Juarez Deliverable 1 - Draft Research

1 Executive Summary
1.1 Global Urban Development Program: Juarez Project
1.2 Ciudad Juarez: Location, Size, Population, Socioeconomics and Industries
1.3 A Brief History of the City: Political, Urbanism, Violence and Maquiladoras
Ciudad Juarez political history can be summarized as having a long lasting relationship with PRI. This
relationship was affected by a sentiment of discomfort amongst local and regional businessmen of all
sizes that started to grow and gain power by the late 1980s. As a result, PAN gained the support
required to contend PRI for the coming decades. From the civic side, it could be said that Juarez has had,
in the last decades, a very unparticipative population. Compared to national and state standards, the
percentage of people who are qualified to vote and actually do so is very low. As a result, while there is
an antagonism towards the government, not much is done to affect the outcomes. There is, however, a
strong ongoing relationship between major landowners/businessmen and the government, which has
set to define the urban development patterns of the city. In other words, the lack of civic participation,
combined with the lobbying of powerful businessmen, has resulted in an unplanned development that
has been defined not by systematic and logical planning, but by fulfillment of business, personal, and
political interests of local oligarchies throughout the city’s history. This in turn is tied to the violence
problems, because although it is true that Juarez is one of the most desired strategic locations for drug
cartel operations (i.e. since it serves as the distribution channel to the world’s largest drugs market, the
U.S.), it is also true that organized crime in the city has emerged as a result of: (1) a corrupted social
fabric, (2) a weak and unsustainable economic growth, (3) urban sprawl with deficient transportation
infrastructure and overwhelming amount of empty lots, and (4) many other factors. From these, 1 and 2
above are very tightly related to the presence of a Maquiladora industry in Juarez. While it was
presumed that basing the local economy in a manufacturing industry would boost the economic growth
of the city (and by numbers it did) in the long term it caused a devastating effect to the economic base
of the city.
1.4 Research Methodology and Key Questions
In order to best approach our study of the city, and with the help of our advisors, we decided upon four
key areas in which to focus our research: Urban Planning, Environment, Economy, and Quality of Life.
After initial research and further consultation with our faculty advisors, each team in turn focused their
research around three questions that they found central to providing a relevant diagnosis of the city’s
issues. While each team began synthesizing their key findings, we started to use geo-located data
layering in hope of finding correlations across topics, and specific case studies to identify how problems
have been targeted and solved in cities around the world.

1.5 Research Groups Division and Focus
Urban Planning Team
The Urban Planning Team focused on four key topics: the urban layout and development of Juarez,
transportation, urban policy, and public space. For the first topic, we contextualize the urban issues by
providing a brief history, and then hone into the key issue of the city’s chaotic growth and the political
and planning issues behind it. In terms of transportation, we studied data on commute times, distances
and modes and asked whether the new municipal plan details any solutions to the issues with these. For
urban policy, we focused on understanding the role of the IMIP and exploring the possibilities of public-
private partnerships in urban solutions. Finally, our study of public space analyzes the quality and
accessibility of such spaces within the city, and looks to see if the municipal plan focuses on improving
these.
Environmental Analysis Team
Economic Development Team
The Economic Development Team focused on three key points: the local industry, the informal sector,
unemployment. For the industry, we are working on answering the question of “what industries and
companies should be generated or supported further to achieve a more diverse development?” For
informal sector, we are addressing the issue of how to account for those enterprises, and how to create
policies that are inclusive of them. For unemployment, we are focusing on the creation of sustainable
jobs that. Overall, these three are interconnected by an underlying mission: the creation of a more
robust and less risky economic base that supports investment to a more diverse mix of industries,
facilitates access to credit, incorporates the informal sector, and can be sustained over a long term.
Quality of Life Team
The Quality of Life Team explored the various aspects of the culture, economy, and environment in
Ciudad Juarez that contribute to the Quality of Life of locals. This involved a comprehensive
understanding of the security, economy, community, education, and health issues within the city. As
part of this evaluation we were able to find data showing that the Quality of Life within Ciudad Juarez
has much to be improved upon. Current circumstances prevent this from happening and within the
Quality of Life section, the team has outlined strategies that have integrated solutions from across
sectors for targeted areas within Ciudad Juarez and respective demographics.
1.6 This is Our Team, Nice to Meet You Too!

