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Energy Cooperation in South Asia. 
(G Parthasarathy) 
At the SAARC Summit meeting in Kathmandu in January 2003, the SAARC Heads of 
Government proclaimed: “To give effect to the shared aspirations for a more prosperous 
South Asia, the (SAARC) Leaders agreed on the vision of a phased and planned process, 
eventually leading to a South Asian Economic Union”. The process of economic integration 
has been far slower in South Asia, than what has transpired in India’s relations with ASEAN. 
India has concluded a Free Trade Agreement in goods with its ASEAN partners. It is now 
close to concluding a comprehensive free trade agreement in both goods and services with 
ASEAN. Moreover, India has also, in the recent past, concluded agreements for 
Comprehensive Economic Cooperation with Japan and South Korea. There is now increasing 
readiness for barriers being removed in a phased manner, for free trade in goods, services 
and investment between India and its eastern neighbours, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Bhutan 
and Nepal and with Maldives to India’s west. The entire SAARC process of economic 
integration has, however, been impeded, as Pakistan has shown no inclination to even fully 
implement the provisions of the SAARC Free Trade Agreement in goods, in its trade with 
India. The entire SAARC Vision of moving towards an Economic Union lies in the doldrums. 
Any process of regional economic integration is naturally accompanied by efforts to 
develop a common energy grid. There is growing grid interconnectivity in North America 
between Canada, the US and Mexico, with prospects of carrying such interconnectivity into 
Latin America. In Europe, a programme has been embarked upon to develop “Smart Grids” 
at national and European levels, which are user centred, market based and sustainable. 
Despite existing problems in promoting regional connectivity in South Asia, the SAARC 
Energy Centre based in Islamabad along with the IPPAI organized a Workshop in Kathmandu 
on June 26-27 on: “Organising Regulations and Policies for Cross Border Power Trade, Risk 
Sharing and Financial Settlement Issues”. While this is certainly a laudable long-term 
objective, what needs to be considered is whether this can be introduced regionally, or 
whether it would be more realistic to look at this issue in the context of existing bilateral 
power and energy cooperation in South Asia. We need, therefore, to first look at recent 
developments in energy cooperation in South Asia. 
Nepal: 
During the July 2014 visit to External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj to Kathmandu, 
Nepal and India agreed to finalise the text of the Power Trading Agreement at the earliest. 
The Agreement is to pave the way for either country to purchase any quantity of electricity, 
when energy production dwindles and sell any quantity of power, when production exceeds 
domestic need. During the meeting between the two Foreign Ministers, they also agreed to
expedite the process of preparing a detailed project report on the Pancheshwar 
Multipurpose Project, which has the potential to generate nine billion units of electricity per 
year. The Foreign Ministers also agreed to finalise the terms of reference of the 
Pancheshwar Development Authority, which will oversee implementation of the 
Pancheshwar Project. “The two Foreign Ministers underscored the importance of harnessing 
Nepal’s vast hydropower potentials for mutual benefit,” said a joint press statement issued 
after completion of the meeting. 
Further, an understanding was also reached to expedite the construction of 132 kV 
Kataiya-Kusaha and 132 KV, Raxaul-Parwanipur transmission lines so that Nepal could 
import additional power from India in the short term, to address its continuing power 
deficit. During the July 2014 talks, both sides also took notice of Nepal’s widening trade 
deficit with India, and agreed to take effective measures to increase the country’s exports to 
the southern neighbour. “In order to promote Nepal’s exports to India, the Indian side 
agreed to further relaxing the rules of origin requirements; simplifying and streamlining 
transit and customs related procedures; eliminating technical barriers to trade and making 
(quarantine processes) less stringent; and lifting quantitative restrictions on exports of 
Nepali products to India,” the Joint Statement proclaimed. 
Uniquely situated with the world’s steepest mountains and some of the world’s 
heaviest rainfall, Nepal possesses an unparalleled hydropower generation potential. The 
perennial attributes of Nepali rivers and the steep decline in height from Mount Everest to 
the north Indian plains provide ideal conditions for the development of some of the world’s 
largest hydroelectric projects in Nepal. The most often published figures relating to Nepali 
hydroelectric potential is approximately 83,000 MW, Yet Nepal currently has just 600 MW 
of installed hydropower capacity, leaving 99% of this resource untapped. Sandwiched 
between the two most rapidly expanding yet energy-starved economies on earth, this is a 
time like no other, for Nepal to expedite hydropower investments. One encouraging 
development has gs been action by Nepal to issue 28 survey licences for hydropower 
projects amounting to 8249 MW. Some of these surveys have been completed, but much 
work needs to be done for finalising power purchase agreements and financial closure. The 
issue of the duration of these projects also needs to be mutually agreed upon. 
