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The President’s Speech in Cairo: A New Beginning - Persian

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Obama White House
Obama White House

President Obama’s speech in Cairo on America’s relationship with Muslim communities around the world. June 4th, 2009. http://www.whitehouse.gov/blog/newbeginning/

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‫ﮐﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ، ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫4 ﮊﻭﺋﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻓﻮﺭﯼ‬ ‫9002‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﯼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﯼ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ، ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫01:1 ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﺤﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ : ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺰﺍﺭﻡ. ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺨﻴﺮ.ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ، ﺷﻬﺮﯼ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻴﺸﻮﺩ، ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ. ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ، ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ. ﻣﺘﻔﻘﺎ،‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪء ﻫﻢ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﯽ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ. ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺯﯼ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺰﺍﺭﻡ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﺩﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﯼ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻡ. ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﮑﻢ.)ﮐﻒ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ(‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺍﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﮑﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﯼ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ- ﺗﻨﺸﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﺟﺎﺭﯼ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻣﯽ ﺭﻭﺩ. ﻃﯽ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ، ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﯽ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﯼ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﯼ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﯽ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ، ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ، ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﯼ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ، ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ. ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ، ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ، ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﯽ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ، ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺸﻬﺎ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ. ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ، ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺘﯽ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭ.‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻼﺕ 11 ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ 1002 ﻭ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ، ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﻏﺮﺑﯽ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ. ﺗﻤﺎﻣﯽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﮑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﮑﻨﻨﺪ، ﺁﻧﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺬﺭ ﺗﻨﻔﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺷﻨﺪ، ﻧﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ، ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﯼ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ، ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﯼ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ، ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﯽ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ.‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﯽ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﯼ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﻼﺋﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﻡ – ﺁﻏﺎﺯﯼ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﯽ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻊ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﯼ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ. ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ، ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻬﺎﺗﯽ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﯼ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ –‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ – ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ.‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻳﮏ ﺷﺒﻪ‬
‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ. ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ، ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﻧﻤﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﯼ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ، ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ. ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻤﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ، ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺒﻬﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻢ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ، ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﯽ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﻬﺎﯼ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ. ﮔﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ، ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﺂﻣﻮﺯﻳﻢ، ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ، ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﯽ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ. ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﮐﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ: quot; ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﯼquot;. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﻢ – ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ، ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﻮﯼ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻋﻼﺋﻖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﺋﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﯽ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ.‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ، ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﯽ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﯽ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ. ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﯼ ﮐﻨﻴﺎﺋﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺴﻠﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ. ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﯽ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﯼ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﯼ‬ ‫ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺤﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻭﺏ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻡ. ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﻫﺎﯼ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﮑﺎﮔﻮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ، ﺟﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ.‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﯼ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ، ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻨﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ، ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻢ. ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ – ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﮐﻨﯽ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ – ﻣﺸﻌﻞ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺭﻧﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﺍﺋﯽ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ. ﺍﺑﺘﮑﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮ، ﻗﻄﺐ ﻧﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﯼ، ﺗﺒﺤﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﯽ ﻭ ﭼﺎﭖ، ﺩﺭﮎ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ. ﻃﺎﻗﻬﺎﯼ ﺑﺎ ﺷﮑﻮﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﮏ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ، ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﯽ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ، ﺧﻄﺎﻃﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﮐﻦ ﺗﻔﮑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ. ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﯽ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ، ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ، ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﯼ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﯼ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.)ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺨﺸﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﯼ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ،‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ. ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﯼ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ 6971 ﻃﺮﺍﺑﻠﺲ، ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻣﺰ،‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﯼ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ، ﻧﻮﺷﺖ quot;ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﻮﺩﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﯽ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ، ﺩﻳﻦ، ﻳﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ.quot;‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺋﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻨﯽ ﺗﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪ. ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ، ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ،‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﯽ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ، ﮐﺴﺐ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ، ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ، ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﺋﯽ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ، ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ، ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ، ﻭ ﻣﺸﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﯽ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺋﯽ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﯽ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﮐﻨﺪ، ﻗﺮﺁﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻴﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ – ﺗﺎﻣﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻔﺮﺳﻮﻥ – ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﯽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ.)ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺣﯽ ﺷﺪ، ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ 3 ﻗﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ. ﺁﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﯼ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ. ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﯼ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﯽ ﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ، ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﯽ ﻣﻨﻔﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ، ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﮐﻨﻢ. .)ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ. )ﮐﻒ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ( ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻤﻴﮕﻨﺠﻨﺪ، ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﯼ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﯽ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ. ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ. ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﯼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ: ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ، ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﮔﺮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ. ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ: quot;ﻭﺍﺣﺪﯼ ﻣﺘﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺩquot;.‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺋﯽ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﺋﯽ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﮎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﯼ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ، ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ. .)ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻔﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ. ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﯼ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ، ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻴﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺂﻳﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ – ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ 7 ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ 08 ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ. ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ، ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺋﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺗﯽ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ. .)ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ، ﺁﺯﺍﺩﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﯼ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺗﻔﮑﻴﮏ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮐﻢ ﻳﮏ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ 0021 ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ. ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﯽ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ.‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﯼ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ: ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺨﺸﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺳﺖ. ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ، ﺩﻳﻦ،‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ، ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ – ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ؛ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺰﺕ، ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ، ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ. ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﮐﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ، ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ، ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ، ﺑﻠﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺋﯽ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﯽ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ.‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﯼ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺟﺴﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ. ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮎ ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﺋﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ.‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﯽ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ،‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻣﯽ ﺑﻴﻨﺪ. ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﯼ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﯼ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﺪ، ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ. ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﯽ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﻴﺴﺖ، ﺭﻳﺴﮏ ﺣﻤﻞﮤ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﮐﻠﻴﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﯽ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ. ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻮﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺴﻮﯼ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ. ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﯽ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺳﻨﯽ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻓﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﯽ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ، ﺁﻥ ﻟﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﮕﯽ ﻣﺎ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ.‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﯽ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﯼ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ – ﻭ ﺑﻠﯽ ﺣﺘﯽ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ - ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﮑﻮﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﯼ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ، ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ. ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﯼ ﺍﺭﺟﺢ ﺩﺍﻧﺪ، ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ. ﻟﺬﺍ، ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﯽ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ. ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻬﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ. ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ: ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ. ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﯼ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﻢ، ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﻢ.‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﮕﺮﺍﺋﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﮑﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ.‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﮑﺎﺭﺍ، ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ، ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﮕﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﯽ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﮐﻨﺪ، ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ. ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ: ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﺋﯽ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﻣﯽ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺩ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ: ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ، ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺑﯽ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ. ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﯼ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺎﮐﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻳﺴﺖ. ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ 7 ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ، ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ، ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﯽ،‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ. ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ. ﻣﻦ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ 1‬ ‫1‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻣﯽ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻌﯽ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ. ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻡ: ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ، ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ 3 ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﺖ. ‪ CONTROLForms.SpinButton.1 s‬ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ، ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺑﯽ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻮﭼﮑﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﯽ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﯽ ﻧﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ. ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﯽ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﯼ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﯼ ﺗﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ. ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ،‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﯽ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﺖ، ﺍﺩﻋﺎﯼ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ، ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ. ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﯼ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺻﺪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﯼ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ. ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﯽ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ، ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻘﯽ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ.‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ: ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ. ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﯽ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ. ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺳﺖ. ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﯽ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﮕﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ، ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﻮﻗﺘﯽ ﺗﮏ ﺗﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﯽ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ. ﺍﻣﺎ، ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ.‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ 64 ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ. ﻭﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ،ﻋﺰﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺳﺴﺖ ﻧﻤﯽ ﺷﻮﺩ. ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ، ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ. ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ. ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ – ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ. ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ، ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ، ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺷﺘﯽ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﮐﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﮑﺸﺪ، ﺑﺴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺲ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﺩﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮓ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﯼ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ، ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﻣﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﮕﺮﺍﺋﯽ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ – ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺋﯽ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﯽ ﮐﻨﺪ. ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ، ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻃﯽ 5 ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﯽ، ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ، ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ، ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﻭ ﻳﮑﺼﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﻢ. ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺷﮑﻮﻓﺎﺋﯽ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﯼ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻧﮑﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ.‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﻢ. ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ، ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﯼ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ. ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﯼ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ، ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ، ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﯽ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﺲ ﺟﻔﺮﺳﻮﻥ، ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ : quot;ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ، ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪquot;.‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ، ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ: ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ‬
‫ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﯼ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ. ﻣﻦ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻡ ﮐﻪ )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﺋﯽ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﮎ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ. ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ِ ﺁﻧﮑﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺗﻴﭙﻬﺎﯼ ﺟﻨﮕﯽ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻡ. ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺗﻴﮏ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﯽ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﯼ ﺭﺯﻣﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﯼ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮊﻭﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﮐﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ 2102 ﻭﻓﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ. )ﮐﻒ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ( ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﯽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ. ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﯽ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﮏ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻭﻟﻴﻨﻌﻤﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ.‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ، ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ، ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﻢ. ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ 11 ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﯽ ﻋﻈﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ. ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻤﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﯽ ﺷﺪ، ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﮎ ﺑﻮﺩ، ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﻨﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ. ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﯼ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ. ﻣﻦ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻨﺠﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻡ، ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﮔﻮﺍﻧﺘﺎﻧﺎﻣﻮ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﯽ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ، ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﮑﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ، ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ. ﺍﻳﻨﮑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﯼ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ، ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﯼ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ.‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﺶ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ، ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﮑﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬
‫ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﯼ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﯽ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﯼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﮎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ.‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﯼ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺬﺍء ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺿﺪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﯼ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻫﺎﻻﮐﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﯽ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ، ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ. ﻓﺮﺩﺍ، ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺧﻨﻮﺍﻟﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ. ﺑﻮﺧﻨﻮﺍﻟﺪ ﺟﺰﺋﯽ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﮔﯽ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ، ﺷﮑﻨﺠﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺎﺯ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ. ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﯼ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ – ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ. ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﯽ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ، ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﯼ – ﻳﺎ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﻫﺎﯼ ﺷﺮﻡ ﺁﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ – ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺮﻭﺯﻫﺎﯼ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﮎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ، ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﯼ ﺻﻠﺤﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ، ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ.‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﯼ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ، ﻧﻤﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ – ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﯽ – ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ. ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ 06 ﺳﺎﻝ، ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ. ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﯼ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﯼ، ﻏﺰﻩ، ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﯼ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪ، ﺑﺴﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ. ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺗﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ، ﻣﯽ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ. ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺷﮏ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﯼ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ:‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﯽ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ. ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﺰﺕ ، ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﯼ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﯽ ﺷﻮﺩ،‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﻧﻤﯽ ﮐﻨﺪ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺳﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﯽ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ: ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ،‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﮎ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﯼ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﺪ.‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺴﻮﯼ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﯼ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﯼ ﺳﻬﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ – ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ، ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﯽ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ. ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﯼ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﯼ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ، ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﯼ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻢ: ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ، ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ، ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﺖ. ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺘﺮﺻﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﮑﻴﺒﺎﺋﯽ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻻﺯﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﯽ ﻃﻠﺒﺪ، ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮐﻨﻢ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺗﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺭﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺻﻠﺢ، ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ – ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ – ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ.‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ. ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻩ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﻤﯽ ﺷﻮﺩ. ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﭙﻮﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﻪء ﺷﻼﻕ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﯽ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﺍﺋﯽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﭘﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ. ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ. ﭘﺎﻳﻔﺸﺎﺭﯼ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ. ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﯼ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﯽ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﯼ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﯽ، ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﯼ ﺷﺮﻗﯽ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﯼ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ. ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﯽ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ: ﮐﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻠﻴﮏ ﺭﺍﮐﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺳﯽ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﯼ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﯽ ﮐﺮﺩ، ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ.‬ ‫ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ. ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﯽ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ، ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ. ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﯽ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ، ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﮎ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﺋﯽ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ: ﺍﻳﻔﺎﯼ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﯼ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ. ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ، ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻬﺎﯼ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ.‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﯽ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ، ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ. ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﮐﻬﺎﯼ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﯽ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﯽ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺎﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﯼ ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻬﺎﯼ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﯼ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﯽ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﺪ. ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﮎ ﺳﺎﺯﯼ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ. ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﯼ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﯼ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﯽ ﺑﺮﺩ،‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻔﻊ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ. ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﯽ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﯽ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺴﻤﺖ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﯼ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ.‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ، ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯﯼ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ، ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ. ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﯼ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ. ﺑﻠﮑﻪ؛ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﯽ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﯽ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﯼ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ،‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ، ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻀﺮﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ، ﺍﺭﺟﺤﻴﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ.‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻴﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﯽ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ، ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﻬﺎﯼ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ، ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﯽ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ، ﻋﻠﻨﯽ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ. ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﻢ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﺍﻣﺎ، ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ، ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ، ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ً‬
‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ. ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﯽ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ، ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ.‬ ‫ﺍﺷﮑﻬﺎﯼ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﯼ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ. ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ. ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺭﻭﺯﯼ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﯽ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﯽ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ، ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؛ ﺭﻭﺯﯼ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ 3 ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ، ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ، ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺭﻭﺯﯼ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭﺭﺷﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﯽ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ،‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻠﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﮐﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﺍﻻﺳﺮﺍء ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﯽ، ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﯼ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﯽ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﯽ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﯼ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﯼ، ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺘﺸﺨﺺ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ ﭘﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻢ.‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ، ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭﯼ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺗﻴﮏ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ، ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ. ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ،‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺑﺎﺋﯽ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﯼ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﯽ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﻣﻦ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻡ ﺑﺠﺎﯼ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ. ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ، ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﯼ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ.‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﺪﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ،‬ ‫ﻭﻟﯽ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ، ﺩﺭﺳﺘﮑﺎﺭﯼ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ. ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﮔﻘﺘﮕﻮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ. ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻴﮑﻪ‬
‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﯽ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﯼ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ. ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ، ﺑﻠﮑﻪ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ، ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﯼ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ.‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮎ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﯼ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﯽ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ. ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﯼ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ، ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﯼ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﯼ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﯼ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﯽ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ،‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﻫﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﯼ، ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ، ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﯽ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ، ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺍﺭﺍﯼ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻤﯽ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻴﮑﻪ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻴﮑﻨﻨﺪ، ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ. ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﮐﻠﻴﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ.‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﯽ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﯼ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﻢ: ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﯼ ﻧﻤﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﯽ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﮐﻨﺪ.‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﻌﮑﺲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ، ﻧﻤﯽ ﮐﺎﻫﺪ. ﻫﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﯼ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺒﺨﺸﺪ. ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﯼ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ، ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﯽ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ. ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﯼ ﺭﺍﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﯽ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ: ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﯽ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ، ﺍﻇﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﮑﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﯼ‬
‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ، ﺩﻭﻟﺘﯽ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺯﺩﯼ ﻧﻤﯽ ﮐﻨﺪ، ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﯼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺏ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺧﻮﺩ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﯼ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺋﯽ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﯽ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ، ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ. ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ: ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮ،‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﮑﻤﺘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ. ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﯽ ﺑﺮﺩ. ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻬﺎﯼ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ، ﺣﺘﯽ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ، ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﯽ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ. ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺤﺠﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ، ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ.‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﯽ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﺑﯽ ﺭﺣﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﯽ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ. )ﮐﻒ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ( ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ، ﺩﻭﻟﺘﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ، ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﺪ: ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮐﻨﯽ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ؛ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎﯼ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭﯼ؛ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪء ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﯽ، ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺟﺢ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭﯼ. ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ، ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﯼ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺋﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﻌﻨﺎﯼ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﯽ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﯽ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ.‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﺪﻋﻮ: ﺑﺎﺭﺍﮎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ، ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ!‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ: ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺰﺍﺭﻡ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﯼ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻨﺘﯽ ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ. ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﻄﺎﻕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﯽ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻧﺪﻭﻟﻮﺱ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺭﺩﻭﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ. ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﯼ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ، ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﯼ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﯼ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﯼ ﺑﺎ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﯼ ﻓﺮﺍﺋﺾ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ. ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﯽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ، ﻗﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ. ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻤﻠﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ، ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﯼ، ﻣﺤﮏ ﻣﯽ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ. ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﻨﯽ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ – ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺭﻭﻧﯽ ﻫﺎﯼ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻄﻴﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﺼﺮ؛ )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﯽ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﻬﺎﯼ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﯼ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﯽ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻣﯽ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ. ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﯼ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ. ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ، ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮑﻬﺎﯼ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﺋﺾ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺫﮐﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ.‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ، ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﻏﺮﺑﯽ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻓﺮﺍﺋﺾ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ - ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺪ. ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﯼ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ.‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ، ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﮐﻨﺪ. ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ، ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﻫﺎﺋﯽ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ، ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﮐﻨﺪ. ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﯼ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﮏ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﯼ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﯼ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ. ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ، ﻣﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺗﺤﺮﮎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ – ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻻﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻼﻳﺎﯼ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﯽ.‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ – ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﯼ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫)ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ – ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺪﯼ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ. ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻥ ﻣﺤﺠﺒﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﯼ ﺣﻖ ﮐﻤﺘﺮﯼ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻢ، ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﯽ ﺣﻖ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ، ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﯽ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﯽ ﺷﻮﺩ، ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﯽ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﻢ: ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﯼ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ. ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ، ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ، ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ، ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﯼ ،‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺋﯽ ﺑﺎ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ، ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻧﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﯼ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ. ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ، ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﯼ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﻦ،‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﮐﻞ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ – ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ –ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﯼ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ،‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﯽ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮐﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ. ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﯽ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﺎﺗﯽ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ، ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﯽ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﻨﺘﯽ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍﺿﯽ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻴﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ. ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﮏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﺩﺁﻣﻮﺯﯼ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﯼ ﻭﺍﻣﻬﺎﯼ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻬﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﯽ ﮔﻮﻳﻢ.‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ،ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺿﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﯽ ﺭﺳﺪ.‬
‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﯽ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﯽ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ، ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﯼ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﯽ ﺣﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ. ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻬﺎﯼ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ.‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ - ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ – ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ. ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻬﺎﯼ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ، ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ، ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﯼ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻤﺎﻥ، ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﻥ، ﺳﻨﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ. ﻟﺰﻭﻣﯽ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﺩﯼ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺋﯽ ﭼﻮﻥ ﮊﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﮐﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﯽ ﺭﺷﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ.‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ- ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺍﻻﻻﻣﭙﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺑﯽ.‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﯽ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺯﺵ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ.‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﯼ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻤﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﯽ ﺁﻳﺪ، ﻭ ﻧﻤﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ. ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﺧﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﺧﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﺘﺮﯼ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ. ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﮎ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﮐﺎﻓﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﯼ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﯼ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﯼ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ. ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﮑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ، ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﯼ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺮﯼ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻴﻢ.‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ، ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻫﺎﯼ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﯽ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﯽ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﯽ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺋﻴﻢ )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﻭ ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ. ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﯼ ﮐﺎﺭﺁﻣﻮﺯﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﯼ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﯽ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﮐﺎﻧﺰﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ.‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﻳﮏ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺘﮑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺐ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﯼ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ. ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﯽ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﯼ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﮋﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﯼ، ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ.‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺂﻭﺭﯼ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﯼ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﮑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻠﻬﺎﯼ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ. ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ، ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﯼ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﯼ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﯽ ﻋﻠﻤﯽ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﯼ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﯼ، ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰ، ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﯼ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ، ﺁﺏ ﭘﺎﮐﻴﺰﻩ، ﻭ ﮐﺸﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ. ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﮐﻨﯽ ﻓﻠﺞ ﺍﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﻢ. ﻣﺎ ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﯼ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎء ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ.‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ. ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ، ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎ، ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ، ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎ، ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﯽ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﯼ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﮔﻴﺘﯽ‬
‫ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﻳﻬﺘﺮﯼ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﯼ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ.‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﯽ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻡ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ. ﻭﻟﯽ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻣﯽ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﻳﻢ –‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﮑﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﯽ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﯼ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﯼ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺩ، ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺁﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻣﯽ ﺟﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﺎ ﻣﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﻢ.‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻣﯽ ﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ - ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ - ﻣﯽ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﻢ؟ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﺷﺎﺋﻘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺪﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ. ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﻣﯽ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺘﺶ ﻧﻤﯽ ﺍﺭﺯﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮﻧﺪ. ﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﯼ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﯽ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﮑﺎﮎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﯽ ﻣﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ. ﺗﺮﺱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﯼ ﻃﯽ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ. ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﯼ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ – ﺷﻤﺎ، ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮐﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ، ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﺋﯽ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﯼ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﯼ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﮐﻨﯽ، ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﯼ.‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﯼ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ. ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻼﺵ – ﺗﻼﺷﯽ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ –‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺟﺴﺘﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﯼ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﯽ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺑﻨﻬﻴﻢ؟‬
‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮐﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ. ﻳﮏ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﯽ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﯽ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﻦ ﮐﻪ ﻣﯽ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﯽ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻣﯽ ﺭﻭﺩ.‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﯼ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ، ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ، ﻣﺴﻴﺤﯽ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﯼ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ. ﺑﺎﻭﺭﯼ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻬﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺗﭙﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺌﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﯽ ﺗﭙﺪ. ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﯼ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﮐﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﯽ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﯼ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﮐﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﯽ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ: »ﺍﯼ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ، ﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺣﻠﻖ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺎﻟﯽ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﺪ.‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﯽ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ: »ﺗﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﮐﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ.«‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻞ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﯽ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ: »ﺑﺮﮐﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﯽ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﯽ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ.« )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ. ﻣﯽ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﯽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﮎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ.‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺸﮑﺮﻡ. ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻋﻄﺎ ﮐﻨﺪ – ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺰﺍﺭﻡ.‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺸﮑﺮﻡ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫05:2 ﺑ ﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇ ﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﺤﻠﯽ‬
The President’s Speech in Cairo: A New Beginning - Persian

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The President’s Speech in Cairo: A New Beginning - Persian

  • 1. ‫ﮐﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺳﺨﻨﮕﻮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ، ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫4 ﮊﻭﺋﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻓﻮﺭﯼ‬ ‫9002‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﯼ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﯼ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ، ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫01:1 ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺑﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﺤﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ : ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺰﺍﺭﻡ. ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺨﻴﺮ.ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ، ﺷﻬﺮﯼ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻴﺸﻮﺩ، ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ. ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ، ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ. ﻣﺘﻔﻘﺎ،‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪء ﻫﻢ ﺁﻫﻨﮕﯽ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﺪ. ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺍﺯﯼ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺰﺍﺭﻡ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﺩﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﯼ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻡ. ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﮑﻢ.)ﮐﻒ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ(‬