1 Urban Planning
1.1 What is the history of urban planning in Juárez and how does it weigh into the
physical expansion versus densification of the city?
1.1.1 Explaining of Question and Background Research
Our investigation of the urban planning history and policy of Juárez is a necessary step in contextualizing
any findings put forward by our project. We first look into the history of development plans in the city,
and the changes made over the past decades. We then outline the key factors and players in the urban
development process in Juárez, and finally analyze the role of the IMIP and the benefits it has created
and setbacks it has faced. We have made sure to base any subsequent analysis on issues identified in
primary documents such as the latest Municipal Plan and the organizational documents of the IMIP.
1.1.2 Key Findings
When planning was institutionalized at the federal level in 1965, municipalities were forced to formalize
their initiatives for territorial planning. In Juárez, the Secretaria de Asentamientos Humanos y Obras
Publicas (SAHOP), in conjunction with the state government and city hall, published the Plan Director de
Desarrollo Urbano de Ciudad Juárez in 1979. The main objectives of the Plan were to put an end to
illegal urban growth, optimize land use, and focus on accommodating one million inhabitants.1
In 1983, article 115 of the constitution was reformed to give municipalities the responsibility of
providing basic services to the population and giving them control over land appropriation. At this point,
the federal government would no longer intervene in planning processes and the local administration
would become a key element in the planning of Juárez. This new localized power attracted new
contenders to elected titles at the municipal level, given that power over local policy meant the
possibility to impose private interests in urban growth.2
A key example of such a change was in 1989,
during the administration of Jaime Bermúdez Cuarón, when an updated municipal plan was introduced
to offer maquiladoras ideal conditions for their development.
In 2003, with the help of the 8-year-old IMIP, the PAN member Jesús Alfredo Delgado Muñoz introduced
a new plan that divided the city into six zones and subsequent subzones. This plan utilized several of the
new IMIP participative planning techniques. Finally, the latest plan update was the Plan de Desarrollo
Urbano de 2010, introduced during the Ferriz administration, that had claims to have as main objectives
the establishment of foundations for the improvement of the quality of life of the city’s inhabitants, the
rational growth of the city, the maintenance of existing infrastructure, and the preservation of the
environment.3
Now, one of the key issues in Juárez is the determination of the future of the city’s growth, namely
whether it will expand outwards or densify into the existing space. Before analyzing the issue, we need
1
Garcia, 2011
2
García 2011, Santiago 2013
3
IMIP, 2011

to illustrate the land ownership and development context in Juárez. Secondly, because this debate is
highly politicized, an outline of PRI vs. PAN interactions at the municipal political level is necessary for
context.
Unlike in the United States, in Mexico there are few loans and financial services focused directly to the
real estate market.4
As such, the land and real estate market is mostly dominated by individuals or
investor groups whose main economic interests lie elsewhere and who have enough capital to fully back
real estate investments. One of the main attractors of capital into the real estate market has been the
parks of maquiladoras, which occupy large tracts of land and are generally developed on the edge of the
city (and often times later engulfed). This undeveloped land at the city’s edge is most appealing for
these investors who are not specialized in real estate because, even if the city does not extend into the
direction of their lots, this land will generally retain its value.
In order to sway these planning decisions, investor groups must sway the political party in turn. From
1979 to 1999, the local governments both PRI and PAN have changed the urban plan for the city four
times, each “changing the geographic direction of urban expansion towards areas of recent land
purchases by partisan groups in Ciudad Juárez.”5
In other words, political pressure almost exclusively
pushes for a constant expansion of the city. This governmental backing of expansion, in contrast with
well administered cities around the world, does not protect investment and private property in the city
center. As recently built real estate increases, prices of established real estate location lowers, and this
creates uncertainty in the real estate market that does not affect the small but power groups of
investors in outskirt land (78,777 acres of Juárez region land is owned by four families)6
, but the non-
speculative owners of parcels already developed.7
One attempt to mitigate the political volatility of urban planning in Juárez was the creation of the IMIP
in 1995. As described in its own organization manual, it is a public institution with autonomy in the
decisions it makes and consultant to the government in terms of planning.8
It also conducts studies and
compiles geophysical information available to the public. The key aspect to note from their missions
statement, though, is that a clear point is made that its proposals are non-binding to the municipal
government, and that all of its proposals must receive final approval from the municipal government.9
Llera notes that this is one of the central differences between the planning process in Juárez versus
cities around the world, and even El Paso. In El Paso, any urban proposal put forward by the mayor must
be approved by a series of technical and citizen boards, whereas in Juárez the mayor has full
prerogative.10
In other words, the IMIP can be considered a technical board and policy institute with no
way to procedurally ensure that its proposals are given due consideration and no vote in making the
final decision.
This clear handicap has led to several criticisms of the IMIPs that have sprouted all around municipalities
in Mexico. Sergio Peña, in his paper Recent Trends and Practice in Spatial Planning in Mexico, notes that
4
Llera, Who Governs, 104
5
Ibid, 106
6
Llera, Who governs, 113
7
Llera, Mercado inmobiliario, 92
8
IMIP, 28
9
Ibid.
10
Llera, Who governs, 110