What emerged from the visit of Mrs. Sushma Swaraj’s visit is that the there would be 
yet more studies on development of Nepal’s Hydroelectric potential. Given the political 
situation in Nepal, where political attention is now almost entirely focused on drawing up a 
new Constitution, it remains to be seen whether the Constitution making efforts will 
succeed soon. Only then could we perhaps look forward to meaningful movement in 
exploiting the country’s vast hydroelectric potential. The diffidence in Nepal on early 
development of its vast hydroelectric power potential is evident from the fact that the 
present focus of attention in primarily on securing World Bank financing for the Nepal-India 
Electricity Transmission and Trade Project. This project is designed to provide for the early
import of 100 MW from India and to expand cross border transmission capacity to 1000 
MW. 
Bhutan: 
Bhutan currently uses only 390 MW of its 30,000 MW hydropower potential (or 1.3 
percent). Even at its modest level of development, hydropower has already emerged as the 
mainstay of the Bhutanese economy, alongside tourism. The experience of India’s 
cooperation with Bhutan has been radically different from what has emerged in its relations 
with Nepal. Bilateral cooperation was initiated with the commissioning of a 60 MW hydro-electric 
project in April 2006. The first of six Hydro-electric projects of 170 MW, the Tala 
Project, was commissioned in July 2006. Ten hydro-electric projects were agreed for 
implementation in 2009. Three of these projects are under construction. Project reports for 
4 other projects have been finalized and are under examination by the two Governments. 
The Project Reports for the other three projects are expected to be finalized soon. The two 
countries appear well set to achieve the target of 10000 MW by 2020. 
Bangladesh: 
India commenced supply of 250 MW of power to Bangladesh last year (2013), after 
the government-run Bangladesh Power Development Board and India's NTPC Vidyut Vyapar 
Nigam Ltd (NVVN), a subsidiary of India's National Thermal Power Corporation (NTPC), 
signed a deal Feb 28, 2012. This was following an agreement signed during Bangladesh 
Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's visit to New Delhi, in January 2010. That agreement led to 
the establishment of a 500 MW cross border interconnection between Baharampur in West 
Bengal and Bheramara in Bangladesh. , which was commissioned on October 5,2013.The 
Chief Minister of Tripura, Mr. Manik Sarkar had (April2014) said: "We have already told the 
Government on India that Tripura is ready to supply at least 100 MW of electricity to 
Bangladesh. The Chief Minister noted: "To supply power from Tripura to Bangladesh, only a 
nine-km transmission line is required to be erected from (western Tripura's bordering 
village) Rabindranagar, to connect with that country's electricity network." It is important 
to note that Bangladesh provided unprecedented transit facilities for the movement of 
heavy equipment for development of power plants in Tripura. 
The Bangladesh and Indian governments have reportedly concluded, in recent days, 
a power co-operation deal for 2017, which would allow India to transmit electricity from its 
north-eastern states to Bihar through Bangladesh territory. In exchange, Bangladesh would 
get a daily minimum of 500 to 1,000 in additional megawatts, the Daily Star (Bangladesh) 
reported. Under the deal, reportedly reached April 3rd 2014, at the seventh meeting of the 
Bangladesh-India Joint Steering Committee on Power Co-operation, the two countries are 
said to have agreed to connect their distribution networks for the transfer of 6,000 MW of 
hydroelectric power from Assam to north-western Bihar via Dinajpur, in Bangladesh. The 
network could ultimately connect two other South Asian Association for Regional Co-
operation (SAARC) members– Nepal and Bhutan– opening up hydroelectric power 
generation across the region. There is huge hydropower potential in India’s northeast, for 
such projects. Arunachal Pradesh alone has the potential to produce 50,000 MW. 
China-Bangladesh: 
Like India’s other South Asian neighbours, Bangladesh is complementing energy 
cooperation with India, by expanding cooperation with China. The China National Machinery 
Import and Export Corporation and North-West Power Generation Company Limited have 
agreed to set up a 1,320 megawatt coal fired power plant in Bangladesh during Hasina’s visit 
to China. A similar agreement was reached earlier, when Sheikh Hasina visited Japan. Both 
plants will depend on import of coal from Indonesia, Australia and South Africa. While 
energy cooperation with China and Japan are understandable, in purely economic terms, it 
may be more economical for Bangladesh to get surplus power from India. 
Myanmar: 
From Myanmar’s point of view, developing energy resources in the country's 
mountainous north, where many proposed hydroelectric sites lie, is strategically important 
for two reasons. Firstly, developing some of the country's estimated 40,000 MW of 
hydroelectric potential would help shore up domestic energy supply in this country of 54 
million, which is slated to grow to 61 million by 2025, and nearly 71 million by 2050. 
Myanmar has currently harnessed only 2,440 MW, or 6% of this hydro-electric potential. 
Secondly, excess hydroelectricity produced in this region could be sold to consumers in 
adjacent Yunnan Province (China) and India’s northeast. In a larger geopolitical context, 
Myanmar would like both its large neighbours, China and India to be part of its efforts to 
promote development of its vast hydro-electric potential. 
India’s performance in cooperation in hydro-electric power in Myanmar has been 
dismal. The proposal for development of 1800 MW of hydro-electric power from the 
Chindwin River located near the border between Manipur and Myanmar’s Sagaing Division 
was initiated in 1994. The total potential in Myanmar for hydroelectric power generation 
close to India’s borders in the Kachin State, the Chin State and Sagaing Division is 4460 MW. 