  • 2. ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻫﻪ ﺍﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﮑﻨﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﯼ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ- ﺗﻨﺸﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﺟﺎﺭﯼ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻣﯽ ﺭﻭﺩ. ﻃﯽ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ، ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﯽ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﯼ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﯼ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﯽ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ، ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﺐ ﮐﺮﺩ، ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﯼ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ ، ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺶ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻧﺪ. ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ، ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ، ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﯽ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ، ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﺸﻬﺎ ﺳﻮء ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ. ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ، ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺘﯽ ﻣﺮﮔﺒﺎﺭ.‬ ‫ﺣﻤﻼﺕ 11 ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ 1002 ﻭ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ، ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﻏﺮﺑﯽ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ. ﺗﻤﺎﻣﯽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﮑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﮑﻨﻨﺪ، ﺁﻧﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺬﺭ ﺗﻨﻔﺮﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺷﻨﺪ، ﻧﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ، ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﯼ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ، ﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﯼ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ، ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﯽ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧﻪ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ.‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﯽ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﯼ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﻼﺋﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﻡ – ﺁﻏﺎﺯﯼ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﯽ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻊ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﯼ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ. ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ، ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻬﺎﺗﯽ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﯼ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ –‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ – ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺰﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ.‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻳﮏ ﺷﺒﻪ‬
  • 3. ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ. ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ، ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﻧﻤﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﯼ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ، ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ. ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻤﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ، ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺒﻬﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻢ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ، ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﯽ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻓﻘﻂ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﻬﺎﯼ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ. ﮔﻮﺵ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ، ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻴﺂﻣﻮﺯﻳﻢ، ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ، ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﯽ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ. ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﮐﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ: quot; ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﯼquot;. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﻢ – ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ، ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻗﻮﯼ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻋﻼﺋﻖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﺋﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﯽ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ.‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ، ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﯽ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﯽ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ. ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﯼ ﮐﻨﻴﺎﺋﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺴﻠﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ. ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﯽ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﯼ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻭﺍﯼ‬ ‫ﺍﺫﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺤﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻭﺏ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻡ. ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﻫﺎﯼ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﮑﺎﮔﻮ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ، ﺟﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺰﺕ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ.‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﯼ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ، ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻨﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ، ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻢ. ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ – ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﮐﻨﯽ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻻﺯﻫﺮ – ﻣﺸﻌﻞ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺭﻧﺴﺎﻧﺲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﺍﺋﯽ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ. ﺍﺑﺘﮑﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﺮ، ﻗﻄﺐ ﻧﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻧﻮﺭﺩﯼ، ﺗﺒﺤﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﯽ ﻭ ﭼﺎﭖ، ﺩﺭﮎ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ. ﻃﺎﻗﻬﺎﯼ ﺑﺎ ﺷﮑﻮﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﺳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻠﮏ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻩ، ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻭﻳﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﯽ ﺯﻳﺒﺎ، ﺧﻄﺎﻃﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﮐﻦ ﺗﻔﮑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ. ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﯽ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ، ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﮐﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ، ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
  • 4. ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﯼ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﯼ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.)ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺨﺸﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﯼ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ،‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ. ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﯼ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ 6971 ﻃﺮﺍﺑﻠﺲ، ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﻣﺰ،‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﯼ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ، ﻧﻮﺷﺖ quot;ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﻮﺩﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﺷﻤﻨﯽ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ، ﺩﻳﻦ، ﻳﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ.quot;‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺋﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻨﯽ ﺗﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪ. ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ، ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ،‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺪﻧﯽ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ، ﮐﺴﺐ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ، ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ، ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺯﺷﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﺋﯽ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ، ﺟﻮﺍﻳﺰ ﻧﻮﺑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ، ﺑﻠﻨﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ، ﻭ ﻣﺸﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﭙﻴﮏ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﯽ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺋﯽ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺳﻮﮔﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﯽ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﮐﻨﺪ، ﻗﺮﺁﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻴﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ – ﺗﺎﻣﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﻔﺮﺳﻮﻥ – ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﯽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ.)ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻠﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺣﯽ ﺷﺪ، ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ 3 ﻗﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ. ﺁﻥ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﯼ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ. ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﯼ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﯽ ﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ، ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﯽ ﻣﻨﻔﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ، ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﮐﻨﻢ. .)ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ. )ﮐﻒ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ( ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻤﻴﮕﻨﺠﻨﺪ، ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﯼ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﯽ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ. ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ. ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﯼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
  • 5. ‫ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ: ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ، ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﮔﺮﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ. ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ: quot;ﻭﺍﺣﺪﯼ ﻣﺘﺸﮑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺩquot;.‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺋﯽ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﺋﯽ ﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﮎ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﯼ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ، ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ. .)ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻔﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ. ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﯼ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ، ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻴﺪﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻴﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺂﻳﻨﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ – ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﺑﻪ 7 ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ 08 ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ. ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﺎ، ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺋﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺗﯽ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ. .)ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ، ﺁﺯﺍﺩﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﯼ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺗﻔﮑﻴﮏ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮐﻢ ﻳﮏ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ 0021 ﻣﺴﺠﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ. ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺣﺠﺎﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﯽ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﮐﻨﺪ.‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﯼ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ: ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺨﺸﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺳﺖ. ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻄﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ، ﺩﻳﻦ،‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ، ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﮏ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ – ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ؛ ﮐﺴﺐ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺰﺕ، ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ، ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ. ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﮐﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ، ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ، ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ، ﺑﻠﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﮐﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺋﯽ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﯽ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ.‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﯼ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭ ﺟﺴﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ. ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮎ ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ‬
  • 6. ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﺋﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ.‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻣﺎﻟﯽ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ،‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻣﯽ ﺑﻴﻨﺪ. ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﻔﻠﻮﺁﻧﺰﺍﯼ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﯼ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﺪ، ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ. ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﯽ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﻴﺴﺖ، ﺭﻳﺴﮏ ﺣﻤﻞﮤ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﮐﻠﻴﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﯽ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ. ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻮﻩ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺴﻮﯼ ﺍﻗﻴﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ. ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﯽ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺳﻨﯽ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻓﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﯽ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ، ﺁﻥ ﻟﮑﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﮕﯽ ﻣﺎ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ.‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﯽ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﯼ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺎﻳﻞ – ﻭ ﺑﻠﯽ ﺣﺘﯽ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ - ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﮑﻮﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﯼ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ، ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ. ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﯼ ﺍﺭﺟﺢ ﺩﺍﻧﺪ، ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ. ﻟﺬﺍ، ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﯽ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ. ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻬﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ. ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ: ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ. ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﯼ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﻢ، ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﻢ.‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﮕﺮﺍﺋﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺷﮑﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ.‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﮑﺎﺭﺍ، ﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ، ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﮕﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺑﯽ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﮐﻨﺪ، ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬
  • 7. ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ. ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ: ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﺋﯽ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﻣﯽ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺩ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ: ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ، ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺑﯽ ﮔﻨﺎﻩ. ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﯼ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺎﮐﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﻳﺴﺖ. ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ 7 ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ، ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ، ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﯽ،‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ. ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ. ﻣﻦ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ 1‬ ‫1‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻣﯽ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻌﯽ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ. ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻡ: ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ، ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ 3 ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﺖ. ‪ CONTROLForms.SpinButton.1 s‬ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ، ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺑﯽ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﮐﻮﭼﮑﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺒﯽ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﯽ ﻧﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ. ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﯽ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻫﺎﯼ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﯼ ﺗﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ. ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ،‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﯽ ﺭﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﺖ، ﺍﺩﻋﺎﯼ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ، ﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ. ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﯼ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺻﺪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﯼ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ. ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﯽ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ، ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻘﯽ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ.‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﮑﻨﻴﺪ: ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ. ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﯽ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ. ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺬﺍﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺳﺖ. ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﯽ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﮕﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﮐﺸﺘﻦ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ، ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﻮﻗﺘﯽ ﺗﮏ ﺗﮏ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﯽ ﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻳﻢ. ﺍﻣﺎ، ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ.‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ 64 ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ. ﻭﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ،ﻋﺰﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺳﺴﺖ ﻧﻤﯽ ﺷﻮﺩ. ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ، ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﮏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ‬
  • 8. ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ. ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ. ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ – ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ. ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ، ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ، ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﺷﺘﯽ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﮐﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﺮﮐﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﻨﺎﻫﯽ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﮑﺸﺪ، ﺑﺴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﻳﻢ ﻣﻴﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺲ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﺩﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻔﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﮓ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﯼ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ، ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﻣﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺋﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﮑﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﮕﺮﺍﺋﯽ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ – ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﯽ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺋﯽ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻧﻤﯽ ﮐﻨﺪ. ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ، ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻃﯽ 5 ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﯽ، ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ، ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ، ﺟﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﮐﺴﺐ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﻭ ﻳﮑﺼﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﻢ. ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺸﺘﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺷﮑﻮﻓﺎﺋﯽ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﯼ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻧﮑﺸﻮﺭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ.‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﻢ. ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ، ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮕﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﯼ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ. ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﯼ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ، ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ، ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﯽ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺑﻮﺩ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﺲ ﺟﻔﺮﺳﻮﻥ، ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ : quot;ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺩﻫﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﮐﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ، ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷﺪquot;.‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ، ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ: ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻴﻬﺎ ﻭ‬
  • 9. ‫ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﯼ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ. ﻣﻦ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻡ ﮐﻪ )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﺋﯽ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﮎ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ. ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ِ ﺁﻧﮑﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺗﻴﭙﻬﺎﯼ ﺟﻨﮕﯽ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻡ. ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺗﻴﮏ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﯽ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﯼ ﺭﺯﻣﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﯼ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎﻩ ﮊﻭﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﮐﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ 2102 ﻭﻓﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ. )ﮐﻒ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ( ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﯽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ. ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻗﯽ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﮏ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻭﻟﻴﻨﻌﻤﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ.‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ، ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ، ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﻢ. ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ 11 ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺣﯽ ﻋﻈﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ. ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻤﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﯽ ﺷﺪ، ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﮎ ﺑﻮﺩ، ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﻨﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ. ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﯼ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ. ﻣﻦ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺷﮑﻨﺠﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻡ، ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﮔﻮﺍﻧﺘﺎﻧﺎﻣﻮ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﺗﯽ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ، ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﮑﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ، ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮐﺮﺩ. ﺍﻳﻨﮑﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﯼ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ، ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺗﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﯼ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ.‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺗﻨﺶ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ، ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﮑﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‬
  • 10. ‫ﺷﮑﺴﺖ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﯼ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﯽ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﯼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﮎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﻴﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ.‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﯼ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺬﺍء ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺿﺪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﯼ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻫﺎﻻﮐﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﯽ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ، ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ. ﻓﺮﺩﺍ، ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺧﻨﻮﺍﻟﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ. ﺑﻮﺧﻨﻮﺍﻟﺪ ﺟﺰﺋﯽ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﮔﯽ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ، ﺷﮑﻨﺠﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺎﺯ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ. ﺷﺶ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﯼ ﮐﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ – ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ. ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﯽ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ، ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﯼ – ﻳﺎ ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﭼﺴﺐ ﻫﺎﯼ ﺷﺮﻡ ﺁﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ – ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺮﻭﺯﻫﺎﯼ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﮎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ، ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﯼ ﺻﻠﺤﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ، ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ.‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﯼ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ، ﻧﻤﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ – ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﯽ – ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ. ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ 06 ﺳﺎﻝ، ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ. ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﯼ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﯼ، ﻏﺰﻩ، ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎﯼ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪ، ﺑﺴﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ. ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺣﻘﺎﺭﺗﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ، ﻣﯽ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ. ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺷﮏ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﺍﯼ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ:‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﯽ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ. ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﺰﺕ ، ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﯼ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﯽ ﺷﻮﺩ،‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﻧﻤﯽ ﮐﻨﺪ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﺳﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﯽ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ: ﺩﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ،‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﮎ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﯼ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﺪ.‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺴﻮﯼ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﯼ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﯼ ﺳﻬﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ – ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪ، ﻭ‬
  • 11. ‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﮎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻃﯽ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ. ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﯼ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﯼ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ، ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﯼ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻢ: ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ، ﺗﺤﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﺑﺪ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ، ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺴﺖ. ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺘﺮﺻﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﺷﺨﺼﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﮑﻴﺒﺎﺋﯽ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻻﺯﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﯽ ﻃﻠﺒﺪ، ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮐﻨﻢ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻬﺪﺍﺗﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻘﺸﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺭﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺻﻠﺢ، ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ – ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ – ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ.‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ. ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻩ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻧﻤﯽ ﺷﻮﺩ. ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻫﭙﻮﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﻪء ﺷﻼﻕ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﯽ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﺍﺋﯽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻔﻴﺪﭘﻮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ. ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﮐﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ. ﭘﺎﻳﻔﺸﺎﺭﯼ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ. ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﯼ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﯽ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﯼ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﯽ، ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﯼ ﺷﺮﻗﯽ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﯼ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ. ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺘﯽ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ: ﮐﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﻠﻴﮏ ﺭﺍﮐﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻮﺩﮐﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺳﯽ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻤﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﯼ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﯽ ﮐﺮﺩ، ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ.‬ ‫ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ. ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻼﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﯽ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﮐﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ، ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ. ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﯽ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ، ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﮎ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﺋﯽ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ: ﺍﻳﻔﺎﯼ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﯼ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ‬