most plans put forward by the IMIPs around Mexico are rarely taken into consideration, but believes
that the technical data they produce is valuable in producing a “planning doctrine” for the
municipality.11
He claims that the reasons IMIPs have become attractive to municipalities is that the
target three issues that these governments consistently face:
1) the acquisition of knowledge and expertise through technical-administrative innovations to
deliver services in a more efficient and effective way
2) the challenge of making urban centers more competitive to be able to “hinge” the global
economy
3) the search for new planning paradigms that will replace the traditional patronage-cronyism
regime 12
This unfeasibly large scope of issues is a burden on the actual usefulness of the IMIP, and Peña claims
that it should focus on its role as a technical agency that provides information useful to the creation of a
clearer framework for urban planning for the city.13
This idea of having a clear urban planning
framework is specifically addressed by Llera in his analysis of the real estate market and urban
administration in Juárez. He highlights the fact that Mexican urban planning practices generally focus on
architectural and urbanistic perspectives, and often lack a financial and administrative perspective. The
State Law on Urban Development itself refers twice to the idea of “urban administration,” but never
defines the concept, which he claims suggests a governmental ignorance of what “urban administration”
is, beyond the architectural and urbanistic.14
Furthermore, he not only recommends the clarification of
the term “urban administration,” but also emphasizes that continued overlooking of the financial and
administrative sides of urban planning by permitting further expansion will continue to hinder the
governmental responsibility of protecting the value of citizen-owned private property in the center of
the city.15
1.1.3 Conclusions
As we have seen, the urban expansion of Juárez is largely a political issue where large private
stakeholders and their influence on local politics have no counterweight in the form of technical and
citizen boards. The concentrated land ownership of the outskirts of Juárez implies a small number of
wealthy investors who can easily coordinate political influence, whereas the denser and smaller
property and ownership in urbanized areas implies a large number of non-speculative owners whose
voice and interests are much more complicated to organize. Therefore, due to the clearer possibility of
large and quick gains, and the influence granted by concentrated wealth, the speculative outskirt
owners have a considerably larger voice in swaying political decisions. And because urban policy in
Juárez is ultimately a political decision, expansion is, unfortunately, the obvious path for the city to take.
11
Peña, 439
12
Peña, 425
13
Peña, 439
14
Llera, Mercado inmobiliario, 82
15
Ibid, 93

The IMIP has the potential to even the balance if it can be turned into a voting body. At the moment, it
serves a series of functions that could potentially be divided. For example, its administrative and archival
functions of providing city plans receive no benefit from the autonomy of the institution, so these could
ostensibly be moved to the Municipality. With such a move, the scope of its mission narrows down
investigation and advisory functions. An interesting route to analyze would be if it would be feasible to
add veto/voting power to its scope, thus giving the results of its investigations and proposals true
influence over the future of urban development in Juárez.
1.2 Transportation: How can we gage the quality of urban transportation in Juárez?
In this section we describe the general situation of the urban transport, considering the traditional
public transport, the massive BRT system and the private transport. We also review the evolution of
public policies that lead to the situation in matter of public transport in Juarez.
1.2.2 Key Findings
Urban mobility and public transport have always been the discussion breakpoint to Juarez City along
time, there have always been private interests and therefore the urban transport has enriched a few
and the rest of the citizens have been relegated.
As a borderland, Juarez City presents a series of complex situations, where elements like Industry,
migration, cultural diversity, topography and weather, combine and as a result you get a dispersed city
in the need of transport and efficient mobility conditions in order to promote the urban development.
Mobility is fundamental to the urban development, in Mexico, mobility and public transport didn’t have
the relevancy until the past few decades. Public policies in matter of urban transport before the 90’s had
given priority to private transport, only the biggest cities in the country as the capital, D.F. Monterrey
and Guadalajara, had their own institutions and specific actions in order to attend the public massive
transport.16
During the 90’s decade there was an evolution of public policies, based on the search of solutions
through studies, capacitation on the subject and process of technology transfer. Alongside, the first
studies relative to planning of roads, urban transport and the restructure of the public transport. In 1993
was publicated the Law of road, bridges and federal transport (Ley de caminos, puentes y
autotransporte federal) and also were created the first Institutes of Planning and Investigation
(Institutos municipales de Investigacion). In June 1999 the Article 115 of the constitution is changed,
giving faculties to the municipalities to intervene in the formulation and application of public transport
programs, that is how many of the massive systems started their process on different cities in Mexico. 17
Mobility and public transport are factors that directly intervene in the structure socio-spatial. Public
transport has been identified as a key factor in the urban processes, because promotes the interchange
and rises the habitability standards through market accessibility, employment, health and education.
16
Palafox, 2006
17
Ibid