Fourteen years after discussions on the Chindwin project commenced, an Agreement was 
signed between India’s NHPC and the Myanmar Government for building a 1200 MW 
Thamanthi Hydro-Electric Power Project and a 600 MW Shwezaye Project in Myanmar’s 
Chin State. Work on implementing these projects, is, however, yet to take off, inviting very 
critical comparisons in project implementation, between India and China. 
Sri Lanka: 
A number of measures are in the pipeline to build a growing interdependence 
between India and Sri Lanka on energy related issues. On September 6, 2011, the NTPC and
the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) signed an agreement for setting up a 500 MW coal fired 
power plant, to be commissioned in 2016, in Sampur, which was a nerve centre for the LTTE, 
during the ethnic conflict. India is extending a $ 200 million soft line of credit for the project, 
with coal to be imported by Sri Lanka. India will be constructing a jetty in Sampur and the 
transmission lines. Moreover, discussions are underway for an Indo-Sri Lanka High Voltage 
DC Grid, with various options under consideration, linking either Madura or Tuticorin in 
Tamil Nadu to Anuradhapura or Puttalam. The project will involve a 285 kilometre cable link 
including 50 kilometres of submarine cable across the Palk Straits linking electricity grids in 
India and Sri Lanka. The project envisages development of capabilities in two stages, for 
transmission of 500 MW. There is also immense potential for cooperation with Sri Lanka in 
developing the huge wind energy potential of the country. 
Pakistan-Afghanistan: 
Agreement was reached in December 2010 on the TAPI (Turkmenistan, 
Afghanistan, Pakistan, India) Gas Pipeline from the Turkmenistan Gas Field in South 
Yolotan. The 1680 Kilometre Pipeline is to traverse through Herat, Lashkar Gah and 
Kandahar in Afghanistan. While it is expected to be commissioned in 2017-2018, much 
will depend on the security situation in Southern Afghanistan and the border regions of 
Pakistan. China has, in the meantime, commenced negotiations for a Turkmenistan- 
Afghanistan-China gas pipeline, which traverses through the least volatile and violent 
areas of Pakistan. This Pipeline will not face the same security and safety challenges that 
the TAPI pipeline will face. It is entirely possible that this project will take off much 
earlier than the TAPI pipeline for which no financing arrangements are yet in place. 
Talks on a proposed Iran-Pakistan-India Gas Pipeline have been on the anvil for 
well over a decade now. Discussions on India’s participation in this project have, 
however, been on hold for some years now, primarily because of global sanctions on 
trade in oil and gas with Iran have not only led to a drastic reduction in oil imports from 
Iran, but also made discussions on a gas pipeline from Iran, presently unrealistic. There 
have also been reservations and security concerns in India about the possibilities of gas 
supplies being cut off in the event of a rise in bilateral tensions and the volatile situation 
in Baluchistan, where even Pakistani pipelines are being regularly attacked and blown 
up. In the light of these developments, Pakistan and Iran have continued bilateral 
discussions on building an Iran-Pakistan pipeline, which could be later extended to 
India and even China. Some details of this Pipeline and subsequent negotiations 
between Pakistan and Iran, which have led to an impasse, with Iran threatening to sue 
Pakistan for breach of contract, are given in succeeding paragraphs. 
Length/Specifications of Iran-Pak Pipeline: 
The length of the Iran-Pakistan pipeline that will be supplied from the South Pars field has on 
the Iran-Pakistan sector has been estimated at 1957 kilometres. It starts from Asalouyeh and 
stretches 1,172 kilometres through Iran. The Iranian section is known as Iran's seventh cross-country
gas pipeline. In Pakistan, the length of the pipeline is 785 kilometres. It will pass through Baluchistan 
and Sindh. A branch would spur off to Karachi in Khuzdar, while the main pipeline will continue 
towards Multan. The pipeline could later be expanded to Delhi from Multan. The route in Pakistan 
may be changed if China will participate in the project. As there are concerns over the pipeline being 
attacked by Baluchi insurgents, an alternative offshore route from Iran to the maritime boundary 
between India and Pakistan off Kutch was proposed. According to this proposal, one branch was to 
run to Pakistan, while other branch to run to Kutch. 
History of Negotiations: 
Discussions between the governments of Iran and Pakistan started in 1994. A 
preliminary agreement was signed in 1995. This agreement foresaw construction of a 
pipeline from South Pars gas field to Karachi in Pakistan. Later Iran made a proposal to 
extend the pipeline from Pakistan into India. In February 1999, a preliminary agreement 
between Iran and India was signed. In 2004 the project was revived after the UNDP report 
Peace and Prosperity Gas Pipelines by Pakistani Petroleum Engineer Gulfaraz Ahmed, was 
published in December 2003. The report highlighted benefits of the pipeline to Pakistan, 
India and Iran. 