  • 12. ‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ. ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ، ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻬﺎﯼ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ.‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﯽ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩ، ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ. ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﮐﻬﺎﯼ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﯽ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﯽ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﺎﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﯼ ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﻬﺎﯼ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﯼ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﯽ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﺪ. ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﮎ ﺳﺎﺯﯼ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ. ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮﯼ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﺎﯼ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﯽ ﺑﺮﺩ،‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻔﻊ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ. ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﯽ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺨﺸﯽ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺴﻤﺖ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩﯼ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ.‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ، ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻋﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯﯼ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ، ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ. ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﯼ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﮑﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ. ﺑﻠﮑﻪ؛ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﯽ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﯽ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭﯼ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ،‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ، ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻀﺮﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ، ﺍﺭﺟﺤﻴﺖ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ.‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻴﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﯽ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ، ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺩﺭﺑﻬﺎﯼ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ، ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﯽ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ، ﻋﻠﻨﯽ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ. ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻴﻢ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﺍﻣﺎ، ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ، ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ، ﻭ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ً‬
  • 13. ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ. ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﯽ ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ، ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ.‬ ‫ﺍﺷﮑﻬﺎﯼ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﯼ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ. ﺧﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ. ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺭﻭﺯﯼ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﯽ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﯽ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ، ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ؛ ﺭﻭﺯﯼ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ 3 ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ، ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ، ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺭﻭﺯﯼ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭﺭﺷﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﯽ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ،‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻠﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﮐﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﺍﻻﺳﺮﺍء ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻮﺳﯽ، ﻣﺴﻴﺢ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺕ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﯼ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﯽ ﻳﮑﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻖ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﯽ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺗﻨﺶ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﯼ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﺩﯼ، ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺘﺸﺨﺺ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ ﭘﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﺸﻴﺐ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻢ.‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﺳﻂ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ، ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﮐﻨﺎﺭﯼ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺗﻴﮏ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ، ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ. ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ،‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺭﺑﺎﺋﯽ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﯼ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﯽ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﻣﻦ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻡ ﺑﺠﺎﯼ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺣﺮﮐﺖ ﮐﻨﺪ. ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﭼﻴﺴﺖ، ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﯼ ﻣﻴﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ.‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻒ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺳﺪﻩ ﻫﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ،‬ ‫ﻭﻟﯽ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺎﻣﺖ، ﺩﺭﺳﺘﮑﺎﺭﯼ ﻭ ﻋﺰﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ. ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﮔﻘﺘﮕﻮ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ. ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻴﮑﻪ‬
  • 14. ‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﯽ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﯼ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ. ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ، ﺑﻠﮑﻪ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ، ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﯼ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ.‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮎ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﯼ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺗﯽ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ. ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﮏ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﯼ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ، ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﯼ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﯼ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﯼ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﯽ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ،‬ ‫ﺗﮑﺮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﻫﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﯼ، ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ، ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺗﻤﯽ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ، ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺍﺭﺍﯼ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺗﻤﯽ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻴﮑﻪ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻴﮑﻨﻨﺪ، ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻮﺩ. ﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﮐﻠﻴﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ.‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﯽ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﯼ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻟﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﻭﻳﺞ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻮﻳﻢ: ﻫﻴﭻ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﯼ ﻧﻤﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﯽ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﮐﻨﺪ.‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻨﻌﮑﺲ ﮐﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ، ﻧﻤﯽ ﮐﺎﻫﺪ. ﻫﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﯼ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺒﺨﺸﺪ. ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﯼ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ، ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﯽ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ. ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﯼ ﺭﺍﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﯽ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ: ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﯽ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ، ﺍﻇﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﮑﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﯼ‬
  • 15. ‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ، ﺩﻭﻟﺘﯽ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺯﺩﯼ ﻧﻤﯽ ﮐﻨﺪ، ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﯼ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺤﺎﺏ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺧﻮﺩ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﯼ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺋﯽ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﯽ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ، ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ. ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ: ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮ،‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﮑﻤﺘﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ. ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﯽ ﺑﺮﺩ. ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺻﺪﺍﻳﻬﺎﯼ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ، ﺣﺘﯽ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ، ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﯽ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ. ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺤﺠﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ، ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ.‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﮑﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﯽ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﺑﯽ ﺭﺣﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﮐﻮﺏ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﯽ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ. )ﮐﻒ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ( ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺠﺎ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ، ﺩﻭﻟﺘﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ، ﻳﮏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮐﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﺪ: ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮐﻨﯽ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ؛ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎﯼ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭﯼ؛ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪء ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺤﻪ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﯽ، ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﮑﺮﺩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺟﺢ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭﯼ. ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ، ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﯼ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺋﯽ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﻌﻨﺎﯼ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﯽ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﯽ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ.‬ ‫ﻳﮏ ﻣﺪﻋﻮ: ﺑﺎﺭﺍﮎ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ، ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ!‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ: ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺰﺍﺭﻡ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﯼ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺳﻨﺘﯽ ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ. ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﻄﺎﻕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﯽ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺁﻧﺪﻭﻟﻮﺱ ﻭ ﮐﻮﺭﺩﻭﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ. ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺧﺮﺩﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﯼ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ، ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﯼ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﯼ‬
  • 16. ‫ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﯼ ﺑﺎ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﯼ ﻓﺮﺍﺋﺾ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ. ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﯽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻓﮑﺮ، ﻗﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ. ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻤﻠﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖ، ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺩ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﯼ، ﻣﺤﮏ ﻣﯽ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ. ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﻨﯽ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ – ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﺭﻭﻧﯽ ﻫﺎﯼ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺒﻄﻴﻬﺎﯼ ﻣﺼﺮ؛ )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺴﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻨﯽ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﻬﺎﯼ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﯼ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻫﻤﺰﻳﺴﺘﯽ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻣﯽ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ. ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﯼ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ. ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ، ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﮐﻤﮑﻬﺎﯼ ﺧﻴﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﺋﺾ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﮐﻨﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺫﮐﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ.‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼ، ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﻏﺮﺑﯽ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻓﺮﺍﺋﺾ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ - ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﺪ. ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﯼ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ.‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ، ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﮐﻨﺪ. ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ، ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﻫﺎﺋﯽ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ، ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻢ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﮏ ﮐﻨﺪ. ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﮑﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﯼ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﮏ ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﯼ ﮐﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﯼ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ. ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ، ﻣﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺗﺤﺮﮎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ – ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻻﺭﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‬