18
The approach to the traditional transport subject in Juarez must be seen from two perspectives, the
urban context and the particular management, mainly because the urban context has delimited the way
the routes circulate through the city, leaving some blank spaces; but also because of the transport
management, because there is no a certain instance or institution who regulates the public transport, in
this matter intervene the public and private institutions and as a result we get a diversified range of
options.
It is important to understand the urban context of Juarez City, with a population of more than a million
approximately. The Industrialization and the process of the Maquiladora in the 60’s, the city grew very
fast and was found in the need of mobility solutions. There was a deficit of infrastructure, in the
pavement roads, the vehicle fleet and the quality of the transport system in general. In Juarez City there
was only two transport forms until last 2013, the public transport and the private systems
People need to move, in Juarez, as a borderland, the constant binational movement helped in this
matter, still nowadays it is relatively easier and cheaper to buy a car in El Paso, Texas and then import it
to Mexico, this has been a constant where numerous public programs have intervened to regulate the
cars. This situation helped to increased the number of private cars and therefore traffic and
contamination increased as well. The expansion on the city also reflects in this matter, because people
didn’t see as a problem to get a house in the outskirts of the city, as long as they had their own way of
transport. If the public transport is deficient you’ve got to find a way to move in the city, so people turn
their attention to other options.
The particular management of the public transport directly affect the way the public transport develops,
in this matter is important to talk about the “Ruteras” (commonly known name for the busses of the
public transport in Juarez) which are considered deficient and unsafe, even though they were the only
way to move in the city apart from the private transport and the private institutions who manage
them. There are two different types of “Ruteras” in Juarez, those of the public transport and the ones of
the Personnel transport, these are the ones who move the workers from their homes to their works and
viceversa on a daily basis, their sole purpose is this, they are not allowed to function as a traditional
“rutera” they are not allowed to charge and they only work for the company who hire them, commonly
the maquiladora.
On the contrary to the public transport, this way it’s considered safer and cleaner, specially because of
the way it is managed, the drivers must follow certain rules and provide a good service, if you see a bus
doing something wrong you can call a phone number and report the number of the unit. But most
importantly there isn’t a fight about getting passengers, because the drivers already receive a salary, on
the contrary to the public transport where drivers receive a salary accordingly to the quantity of
passengers they got in the daily route.19
The problem of the public transport in Juarez includes social, political and economic dimensions,
because there is a lack of coordination and demarcation of responsibilities between the government,
private institutions and the regulation of the public transport.
Traditional Transport
18
Lucas, 2011
19
Lara, 2005

Current model of development in the city of Juarez rests mainly on car use, which is becoming a big
problem due to the process of territorial expansion that this city has had in the last 15 years.
Sociocultural model if citizens consists of possessing a car since possession of one or more vehicles
generates social and economic status. Also there is no efficient public transport system that could bring
an equivalent alternative to the private ways of traveling. Due to territorial expansion of the city we
acknowledge a formation of suburbs especially in the south and south-east parts of the city, which
increases levels of mobility.
There was a survey made by IMIP in 2006 that gave the following results:
- The average number of people per household is 3.19.
- The average number of cars per household in the region is 1.46.
- Over four million trips per day are made in the city
- By 1996, there was 25% of people using public transport, 51% private vehicle, and the remaining
24% used non-motorized vehicle
- In 2001, only 21% of citizens used public transportation, 61% private car and the remaining 18%
used non-motorized vehicle to move
- In 2006, 50% used vehicle transport, 22% public transport and 28% non- motorized means of
transport
The survey also showed that less than 1% of the population uses bikes as their way of travelling. On the
other hand most walking trips are relatively short crossing of 0.01 to 1 kilometer trip. Households
without cars generate a trip and a half less per day than those with an automobile which confirms our
statement about people’s dependence on private vehicle.
Pedestrians
They are most vulnerable of all those involved in the urban mobility, their place on the road doesn't
reach basic standards. Current road hierarchy does not include a separate place intended just for
pedestrians, where other means of transportation take second, which means we are facing a lack of
sidewalks and footpaths. And even sidewalks that are available for pedestrians to use face a new
problem. As part of the recent invasion in the city sidewalks are being used as an extension to the
owner’s property for parking or other activities. The last challenge for pedestrian to face is a lack of
traffic lights for them, which can be seen only in the city centre and some parts of primary roads.20
Signs and traffic control
We separate between vertical (road signs, traffic lights...) and horizontal (signs drawn on the paved
streets) signaling
Basic principles for a functional road signaling are following:
- Visibility
- Readability
- Simplicity
20
http://www.imip.org.mx/pdu/PDUSEPT2010.pdf

- Homogeneity
In the city there is approximately 70% of the vertical signals which are in a good condition. Lack of
signaling occurs particularly on secondary roadways which generates confusion and uncertainty for
users of public roads, particularly those unfamiliar with the city or parts of the city they are currently at.
Horizontal signaling is in worse condition than vertical; 90% of the paint is in fair to poor condition.
Pavement
Currently there are more than 5000km of the streets and avenues of which 37% of them are unpaved,
other 67% are in fair to poor condition. The lack of paving has among slower traffic an impact on the air
we breathe with PM10 particles. A significant number of colonies with unpaved streets are in virtual
isolation. Conditions are aggravated in the rainy season.
Parking
Deficiency of a definite and systematized program that analyses the supply and demands of parking
spaces leads to non-compliance with minimum requirements.
Road Hierarchy
A road hierarchy differentiates between roads by function. Transportation system must be reimagined
from an unscrupulous conventional auto-only perspective towards providing people with many travel
choices. This requires a change in priorities from moving as much traffic as quickly as possible at the
expense of other modes and adjacent land uses to provide choices, balance, and connections between
driving, transit, walking, and bicycling.
A rapidly-expanding freeway network supplements an even larger network of wide high-speed four- and
six-lane arterial streets. Arterial and even collector roads are designed almost exclusively for driving,
with minimal, unsafe, or non-existent walking, bicycling, or transit facilities. A less rigid system should in
theory enable faster and easier accommodation for non-motorized methods of transportation.
Higher speeds encouraged by the street hierarchy increase the severity of accidents occurring along
arterial roads. Most walking trips in Juarez are relatively short from 0.01 to 1 kilometre per trip but
make for 28% of all trips made. To improve walkability is to hinder a free flowing system to the extent to
which places are compact, mixed-use, inviting, and safe for pedestrians, cyclists, and transit users.
Walkable communities are created by a number of factors, one being a fine-grained network of
connected streets, narrow streets; streets with managed speeds, broader safe sidewalks and on-street
parking. Vehicular speed also plays a critical role in the walkability of an area due to its relationship with
pedestrian fatalities. In a crash with a vehicle traveling greater than 50km/h, a pedestrian’s odds of
dying are better than 50%, increasing to 85% for a vehicle traveling 60km/h.21
Existing road structure divides into three subsystems
21
http://planelpaso.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/ELP%204%20Transportation_for%20web.pdf

