationships of people” (Kennedy, Norwood, and
Jendian 2017:22). The theoretical paradigms in sociology help
us
examine and understand cultural reflections including the social
structure and social value culture creates and sustains to fulfill
human needs as mediated by society itself. Each paradigm
provides
an objective framework of analysis and evaluation for
understanding
the social structure including the construction of the cultural
values
and norms and their influence on thinking and behavior.
The Theoretical Paradigms
Macrosociology studies large-scale social arrangements or
constructs in the social world. The macro perspective examines
how groups, organizations, networks, processes, and systems
influences thoughts and actions of individuals and groups
(Kennedy
et al. 2017). Functionalism, Conflict Theory, Feminism, and

Environmental Theory are macrosociological perspectives.
Microsociology studies the social interactions of individuals
and
groups. The micro perspective observes how thinking and
behavior
influences the social world such as groups, organizations,
networks,
processes, and systems (Kennedy et al. 2017). Symbolic
Interactionism and Exchange Theory are microsociological
perspectives.
Functionalism is a macrosociological perspective examining the
purpose or contributions of interrelated parts within the social
structure. Functionalists examine how parts of society
contribute
to the whole. Everything in society has a purpose or function.
Even
a negative contribution helps society discern its function. For
example, driving under the influence of alcohol or drugs
inspired
society to define the behavior as undesirable, develop laws, and
consequences for people committing such an act. A manifest
function in society results in expected outcomes (i.e., using a
pencil

to develop written communication). Whereas, a latent function
has
an unexpected result (i.e., using a pencil to stab someone).
When a
function creates unexpected results that cause hardships,
problems,
or negative consequences the result is a latent dysfunction.
Conflict Theory is a macrosociological perspective exploring
the
fight among social groups over resources in society. Groups
compete for status, power, control, money, territory, and other
resources for economic or other social gain. Conflict Theory
explores the struggle between those in power and those who are
not in power within the context of the struggle. Cultural wars
are
common in society, whether controversy over a deity and way
of life
or ownership and rights over Holy Land.
Symbolic Interactionism is a microsociological perspective

observing the influence of interactions on thinking and
behavior.
Interactionists consider how people interpret meaning and
symbols
to understand and navigate the social world. Individuals create
social reality through verbal and non-verbal interactions. These
interactions form thoughts and behaviors in response to others
influencing motivation and decision-making. Hearing or reading
a
word in a language one understands develop a mental image and
comprehension about information shared or communicated (i.e.,
the English word “bread” is most commonly visualized as a
slice or
loaf and considered a food item).
There are three modern approaches to sociological theory (Carl
2013).
Feminism, a macrosociological perspective, studies the
experiences of women and minorities in the social world
including
the outcomes of inequality and oppression for these groups. One
major focus of the feminist theoretical approach is to
understand

how age, ethnicity, race, sexuality, and social class interact
with
gender to determine outcomes for people (Carl 2013).
Exchange Theory examines decision-making of individuals in
society. This microsociological perspective focuses on
understanding how people consider a cost versus benefit
analysis
accentuating their self-interest to make decisions.
Environmental
Theory explores how people adjust to ecological (environmental
and social) changes over time (Carl 2013). The focal point of
this
macrosociological perspective is to figure out how people adapt
or
evolve over time and share the same ecological space.
Applying Theories
Functionalists view how people work together to create society
as a whole. From this perspective, societies needs culture to
exist

(Griffiths et al). For example, cultural norms or rules function
to
support the social structure of society, and cultural values guide
people in their thoughts and actions. Consider how education is
an
important concept in the United States because it is valued. The
culture of education including the norms surroundi ng
registration,
attendance, grades, graduation, and material culture (i.e.,
classrooms, textbooks, libraries) all support the emphasis placed
on
the value of education in the United States. Just as members of
a
society work together to fulfill the needs of society, culture
exists to
meet the basic needs of its members.
Conflict theorists understand the social structure as inherently
unequal resulting from the differences in power based on age,
class,
education, gender, income, race, sexuality, and other social
factors.
For a conflict theorist, culture reinforces issues of “privilege”
groups

and their status in social categories (Griffiths et al. 2015).
Inequalities exist in every cultural system. Therefore, cultural
norms
benefit people with status and power while harming others and
at the expense of others. For example, although cultural
diversity
is valued in the United States, some people and states prohibit
interracial marriages, same-sex marriages, and polygamy
(Griffiths
et al. 2015).
Symbolic interactionists see culture as created and maintained
by
the interactions and interpretations of each other’s actions.
These
theorists conceptualize human interactions as a continuous
process
of deriving meaning from the physical and social environment.
“Every object and action has a symbolic meaning, and language
serves as a means for people to represent and communicate their
interpretations of these meanings to others” (Griffiths et al.
2015:72).