In February 2007, India and Pakistan agreed to pay Iran US$4.93 per million British 
thermal units (US$4.67/GJ) but some details relating to price adjustment remained open to 
further negotiation. In April 2008, Iran expressed interest in the People's Republic of China's 
participation in the project. In August 2010, Iran invited Bangladesh to join the project. In 
2009, India withdrew from the project over pricing and security issues, and after signing a 
civilian nuclear deal with the United States in 2008. However, in March 2010 India joined 
Pakistan and Iran for trilateral talks to be held in May 2010 in Tehran. On 30 January 2013, 
the Pakistan's Federal government approved a deal with Iran for laying the Pakistan's 
segment of a pipeline. On 27 February 2013, the construction of the Pakistani section was 
agreed.. On 11 March 2013, inauguration of the construction works on the Pakistani section 
of the pipeline were inaugurated by President of Pakistan Asif Ali Zardari and President of 
Iran Mahmoud Ahmedinejad. The pipeline in Pakistan was expected to be constructed in 22 
months with the participation of Iran.. 
On 27 May 2013, Iranian Deputy Minister for Petroleum, A. Khaledi, in a letter to the 
Pakistan government expressed concern over the delay in the start of the Pakistani portion 
of the pipeline. He said that after a government-to-government agreement between the 
two countries, they were supposed to select entities for the construction of the latter part 
of the pipeline. On 12 June 2013, the newly elected Prime minister of Pakistan, Nawaz 
Sharif, allayed any fears regarding the abandonment of the project and said that the 
Pakistani government is committed to the fulfillment of the project and targets the first flow 
of gas from the pipeline in December 2014. The premier also stated that his government is 
planning to commit to the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India gas pipeline project as 
well.[1] 
On 10-November-2013, a meeting between Pakistan Federal Minister for Petroleum 
and Natural Resources Shahid Khaqan Abbasi and Iranian Minister of Petroleum Bijan 
Namdar Zangeneh held at the Ministry of Petroleum at Tehran. The Pakistani Officials
assured their Iranian counterparts that project would continue despite "external pressure". 
On 25-Feb-2014, Minister for Petroleum and Natural Resources Pakistan, Shahid Khaqan 
Abbasi told the National Assembly that the project for the moment is off the table, he cited 
international sanctions as the issue, he said " In the absence of international sanctions the 
project can be completed within three years, but the government cannot take it any further 
at the moment because international sanctions against Iran are a serious issue". Pakistan 
will face the penalty if it failed to lay its side of pipeline by December 2014. . 
During the State Visit of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif to Iran in May 2014, both the 
government stated to remain committed on the completion of the pipeline and also agreed 
to extend the completion date by one year. However on 30 May 2014, ISNA news agency 
quoted Iranian Deputy Oil Minister for International and Trade Affairs Ali Majedi as claiming 
that the deadline has not been extended as no such agreement was signed during Nawaz 
Sharif's visit and the deadline to complete is still December, 2014. 
Given the dependence of Pakistan on financial assistance from the USA and Saudi 
Arabia it is evident that the agreement signed by former President Zardari will not be 
implemented. How Pakistan deals with threats of penalties by Iran remains t be seen. It is 
interesting that the agreement with Iran was signed by Mr. Zardari a Shia who did not enjoy 
a particularly warm personal relationship with Saudi Arabia. Mr. Nawaz Sharif, on the other 
hand, has long enjoyed a very close relationship with the Saudi Monarchy, which intervened 
after the coup on October 199 to get him exiled to Saudi Arabia by General Musharraf.. His 
family has business interests in Saudi Arabia. 
Purchase/Sale of Electricity; 
In 1999 India offered to purchase electricity from Pakistan and arrange for 
transmission lines till near the Wagah-Attari Border. While Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was 
keen on the project, the Pakistan Government soon backed off, evidently because of 
reservations by the Army. Matters came to a halt with the outbreak of the Kargil conflict. 
Pakistan, thereafter, experienced growing shortages of power. 
When Mr. Nawaz Sharif came back to power in 2013 he was faced with growing 
public discontent over countrywide power breakdowns. While efforts have been underway 
to obtain power from Iran, the Government of Pakistan made a conscious effort to import 
electricity from India, which India agreed to. Pakistan now seems to have preferred to face 
power outages rather than import electricity from India. There are reasons to believe that 
this reluctance is primarily because of objections from the army and from persons linked to 
the military establishment, like the Jamat ud Dawa Chief Hafiz Mohammed Saeed. 
Conclusion: 
Given the present political uncertainties in Afghanistan and Pakistan, the prospects 
for these countries joining a meaningful process of regional energy cooperation in the near 
future are not encouraging. It is also evident that given the political uncertainties within 
Pakistan and the setbacks that Iran has faced after concluding an agreement with Pakistan, 
India would need to look at the prospects of obtaining Iranian natural gas not through
Pakistan, but directly through an undersea pipeline. The pipeline is estimated to cost $ 4-5 
billion and could carry 31 million cubic metres of gas a day. But, actual work on such a 
pipeline could be commenced only after current banking sanctions on Iran are eased, or 
ended. The geopolitical situation is very different across our eastern and Southern borders 
where there is genuine interest, albeit for differing reasons, for promoting energy 
cooperation and greater grid connectivity both bilaterally with India and regionally. 