The first is aimed at regional mobility, and is intended as a peripheral urban scheme controlled access
highways and the city. Two high speed vials (central) and two side vials with »half« speed (lateral). The
second is aimed at the internal accessibility, and is offered as a network for public transport backbone of
high capacity, linear corridors for a human scale environment. The third subsystem consists of the
primary and secondary road network, in a multimodal hierarchically connected powering of first two
subsystems.22
Table 1: road structure23
Primary roads (arterial, for
joining significant centres and
providing inter-regional traffic
flow)
- Trunk road primary
- Conventional primary
- Complementary primary
Secondary roads (collector) - Two-way traffic, preferential for cyclist
Local roads (direct access for
residential blocks)
- Signal vial body with one lane in which direction
Collective transport network - Preliminary sizing of Service
- Equipment on trunk routes- elements that facilitate
access and connectivity with other means of
transportation (parking for cyclists and auto-users)
- Equipment on feeder routes
Red riders - The rider in Ciudad Juárez may use any lane road traffic,
with exception of the central body of the viaducts
(controlled access roads) and low mass lanes of transport
Special provisions for main
corridors
- Parking for cyclists and motorists along trunk corridors
Freight - Inner communication and communication across the
border with El Paso
22
http://planelpaso.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/ELP%204%20Transportation_for%20web.pdf
23

Figure 1. Juarez UTM4
Appropriate mix of primary road corridors should contribute to a more effective and optimized public
transport. Ideally roads connect into roads at the same level in the road hierarchy which promotes
network efficiency by ensuring each road performs the function for which it is designed, that
intersections perform efficiently and that speeds are separated and managed to minimize conflict.
Commute times, distances, and modes
Current state of the transport system provides us rather unreliable way of movement, which affects
heavily on commute times which are connected to other socioeconomic factors. The biggest problem is
irrational car use which is understandable due to the lack of alternative transport system that would
attract city travellers. 24
Due to the expansion of the city (growth of the population and territorial expansion) there are more cars
on the streets every day. The formation of new suburbs which is directly connected to the physical
expansion creates greater distances between home and work. Lack of different transport modes means
24
Juarez UTM, E-104, October 2010

that citizens are basically forced to travel by car. Consequently number of car users is increasing even
faster.
There is a number of other factors which heavily affect commute. Poor condition in which the streets
currently are slows down the traffic and also damages the vehicles. Lack of signalling creates a confusing
environment and slows down the traffic flow in the busiest intersections and creates traffic jams in
areas where the traffic could exist without jams.3
Traffic jams created by all of those factors previously mentioned create so called exterior expenses
which usually stay unpaved. It is difficult to define who is responsible for them. Usually the main cause is
the fact that the roads capacity is exceeded. So in a way it’s the municipality the one who should provide
suitable road infrastructure, different modes of transportation and restrict usage.
The increased number of vehicles have a huge effect on the environment with air and noise pollution.
This affects living and working conditions in the build up areas of the city and indirectly on property
values.
BRT System “ViveBus”
The BRT transport system is relatively simple and is originated as an alternative to the railed systems, in
Curitiba, Brazil in 1974, since then, Curitiba, has become an example for transport planning about what
it must and mustn’t be done. BRT stands for Bus Rapid Transit.
The basic performance is based on the combination of confined lanes exclusively used by the buses
alongside stations, that allows the quick and easy transportation of passengers. The systems also
incorporates signs and sometimes adequations need to be done, like ramps or overpasses. The system
adapt itself to the city, in size, form and sophistication, but in general terms, the cost of construction
and maintenance are advantageous, because it allows to have a massive transport without the formality
of a railed system, the keypoint is the flexibility, these systems can adapt to the roads, streets and
avenues easily while the railed systems are inflexible after being built. Nevertheless, it must be
considered as well, that the lane will took a space for private transit.
In Mexico, the first BRT systems were in Leon (2004), Distrito Federal (2005) and Guadalajara (2009). In
Juarez City, the process starts in 2001 with the administration of Jose Reyes Ferriz, the proposal is made
although there was no support at that time, even though some stations were built and buses bought,
causing a large economic loss of money for the city.