  • 17. ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻼﻳﺎﯼ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﯽ.‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ – ﺷﺸﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﯼ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫)ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ – ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻴﺸﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺟﺪﯼ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ. ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺯﻥ ﻣﺤﺠﺒﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﯼ ﺣﻖ ﮐﻤﺘﺮﯼ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻢ، ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﯽ ﺣﻖ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ، ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻠﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﯽ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﯽ ﺷﻮﺩ، ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﯽ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﮐﻨﻢ: ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﯼ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ. ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﮐﻴﻪ، ﭘﺎﮐﺴﺘﺎﻥ، ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ، ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﯼ ،‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺋﯽ ﺑﺎ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ، ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻧﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﯼ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ. ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ، ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﯼ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﻦ،‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﮐﻞ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ – ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ –ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻋﻼﯼ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ،‬ ‫ﮐﺎﻣﻴﺎﺑﯽ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮐﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ. ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻟﺰﻭﻣﯽ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﺎﺗﯽ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﻴﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ، ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﯽ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺳﻨﺘﯽ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍﺿﯽ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻴﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ. ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﮏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺍﺩﺁﻣﻮﺯﯼ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﮐﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﮐﻤﮏ ﮐﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﯼ ﻭﺍﻣﻬﺎﯼ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻠﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻬﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﯽ ﮔﻮﻳﻢ.‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ،ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺿﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻘﻴﺾ ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﯽ ﺭﺳﺪ.‬
  • 18. ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﯽ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﯽ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ، ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﯼ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﯽ ﺣﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ. ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻬﺎﯼ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﻴﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺪﺍﺧﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ.‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ - ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ – ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ. ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﮑﻪ ﺑﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻬﺎﯼ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ، ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ، ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﻢ؛‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﯼ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻤﺎﻥ، ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﻥ، ﺳﻨﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ.‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻤﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ. ﻟﺰﻭﻣﯽ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﺎﺩﯼ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ. ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺋﯽ ﭼﻮﻥ ﮊﺍﭘﻦ ﻭ ﮐﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﻮﺑﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﯽ ﺭﺷﺪ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻔﻆ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ.‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ- ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺍﻻﻻﻣﭙﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺑﯽ.‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﯽ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺯﺵ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ.‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﯼ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻤﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﯽ ﺁﻳﺪ، ﻭ ﻧﻤﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ. ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﺧﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﺧﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﺘﺮﯼ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ. ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﮎ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﮑﻢ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﮐﺎﻓﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻫﺎﯼ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﯼ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﯼ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﺄﮐﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ. ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﮑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ، ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﯼ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺮﯼ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻴﻢ.‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ، ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﺭﺱ ﻫﺎﯼ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﯽ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﯽ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬
  • 19. ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﯽ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﺋﻴﻢ )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﻭ ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ. ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻫﺎﯼ ﮐﺎﺭﺁﻣﻮﺯﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﯼ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺷﺒﮑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﯽ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﮐﺎﻧﺰﺍﺱ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮏ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ.‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﻳﮏ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺘﮑﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﮐﺴﺐ ﻭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮐﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﯼ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ. ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﺴﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﮐﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﯽ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﯼ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﮋﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﯼ، ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮐﺎﺭﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ.‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻨﺂﻭﺭﯼ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﯼ ﺍﮐﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﮑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﮑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻠﻬﺎﯼ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ. ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ، ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﯼ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﯼ ﻣﺮﺍﮐﺰ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﯽ ﻋﻠﻤﯽ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻔﻴﺮ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﺎﯼ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﯼ، ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺒﺰ، ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺎﯼ ﺩﻳﺠﻴﺘﺎﻝ، ﺁﺏ ﭘﺎﮐﻴﺰﻩ، ﻭ ﮐﺸﺖ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮐﺮﺩ. ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻳﮏ ﮐﻮﺷﺶ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮐﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﮐﻨﯽ ﻓﻠﺞ ﺍﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﻢ. ﻣﺎ ﺿﻤﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﯼ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎء ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺯﺍﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ.‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﮐﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ. ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ، ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎ، ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ، ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎ، ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﯽ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﯼ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﮔﻴﺘﯽ‬
  • 20. ‫ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﻳﻬﺘﺮﯼ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﯼ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ.‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﯽ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻡ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ. ﻭﻟﯽ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻣﯽ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﻳﻢ –‬ ‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﮑﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﯽ ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﻫﺮ ﮐﺪﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﯼ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﯼ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺩ، ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺋﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ. ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺁﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻣﯽ ﺟﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﻘﺎ ﻣﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﻢ.‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻣﯽ ﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ - ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ - ﻣﯽ ﭘﺮﺳﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﻢ؟ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﺷﺎﺋﻘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﺪﻣﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ. ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﻣﯽ ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺣﻤﺘﺶ ﻧﻤﯽ ﺍﺭﺯﺩ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺤﮑﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮﻧﺪ. ﻋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﯼ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﯽ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﮑﺎﮎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﯽ ﻣﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺥ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﺪ. ﺗﺮﺱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﯼ ﻃﯽ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺭﻓﺖ. ﻣﯽ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﮐﺸﻮﺭﯼ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ – ﺷﻤﺎ، ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮﮐﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ، ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﺋﯽ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﯼ ﮐﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﯼ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﮐﻨﯽ، ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﯼ.‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﯼ ﮐﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ. ﭘﺮﺳﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﯽ ﮐﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺗﻼﺵ – ﺗﻼﺷﯽ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ –‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺟﺴﺘﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮎ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﯼ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﯽ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻤﺮﮐﺰ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﻣﺖ ﺑﻨﻬﻴﻢ؟‬
  • 21. ‫ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺳﺮﺯﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﮐﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮐﻨﻴﻢ. ﻳﮏ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﯽ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﯽ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﮐﻦ ﮐﻪ ﻣﯽ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﯽ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ( ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﻣﯽ ﺭﻭﺩ.‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﯼ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ، ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ، ﻣﺴﻴﺤﯽ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﻭ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﯼ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ. ﺑﺎﻭﺭﯼ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻬﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ﺗﭙﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺌﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﯽ ﺗﭙﺪ. ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﯼ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﮐﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﻳﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﯽ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﯼ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻭﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ.‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﮐﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﯽ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ: »ﺍﯼ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ، ﻣﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺣﻠﻖ ﮐﺮﺩﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺎﻟﯽ ﻣﺒﺪﻝ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﻴﺪ.‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﯽ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ: »ﺗﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﮐﻼ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﺷﺎﻋﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ.«‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﻴﻞ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﯽ ﮔﻮﻳﺪ: »ﺑﺮﮐﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻣﯽ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﯽ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ.« )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﯽ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺻﻔﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ. ﻣﯽ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﯽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ. ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺮﻩ ﺧﺎﮎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ.‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺸﮑﺮﻡ. ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻋﻄﺎ ﮐﻨﺪ – ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺰﺍﺭﻡ.‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺸﮑﺮﻡ. )ﮐﻒ ﺯﺩﻥ(‬ ‫05:2 ﺑ ﻌﺪﺍﺯﻇ ﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﺤﻠﯽ‬