THE SAARC Regional Energy Centre in Islamabad has taken a considerable interest in 
establishing toe modalities for effective grid connectivity across the SAARXC Region. While 
this is welcome, we need to bear in mind that prospects of meaningful energy cooperation 
across our western borders in the foreseeable future are relatively limited. At the same time 
the prospects of enhanced for greater grid connectivity across Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh, 
Myanmar, and across our southern borders to Sri Lanka are very encouraging. All these 
countries are linked to India through the BIMSTEC. The focus for regional energy 
cooperation in BIMSTEC should now assume greater alliance.

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Energy Cooperation in SAARC countries

  • 1. Energy Cooperation in South Asia. (G Parthasarathy) At the SAARC Summit meeting in Kathmandu in January 2003, the SAARC Heads of Government proclaimed: “To give effect to the shared aspirations for a more prosperous South Asia, the (SAARC) Leaders agreed on the vision of a phased and planned process, eventually leading to a South Asian Economic Union”. The process of economic integration has been far slower in South Asia, than what has transpired in India’s relations with ASEAN. India has concluded a Free Trade Agreement in goods with its ASEAN partners. It is now close to concluding a comprehensive free trade agreement in both goods and services with ASEAN. Moreover, India has also, in the recent past, concluded agreements for Comprehensive Economic Cooperation with Japan and South Korea. There is now increasing readiness for barriers being removed in a phased manner, for free trade in goods, services and investment between India and its eastern neighbours, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Bhutan and Nepal and with Maldives to India’s west. The entire SAARC process of economic integration has, however, been impeded, as Pakistan has shown no inclination to even fully implement the provisions of the SAARC Free Trade Agreement in goods, in its trade with India. The entire SAARC Vision of moving towards an Economic Union lies in the doldrums. Any process of regional economic integration is naturally accompanied by efforts to develop a common energy grid. There is growing grid interconnectivity in North America between Canada, the US and Mexico, with prospects of carrying such interconnectivity into Latin America. In Europe, a programme has been embarked upon to develop “Smart Grids” at national and European levels, which are user centred, market based and sustainable. Despite existing problems in promoting regional connectivity in South Asia, the SAARC Energy Centre based in Islamabad along with the IPPAI organized a Workshop in Kathmandu on June 26-27 on: “Organising Regulations and Policies for Cross Border Power Trade, Risk Sharing and Financial Settlement Issues”. While this is certainly a laudable long-term objective, what needs to be considered is whether this can be introduced regionally, or whether it would be more realistic to look at this issue in the context of existing bilateral power and energy cooperation in South Asia. We need, therefore, to first look at recent developments in energy cooperation in South Asia. Nepal: During the July 2014 visit to External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj to Kathmandu, Nepal and India agreed to finalise the text of the Power Trading Agreement at the earliest. The Agreement is to pave the way for either country to purchase any quantity of electricity, when energy production dwindles and sell any quantity of power, when production exceeds domestic need. During the meeting between the two Foreign Ministers, they also agreed to
  • 2. expedite the process of preparing a detailed project report on the Pancheshwar Multipurpose Project, which has the potential to generate nine billion units of electricity per year. The Foreign Ministers also agreed to finalise the terms of reference of the Pancheshwar Development Authority, which will oversee implementation of the Pancheshwar Project. “The two Foreign Ministers underscored the importance of harnessing Nepal’s vast hydropower potentials for mutual benefit,” said a joint press statement issued after completion of the meeting. Further, an understanding was also reached to expedite the construction of 132 kV Kataiya-Kusaha and 132 KV, Raxaul-Parwanipur transmission lines so that Nepal could import additional power from India in the short term, to address its continuing power deficit. During the July 2014 talks, both sides also took notice of Nepal’s widening trade deficit with India, and agreed to take effective measures to increase the country’s exports to the southern neighbour. “In order to promote Nepal’s exports to India, the Indian side agreed to further relaxing the rules of origin requirements; simplifying and streamlining transit and customs related procedures; eliminating technical barriers to trade and making (quarantine processes) less stringent; and lifting quantitative restrictions on exports of Nepali products to India,” the Joint Statement proclaimed. Uniquely situated with the world’s steepest mountains and some of the world’s heaviest rainfall, Nepal possesses an unparalleled hydropower generation potential. The perennial attributes of Nepali rivers and the steep decline in height from Mount Everest to the north Indian plains provide ideal conditions for the development of some of the world’s largest hydroelectric projects in Nepal. The most often published figures relating to Nepali hydroelectric potential is approximately 83,000 MW, Yet Nepal currently has just 600 MW of installed hydropower capacity, leaving 99% of this resource untapped. Sandwiched between the two most rapidly expanding yet energy-starved economies on earth, this is a time like no other, for Nepal to expedite hydropower investments. One encouraging development has gs been action by Nepal to issue 28 survey licences for hydropower projects amounting to 8249 MW. Some of these