Figure 2. Stations built in the first part of the process, these are located in the Zaragoza Blvd. they were
in bad conditions and they cost a large amount of money and never used for 10 years.
With the politic system in Mexico, and the change of political parties the proposal stayed paused and
until 2010 with the second administration of Hector Murguia, that is completed and started operations
the 30th of November in 2013
The first route is established in the streets Francisco Villa, Eje
Vial Juan Gabriel and Zaragoza boulevard. It starts in the center
of the city next to the city hall and ends in the Tierra Nueva
colony. It is named ViveBus and it has a length of 20 km of
confined lane and 5 km in the sense of traditional transport.
The route has 34 stations in the confined lane, and 12 stops in
the traditional way, and crosses the city north-south and east
west.
There is also a second route, but this one is not installed yet, it
is in the proposal stage. It will be in the 16 de Septiembre and
Paseo Triunfo de la República Avenues. The route also starts in
the center of the city and crosses the city west east. The traffic
impact study and the first analysis starts on Magnesio St. and
16 de Septiembre and goes till Plan de Ayala and Triunfo de la
República Ave. The plan is to extend the route in the Paseo
Triunfo de la República Ave. until you get to the airport at the
south of the city.

Figure 3. Navigation map of the stations of the BRT in Juarez, City
Figure 4 General map where the first route (the one currently functioning) and the second route (the
proposed one) are shown.
1.3 What are possibilities for Public-Private partnerships in infrastructure projects
in Juárez?
Mexico’s National Infrastructure Fund, Fonadin (Fondo Nacional de Infraestructura) is Mexico’s main
agency responsible for the development of the national infrastructure via Public Private Partnerships
(PPPs). It focuses on water and transportation infrastructure, mainly highways, public transportation
facilities, ports, and airports.

From the private sector’s perspective, Mexico’s large-scale economy and population size, industrious
and skillful workforce, close economic connection with the United States, and abundance of natural
resources has made it a prime market for private financiers to invest in. On the governmental side,
project financing through PPPs is an established and preferred tool for infrastructure development in
Mexico.
For that reason, we believe that it is important to study the viability and prospect of taking advantage of
Public Private Partnerships through Fonadin in Ciudad Juarez.
1.3.2 Key Findings
Juarez’s Candidacy: Prime Location for Private Investment
Thanks to the 1994 NAFTA agreement liberalizing trade between the United States and Mexico, the
bordering cities of Juarez and El Paso have merged to become a 2.7-million metropolitan area with the
largest bilingual and bi-national workforce. This has created a huge amount of potential for developing
the economies on both sides. However, the existence of the border has complicated the maintenance of
the public infrastructure between the two cities, splitting the responsibility among the local and national
authorities of the two countries. There is a plus side to the bi-national nature of the area. Being a border
city which serves both the Mexican and U.S. economies, Juarez has the ability to attract investments
from both nations.
Transportation: Focus Area for Public Private Partnerships
PROTRAM, Mexico’s Federal Urban Mass Transportation program is Fonadin’s channel for financing PPP
projects which develop the country’s urban transportation. Cities that have taken advantage to
successfully develop their urban transportation infrastructure through this program include Tijuana,
Guadalajara, Mexico City, Chihuahua, Mexicali, Monterrey, Chimalhuacán and Pantitlán.
The success of Public Private Partnerships in the implementation of transportation infrastructure
projects is directly tied to the fact that this sector interests and benefits both the public and private
sectors. This is the case all over the country, but is particularly true along the Mexico-United States
border. Specifically for the city of Juarez and its across-the-border neighbor El Paso, congestion along
the connecting bridge has brought problems and challenges for both, businesses and governments.
According to the Texas Transportation Institute, private business, on both sides of the border, are
affected by congestion in the following ways:
 Higher risk of inventory and production failures
 Product degradation
 Greater job site expenses
 Lower levels of worker productivity
Traffic congestion at the border leads to public sector challenges as well due to:
 Lower air quality caused by increased vehicle emissions
 More frequent bridge maintenance caused by an accelerating degradation
 Congestion on regional roadways at peak crossing times

Case Study: Project 21
Public Private Partnership efforts have already been attemped in the Juarez-El Paso region to address
congestion. In 2012, the City of El Paso and Secure Origins, Inc. came together to launch a pilot program
for the use of a technology-based tracking system, expediting border crossing for commercial vehicles.
The results determined that the average crossing time of the monitored vehicles decreased from 76 to
22 minutes on average, and this benefited the private and public sectors in alleviating the effects of
congestion described above.
It is important to note that although the incentives for the City of El Paso and of Secure Origins, Inc. are
fundamentally different, collaboration between the public and private sector resources through “Project
21″ empowered them to develop creative and practical solutions for the problems that each entity faces
individually. Similarly, bringing private financing to the development of Juarez may be a great way to
vitalize its economy without compromising public funds. “If planned and executed well, the end result
of a public private partnership project is the creation of self-sustaining entity that performs its function
and offers its services in a competitive marketplace, thereby eradicating the need for the expenditure of
taxpayer dollars.”
Bridging Economies: Possibility of US-Mexican Cost-Sharing
El Paso and Juarez’s economies are highly interdependent. Paul Stresow, El Paso’s director of
international bridges claims that “for every maquila in Juarez, one to four jobs are created in El Paso.”
For that reason, cost-sharing arrangements for infrastructure development near the border have
prospered.
The North American Development Bank (NADB) funds projects along the border to improve air quality
which is mainly affected by congestion. NADB lent Ciudad Juarez $30 million for its ongoing urban
mobility plan, and may contribute to future improvement of linkages to El Paso. Being a borderline
institution, NADB works with both the U.S. federal government, and the Mexican government, which
allows private concessionaires.
“El Paso is a suburb of Ciudad Juarez, but decisions are mostly made on the other *U.S.+ side.”
Infrastructure financing at the United States border was typically provided by the government. However,
“a recent U.S. law allows for public-private partnerships and cost-sharing for staffing at ports of entry
because of fiscal constraints at the federal level”. This has brought opportunity for private investment
from the U.S. side of the border as well, which is expected to grow in the future.
1.3.3 Conclusions
As both cities of El Paso and Juarez embark on improving their transit network through BRT and Plan de
Movilidad Urbana, improving downtown linkages across the border through Public Private Partnerships
could be a great avenue to consider for the urban development of Juarez.