Interactionists evaluate how culture depends on the
interpretation
of meaning and how individuals interact when exchanging
comprehension and meaning. For instance, derogatory terms
such
as the “N” word might be acceptable among people of the same
cultural group but viewed as offensive and antagonistic when
used
by someone outside of the group.
Feminists explore the cultural experiences of women and
minorities. For example, women in Lebanon do not have the
right
to dissolve a marriage without her husband’s consent even in
cases
of spousal abuse (Human Rights Watch 2015). Feminism
explicitly
examines oppression structures within culture systems and the
inequity some groups confront in relation to their age, gender,
race,
social class, sexuality, or other social category.

Exchange theorists observe how culture influences decision-
making. Cultural values and beliefs often influence people’s
choices
about premarital sex and cohabitation before marriage. If you
evaluate your decisions on a daily basis, you might see elements
of
culture behind the motivation driving your choices.
Environmental theorists assess how culture, as part of the social
and physical environment, adapts and changes over time. If you
contemplate any rule of law, you can see how culture has
altered
because of shifts in social ideas or ecological fluctuations.
Consider
the anti-tobacco laws in the United States making it illegal to
smoke
in public areas as an example of social shifts towards health and
wellness or water meters to control and regulate residential
water
usage and waste as an example of ecological drought and
prolonged
water shortages in the United States.

Theoretical Application
Popular culture reflects prominent values, beliefs, norms,
symbolic expressions, and practices while reinforcing
American ideologies and myths. Develop a written response
exploring the depiction of contemporary American culture
in an episode of a contemporary television show drama (i.e.,
NCIS, Game of Thrones, Agents of S.H.I.E.L.D., Breaking
Bad, etc.)
• Describe American cultural ideologies or principles
portrayed in the show (i.e., unity, diversity, patriotism,
etc.).
• Explain which myths or untruths are evident in the
film that express fundamental cultural values or
norms.
• Discuss how the show mirrors social and cultural
trends.

• Analyze the culture portrayed in the television show
using each of the theoretical paradigms:
Functionalism, Conflict Theory, Interactionism,
Feminism, Exchange Theory, and Environmental
Theory.
References
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Sociology: Elements of a Structural Hermeneutic (with Philip
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Sociology. New York: Oxford University Press.
Back, Les, Andy Bennett, Laura Desfor Edles, Margaret Gibson,
David Inglis, Ronald Joacobs, and Ian Woodward. 2012.
Cultural
Sociology: An Introduction. United Kingdom: Wiley-Blackwell.
Best, Stephen. 2007. “Cultural Turn.” Blackwell Encyclopedia
of
Sociology. Hoboken, NJ: John

Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Carl, John D. 2013. Think Social Problems. 2nd ed. Boston,
MA:
Pearson Education, Inc.
Chaney, D. 1996. Lifestyles. London: Routledge.
Durkeim, Emile. 1965. The Elementary Forms of the Religious
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New York: Free Press.
Giddens, Anthony. 1991. Modernity and Self-Identity: Self and
Society in the Late Modern Age.
Cambridge: Polity.
Griffiths, Heather, Nathan Keirns, Eric Strayer, Suasn Cody-
Rydzewsk, Gail Scaramuzzo, Tommy
Sadler, Sally Vyain, Jeff Byer, and Faye Jones. 2015.
Introduction to
Sociology 2e.
Houston, TX: OpenStax College.
Griswold, Wendy. 2013. Cultures and Societies in a Changing
World.
4th ed. Thousand Oaks, CA:

Sage Publications, Inc.
Henslin, James M. 2011. Essentials of Sociology: A Down-to-
Earth
Approach. 11th ed. Upper
Saddle River, NJ: Pearson.
Human Rights Watch. 2015. “Unequal and Unprotected:
Women’s
Rights under Lebanese
Personal Status Laws.” Retrieved January 9, 2018
(https://www.hrw.org/report/2015/01/19/unequal-and-
unprotected/womens-rights-under-lebanese-personal-status-
laws).
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Critical Thinking about Social
Problems. Dubuque, IA: Kendall Hunt Publishing Company.
Kottak, Conrad Phillip and Kathryn A. Kozaitis. 2012. On
Being
Different: Diversity and

Multiculturalism in the North American Mainstream. 4th ed.
New
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Companies, Inc.
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New
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Tyler, Edward. B. 1958 [1871]. Primitive Culture: Researches
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Attribution
Adapted from Modules 1 through 5, pages 1 through 77 from
“Beyond
Kennedy
Chapter 3: Culture as a Social
Construct
Learning Objectives
• Illustrate how culture is constructed and received.
• Describe the influence of context on cultural
creation and acceptance.
• Explain the significance of collective culture on
group solidarity and cohesion.

• Discuss and assess the impact of cultural change on
the social structure.
3.1 Social Production of Culture
How does culture affect your thinking and behavior? How are
you
able to communicate the influence of culture on your life to
others?
How do you justify your culture as true, real, or tangible?
Because culture is a socially meaningful expression that can be
articulated and shared it often takes a physical form in our
minds.
A spiritual or philosophical expression that is not physical in
nature
becomes tangible in our minds and is equivalent to an “object”
Chapter 3: Culture as a Social
Construct | 53
(Griswold 2013). The cultural expression is so real that people
perceive it as something achievable or concrete (even if only in
psychological form). The mental picture is the object and the

meaning associated with the object is the expression when we
are
speaking about non-material culture. When people discuss love,
they imagine it in their minds and feel it in their hearts even
though
no one can truly touch love in a physical form. We associate
love
to a variety of mental and physical interactions, but love itsel f
is
not tangible or concrete. Whereas, material culture is associated
with physical artifacts projecting a clear understanding of its
nature
because it is visible, audible, and can be touched. We buy and
give
gifts to express our love. The material artifact we give to
someone
is a tangible expression of love. In this example, the expression
of non-material culture is evident in material culture (love =
gift)
and material culture represents non-material culture (gift =
love)
making both forms cultural “objects.”
Cultural objects become representations of many things and can

have many meanings based on the history and biography of an
individual, group, or society. Think about the mantra, “Follow
your
dreams.” The expression is often used in the United States when
discussing educational and career motivation and planning. For
many U.S. citizens, this statement creates an open space for
academic or professional choices and opportunities. However,
the
“object” is
limited to the culture of the individual. In other words, your
“dream”
is limited to the cultural environment and social location you
occupy. For example, if you are in a family where men and
women
fill different roles in work and family then your educational and
career choices or pathways are limited to the options within the
context of your culture (i.e., values, beliefs, and norms). Afghan
culture does not value or permit the education of girls. In
Afghanistan, one third of girls marry before 18, and once
married
they are compelled to drop out of school (Human Rights Watch

2017). The educational and career choices of Afghan girls is
limited
to the culture of their country and the social location of their
54 | Chapter 3: Culture as a Social Construct
gender. This means to “follow your dreams” in Afghanistan is
confined to what a dream as an object can represent based on
the
gender of the person.
How does culture become an “object” or solidified, socially
accepted, and followed? According to Griswold (2013) people
create,
articulate, and communicate culture. However, this does not
mean
every cultural idea or creation is accepted by society. Though
people create culture, other people must receive or accept
culture
to become tangible, real, or recognized as an object including
artifacts. The creation of cultural ideas and concepts must have
an audience to receive it and articulate its meaning in order for

culture to be established and accepted. The context of the social
world including time, place, conditions, and social forces
influence
whether an audience accepts or rejects a cultural object.
Consider
the many social media applications available to us today. With
so
many social media outlets and options available, which are the
most
recognized and used? Which social media apps have become
part
of our everyday lives, and which do we expect people to use and
be
familiar with as a norm? When Jack Dorsey, Noah Glass, Biz
Stone,
and Evan Williams created Twitter, they introduced a cultural
idea
to society. As word spread about the application and people
began
to use it, communication about its relevance and usefulness
grew.
As the network of users grew more and more people were
intrigued
to discover the application and make it part of their lives

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