surveys have been completed, but much work needs to be done for finalising power purchase agreements and financial closure. The issue of the duration of these projects also needs to be mutually agreed upon. What emerged from the visit of Mrs. Sushma Swaraj’s visit is that the there would be yet more studies on development of Nepal’s Hydroelectric potential. Given the political situation in Nepal, where political attention is now almost entirely focused on drawing up a new Constitution, it remains to be seen whether the Constitution making efforts will succeed soon. Only then could we perhaps look forward to meaningful movement in exploiting the country’s vast hydroelectric potential. The diffidence in Nepal on early development of its vast hydroelectric power potential is evident from the fact that the present focus of attention in primarily on securing World Bank financing for the Nepal-India Electricity Transmission and Trade Project. This project is designed to provide for the early
  • 3. import of 100 MW from India and to expand cross border transmission capacity to 1000 MW. Bhutan: Bhutan currently uses only 390 MW of its 30,000 MW hydropower potential (or 1.3 percent). Even at its modest level of development, hydropower has already emerged as the mainstay of the Bhutanese economy, alongside tourism. The experience of India’s cooperation with Bhutan has been radically different from what has emerged in its relations with Nepal. Bilateral cooperation was initiated with the commissioning of a 60 MW hydro-electric project in April 2006. The first of six Hydro-electric projects of 170 MW, the Tala Project, was commissioned in July 2006. Ten hydro-electric projects were agreed for implementation in 2009. Three of these projects are under construction. Project reports for 4 other projects have been finalized and are under examination by the two Governments. The Project Reports for the other three projects are expected to be finalized soon. The two countries appear well set to achieve the target of 10000 MW by 2020. Bangladesh: India commenced supply of 250 MW of power to Bangladesh last year (2013), after the government-run Bangladesh Power Development Board and India's NTPC Vidyut Vyapar Nigam Ltd (NVVN), a subsidiary of India's National Thermal Power Corporation (NTPC), signed a deal Feb 28, 2012. This was following an agreement signed during Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's visit to New Delhi, in January 2010. That agreement led to the establishment of a 500 MW cross border interconnection between Baharampur in West Bengal and Bheramara in Bangladesh. , which was commissioned on October 5,2013.The Chief Minister of Tripura, Mr. Manik Sarkar had (April2014) said: "We have already told the Government on India that Tripura is ready to supply at least 100 MW of electricity to Bangladesh. The Chief Minister noted: "To supply power from Tripura to Bangladesh, only a nine-km transmission line is required to be erected from (western Tripura's bordering village) Rabindranagar, to connect with that country's electricity network." It is important to note that Bangladesh provided unprecedented transit facilities for the movement of heavy equipment for development of power plants in Tripura. The Bangladesh and Indian governments have reportedly concluded, in recent days, a power co-operation deal for 2017, which would allow India to transmit electricity from its north-eastern states to Bihar through Bangladesh territory. In exchange, Bangladesh would get a daily minimum of 500 to 1,000 in additional megawatts, the Daily Star (Bangladesh) reported. Under the deal, reportedly reached April 3rd 2014, at the seventh meeting of the Bangladesh-India Joint Steering Committee on Power Co-operation, the two countries are said to have agreed to connect their distribution networks for the transfer of 6,000 MW of hydroelectric power from Assam to north-western Bihar via Dinajpur, in Bangladesh. The network could ultimately connect two other South Asian Association for Regional Co-
  • 4. operation (SAARC) members– Nepal and Bhutan– opening up hydroelectric power generation across the region. There is huge hydropower potential in India’s northeast, for such projects. Arunachal Pradesh alone has the potential to produce 50,000 MW. China-Bangladesh: Like India’s other South Asian neighbours, Bangladesh is complementing energy cooperation with India, by expanding cooperation with China. The China National Machinery Import and Export Corporation and North-West Power Generation Company Limited have agreed to set up a 1,320 megawatt coal fired power plant in Bangladesh during Hasina’s visit to China. A similar agreement was reached earlier, when Sheikh Hasina visited Japan. Both plants will depend on import of coal from Indonesia, Australia and South Africa. While energy cooperation with China and Japan are understandable, in purely economic terms, it may be more economical for Bangladesh to get surplus power from India. Myanmar: From Myanmar’s point of view, developing energy resources in the country's mountainous north, where many proposed hydroelectric sites lie, is strategically important for two reasons. Firstly, developing some of the country's estimated 40,000 MW of hydroelectric potential would help shore up domestic energy supply in this country of 54 million, which is slated to grow to 61 million by 2025, and nearly 71 million by 2050. Myanmar has currently harnessed only 2,440 MW, or 6% of this hydro-electric potential. Secondly, excess hydroelectricity produced in this region could be sold to consumers in adjacent Yunnan Province (China) and India’s northeast. In a larger geopolitical context, Myanmar would like both its large neighbours, China and India to be part of its efforts to promote development of its vast hydro-electric potential. India’s performance in cooperation in hydro-electric power in Myanmar has been dismal. The proposal for development of 1800 MW of hydro-electric power from the Chindwin River located near the border between Manipur and Myanmar’s Sagaing Division was initiated in 1994. The total potential in Myanmar for hydroelectric power generation close to India’s borders in the Kachin State, the Chin State and Sagaing Division is 4460 MW. Fourteen years after discussions on the Chindwin project commenced, an Agreement was signed between India’s NHPC and the Myanmar Government for building a 1200 MW Thamanthi Hydro-Electric Power Project and a 600 MW Shwezaye Project in Myanmar’s Chin State. Work on implementing these projects, is, however, yet to take off, inviting very critical comparisons in project implementation, between India and China. Sri Lanka: A number of measures are in the pipeline to build a growing interdependence between India and Sri Lanka on energy related issues. On September 6, 2011, the NTPC and