2 Environmental Risk
2.1 Abstract
In this research five main environmental risks are addressed. These environmental risks are
transportation pollution, air pollution, industrial pollution, floods, and water supply. The significance of
these risks, as well as some case studies, data, policies, projects, and recommendations for each
environmental risks are discussed in this research.
Natural hazards in Ciudad Juárez comprise biological and hidrometerologicas incidents, while
anthropogenic risks include the architectural physicochemical and technological incidents,
organizational socio, economic and social studies and urban.
These environmental risks has been presented more frequently in the last decade, so it is important to
analyze the response of the authorities, population, and the laws and regulations currently in force in
Ciudad Juárez, as it is very important for prevention, response and mitigation of environmental risks in
the city.
Civil protection is the agency warns about any contingency that may arise in our city, to avoid any risk
you need to have an awareness of prevention and be aware of any notice issued by the authorities,
namely to follow the recommendations made to us that are nothing more than to avoid human losses
due to natural phenomena. Similarly, it is also very important to know our environment to identify high-
risk areas in our city and avoid these areas and keep us safe and out of danger.
Ciudad Juarez contamination is present at the level of industrialization. Meanwhile, it is difficult to
address the issue of pollution because the maquiladora industry in Ciudad Juarez is the main source of
employment.
Because of this, there have been various prevention strategies against pollution that the industry
generates. In prevention programs are involved various strategies of action to prevent, reduce and / or
eliminate pollution from generation sources. In turn, the reduction of pollution includes three aspects;
volume reduction, toxicity and / or both.

Figure 1: Classification of environmental risks in Ciudad Juarez by Civil Protection

2.2 Transportation Pollution
One of the biggest environmental problems in Ciudad de Juarez is air pollution caused by traffic. Reason
for that is not only constant traffic of all the trucks that are driving from North to South or South to
North for different transport reasons and also stopping in Juarez where a lot of maquiladoras are making
various products which are picked off and shipped to another country to sale. A big problem is also old
public bus system which contains a lot of outdated buses that causes a lot of emissions and unpaved
roads which produce 65% of PM10 pieces in the air. Pollution like this makes big danger for health and
wellbeing on people that live in Juarez.
2.2.1 Public Transportation
Main problem in public transportation is old, outdated public buses that produce a lot of emissions. The
study of mobility in 2006 gave the following results:
- In Ciudad Juarez four million trips per day are made
- 51% of trips are made by private cars
- 28% of trips are made by walking, 15% in urban buses and 7% by private buses.
- Trips by taxis and bicycles are so low that are almost not worth mentioning
Table 1: Tons of pollutant produced in each industrial sector
Despite the fact that only 15% of trips are made in urban buses we have to take in account that even if
no one is on the bus, it is still driving and with that polluting the air. Parts of the public transport
problem are of course unpaved roads which in the transport view does not cause pollution directly but
with longest transport routes it produces more emissions. Bad public transport also creates other
problems like worse economic, urban and social development.

Figure 2: Railroads in the Ciudad Juarez region (highlighted in black)
2.2.2 Unpaved roads
According to recent IMIP studies approximately 37% (21.000.000 square meters) of town area streets
are unpaved. The other 63% of town area of streets is in fair to poor condition. The lack of paving
significantly degrades the quality of air that we breathe. 60 – 65 % of PM10 particles is considerate to
come from unpaved roads and causes significant increase in the rate of respiratory, gastrointestinal and
eye diseases.

Figure 3: A typical unpaved road in Ciudad Juarez
2.2.3 Traffic through the city
Near or through Ciudad Juarez run some of important traffic roads which represent an important
connection of North and South America. Every day a lot of different vehicles such as trucks and cars with
high emissions go through Juarez. Because of industry and maquiladoras a lot of stops are made in
Juarez itself to pick up different products and then transport it to the countries where the product is
then sold. Because of that there is a lot of slow traffic which increases air pollution.