  • 5. the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) signed an agreement for setting up a 500 MW coal fired power plant, to be commissioned in 2016, in Sampur, which was a nerve centre for the LTTE, during the ethnic conflict. India is extending a $ 200 million soft line of credit for the project, with coal to be imported by Sri Lanka. India will be constructing a jetty in Sampur and the transmission lines. Moreover, discussions are underway for an Indo-Sri Lanka High Voltage DC Grid, with various options under consideration, linking either Madura or Tuticorin in Tamil Nadu to Anuradhapura or Puttalam. The project will involve a 285 kilometre cable link including 50 kilometres of submarine cable across the Palk Straits linking electricity grids in India and Sri Lanka. The project envisages development of capabilities in two stages, for transmission of 500 MW. There is also immense potential for cooperation with Sri Lanka in developing the huge wind energy potential of the country. Pakistan-Afghanistan: Agreement was reached in December 2010 on the TAPI (Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, India) Gas Pipeline from the Turkmenistan Gas Field in South Yolotan. The 1680 Kilometre Pipeline is to traverse through Herat, Lashkar Gah and Kandahar in Afghanistan. While it is expected to be commissioned in 2017-2018, much will depend on the security situation in Southern Afghanistan and the border regions of Pakistan. China has, in the meantime, commenced negotiations for a Turkmenistan- Afghanistan-China gas pipeline, which traverses through the least volatile and violent areas of Pakistan. This Pipeline will not face the same security and safety challenges that the TAPI pipeline will face. It is entirely possible that this project will take off much earlier than the TAPI pipeline for which no financing arrangements are yet in place. Talks on a proposed Iran-Pakistan-India Gas Pipeline have been on the anvil for well over a decade now. Discussions on India’s participation in this project have, however, been on hold for some years now, primarily because of global sanctions on trade in oil and gas with Iran have not only led to a drastic reduction in oil imports from Iran, but also made discussions on a gas pipeline from Iran, presently unrealistic. There have also been reservations and security concerns in India about the possibilities of gas supplies being cut off in the event of a rise in bilateral tensions and the volatile situation in Baluchistan, where even Pakistani pipelines are being regularly attacked and blown up. In the light of these developments, Pakistan and Iran have continued bilateral discussions on building an Iran-Pakistan pipeline, which could be later extended to India and even China. Some details of this Pipeline and subsequent negotiations between Pakistan and Iran, which have led to an impasse, with Iran threatening to sue Pakistan for breach of contract, are given in succeeding paragraphs. Length/Specifications of Iran-Pak Pipeline: The length of the Iran-Pakistan pipeline that will be supplied from the South Pars field has on the Iran-Pakistan sector has been estimated at 1957 kilometres. It starts from Asalouyeh and stretches 1,172 kilometres through Iran. The Iranian section is known as Iran's seventh cross-country
  • 6. gas pipeline. In Pakistan, the length of the pipeline is 785 kilometres. It will pass through Baluchistan and Sindh. A branch would spur off to Karachi in Khuzdar, while the main pipeline will continue towards Multan. The pipeline could later be expanded to Delhi from Multan. The route in Pakistan may be changed if China will participate in the project. As there are concerns over the pipeline being attacked by Baluchi insurgents, an alternative offshore route from Iran to the maritime boundary between India and Pakistan off Kutch was proposed. According to this proposal, one branch was to run to Pakistan, while other branch to run to Kutch. History of Negotiations: Discussions between the governments of Iran and Pakistan started in 1994. A preliminary agreement was signed in 1995. This agreement foresaw construction of a pipeline from South Pars gas field to Karachi in Pakistan. Later Iran made a proposal to extend the pipeline from Pakistan into India. In February 1999, a preliminary agreement between Iran and India was signed. In 2004 the project was revived after the UNDP report Peace and Prosperity Gas Pipelines by Pakistani Petroleum Engineer Gulfaraz Ahmed, was published in December 2003. The report highlighted benefits of the pipeline to Pakistan, India and Iran. In February 2007, India and Pakistan agreed to pay Iran US$4.93 per million British thermal units (US$4.67/GJ) but some details relating to price adjustment remained open to further negotiation. In April 2008, Iran expressed interest in the People's Republic of China's participation in the project. In August 2010, Iran invited Bangladesh to join the project. In 2009, India withdrew from the project over pricing and security issues, and after signing a civilian nuclear deal with the United States in 2008. However, in March 2010 India joined Pakistan and Iran for trilateral talks to be held in May 2010 in Tehran. On 30 January 2013, the Pakistan's Federal government approved a deal with Iran for laying the Pakistan's segment of a pipeline. On 27 February 2013, the construction of the Pakistani section was agreed.. On 11 March 2013, inauguration of the construction works on the Pakistani section of the pipeline were inaugurated by President of Pakistan Asif Ali Zardari and President of Iran Mahmoud Ahmedinejad. The pipeline in Pakistan was expected to be constructed in 22 months with the participation of Iran.. On 27 May 2013, Iranian Deputy Minister for Petroleum, A. Khaledi, in a letter to the Pakistan government expressed concern over the delay in the start of the Pakistani portion of the pipeline. He said that after a government-to-government agreement between the two countries, they were supposed to select entities for the construction of the latter part of the pipeline. On 12 June 2013, the newly elected Prime minister of Pakistan, Nawaz Sharif, allayed any fears regarding the abandonment of the project and said that the Pakistani government is committed to the fulfillment of the project and targets the first flow of gas from the pipeline in December 2014. The premier also stated that his government is planning to commit to the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India gas pipeline project as well.[1] On 10-November-2013, a meeting between Pakistan Federal Minister for Petroleum and Natural Resources Shahid Khaqan Abbasi and Iranian Minister of Petroleum Bijan Namdar Zangeneh held at the Ministry of Petroleum at Tehran. The Pakistani Officials
  • 7. assured their Iranian counterparts that project would continue despite "external pressure". On 25-Feb-2014, Minister for Petroleum and Natural Resources Pakistan, Shahid Khaqan Abbasi told the National Assembly that the project for the moment is off the table, he cited international sanctions as the issue, he said " In the absence of international sanctions the project can be completed within three years, but the government cannot take it any further at the moment because international sanctions against Iran are a serious issue". Pakistan will face the penalty if it failed to lay its side of pipeline by December 2014. . During the State Visit of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif to Iran in May 2014, both the government stated to remain committed on the completion of the pipeline and also agreed to extend the completion date by one year. However on 30 May 2014, ISNA news agency quoted Iranian Deputy Oil Minister for International and Trade Affairs Ali Majedi as claiming that the deadline has not been extended as no such agreement was signed during Nawaz Sharif's visit and the deadline to complete is still December, 2014. Given the dependence of Pakistan on financial assistance from the USA and Saudi Arabia it is evident that the agreement signed by former President Zardari will not be implemented. How Pakistan deals with threats of penalties by Iran remains t be seen. It is interesting that the agreement with Iran was signed by Mr. Zardari a Shia who did not enjoy a particularly warm personal relationship with Saudi Arabia. Mr. Nawaz Sharif, on the other hand, has long enjoyed a very close relationship with the Saudi Monarchy, which intervened after the coup on October 199 to get him exiled to Saudi Arabia by General Musharraf.. His family has business interests in Saudi Arabia. Purchase/Sale of Electricity; In 1999 India offered to purchase electricity from Pakistan and arrange for transmission lines till near the Wagah-Attari Border. While Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was keen on the project, the Pakistan Government soon backed off, evidently because of reservations by the Army. Matters came to a halt with the outbreak of the Kargil conflict. Pakistan, thereafter, experienced growing shortages of power. When Mr. Nawaz Sharif came back to power in 2013 he was faced with growing public discontent over countrywide power breakdowns. While efforts have been underway to obtain power from Iran, the Government of Pakistan made a conscious effort to import electricity from India, which India agreed to. Pakistan now seems to have preferred to face power outages rather than import electricity from India. There are reasons to believe that this reluctance is primarily because of objections from the army and from persons linked to the military establishment, like the Jamat ud Dawa Chief Hafiz Mohammed Saeed. Conclusion: Given the present political uncertainties in Afghanistan and Pakistan, the prospects for these countries joining a meaningful process of regional energy cooperation in the near future are not encouraging. It is also evident that given the political uncertainties within Pakistan and the setbacks that Iran has faced after concluding an agreement with Pakistan, India would need to look at the prospects of obtaining Iranian natural gas not through
  • 8. Pakistan, but directly through an undersea pipeline. The pipeline is estimated to cost $ 4-5 billion and could carry 31 million cubic metres of gas a day. But, actual work on such a pipeline could be commenced only after current banking sanctions on Iran are eased, or ended. The geopolitical situation is very different across our eastern and Southern borders where there is genuine interest, albeit for differing reasons, for promoting energy cooperation and greater grid connectivity both bilaterally with India and regionally. THE SAARC Regional Energy Centre in Islamabad has taken a considerable interest in establishing toe modalities for effective grid connectivity across the SAARXC Region. While this is welcome, we need to bear in mind that prospects of meaningful energy cooperation across our western borders in the foreseeable future are relatively limited. At the same time the prospects of enhanced for greater grid connectivity across Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh, Myanmar, and across our southern borders to Sri Lanka are very encouraging. All these countries are linked to India through the BIMSTEC. The focus for regional energy cooperation in BIMSTEC should now assume greater alliance.