Figure 4: Location and main roads through Juarez (Google earth).
Figure 5: Traffic through Juarez (red – stop and go; orange – slow; yellow – moderate; green – free flow)
(http://gudp.maps.arcgis.com/home/webmap/viewer.html?useExisting=1)
2.2.4 Case Study
A comparable case study is TransMilenio, a bus rapid transit (BRT) system in Bogota, Colombia. In
Bogota before BRT system there was a lot of old mini buses that were taking a lot of time to get from
one point to the other. First the build one new line and then they added more and more connections.
They gave compensation for disposal of old buses and restricted old buses in some areas of the city.
Similar project already started in Juarez, named ViveBus. Up until now they built one route. There are
the same risks as there were in Bogota, like what to do with old buses and with existing bus companies.
In Bogota there were protests about that and Mayor Luis Eduardo Garzón defended all the
measurements as necessary for future and discussed specific details when companies agreed to begin
talks.
2.2.5 Discussion and Conclusions
Public transport
Modern transportation is beneficial not only for environment but also for energy savings which brings a
better economy. One of the solutions is the new urban mobility center (programs of clean cars, plan of
proper paths for urban development…) that would reduce travel time and emissions. Important is
replacement of old transport vehicles with new, more sustainable ones. It is necessary to promote usage
of public transport and encourage people to use it. A good example of renewing old public bus system is
a first route ViveBus which in a year of operating increased services demands up to 43%. Because of this
faster lane more people take public transport. Solution for better environment could also be redesigning

pedestrian areas and making new bicycle lanes and with that encourage more active life style which is
also good for health.
Unpaved roads
First and probably the most obvious solution would be paving the roads and streets that are unpaved
and repairment of roads in bad condition.
Traffic through the city
Good solution would be relocating some of the main roads on the edge of city. Regarding the problem
of stopping in the city because of industry and maquiladoras a solution could also be joining all the
industry on one location and moving it on the city edge as well.
There is a lot of air pollution because of traffic in Ciudad de Juarez. As result of that there are a lot of
diseases. Main reasons for that are unpaved roads, outdated public transport system and big transport
connections through Juarez. It is necessary to emphasize this problem seeing that it is the biggest air
pollutant in Juarez. Each of the problems have some solutions, some are more perspective than others.
First it would be important to pave roads and replace old public buses with new, green, environment
friendly buses. With traffic through city representing a big problem there are a few possible solutions
but are quite hard to realize, for example moving the main road on the city edge and joining industry
and maquiladoras on the city edge as well. It is recommended to pay the problem a lot of attention and
minimalize the air pollution.
2.3 Air Pollution
Air pollution is a mixture of solid particles and gases in the air. Car emissions, chemicals from factories,
dust, pollen and mold spores may be suspended as particles. Ozone, a gas, is a major part of air pollution
in cities. When ozone forms air pollution, it's also called smog.So,conclusion is that air pollution is big
problem in modern world.
Ciudad Juarez is city on USA and Mexico border with 1.5mil. inhabitants.The biggest problems in Juarez
are criminal,high rate od violence,corruption and pollution.
2.3.1 Sources of air pollution
The main cources of air pollution in Juarez are traffic,brick kilns and iron foundries. Paso del Norte
region has experienced very rapid population and industrial growth. So, the cities are struggling to deal
with many social problems -- including very serious air pollution. Juarez exceeds the U.S. National
Ambient Air Quality Standards (U.S. NAAQS) for ozone, particulate matter and carbon monoxide.
Maquiladoras have serious consequences for human health, including respiratory disease and
premature mortality, but they are not leading cause od air pollution Ciudad Juarez. Industry, including
the brick kilns, accounts for only 17% of total sulfur dioxide emissions, and less than 1% of total
particulate emissions. Services account for 44% of the sulfur dioxide emissions, and transport a further
38%. Most particulates came from unpaved roads (65% of the total) and from wind-blown soil erosion
(31%). Almost all the carbon monoxide (99%) and nitrogen oxide (92%) added to the air came from
transportation. The biggest industry air pollutant are brick kilns, which is in Juarez about 350. I think the
most important pollutant is PM10 (Particle pollution (also known as "particulate matter") in the air

includes a mixture of solids and liquid droplets. Some particles are emitted directly; others are formed in
the atmosphere when other pollutants react. Particles come in a wide range of sizes. Those less than 10
micrometers in diameter (PM10) are so small that they can get into the lungs, potentially causing serious
health problems).The bulk of the chemical plant`s PM10 emissions came from the use of flourspor, the
principal material used in the manufacture of hydroflouric acid. It is using for froduction of bricks. The
principal source od PM10 from traditional brick making is
combustion od fuels used ti fire the kiln. There are controlled
and uncontrolled emissions. For maquiladoras, the health
damages from uncontrolled emissions are considerably
higher than for controlled emissions (17 times for iron,50
time for chemical plant). Concentrations of all pollutants,
except coarse PM, were higher in high traffic zones than in
the respective low traffic zones. Black carbon and NO(2)
appear to be better traffic indicators than fine PM.
2.3.2 Data and Policies
Table 2: Annual heath damages due to estimated PM10 emissions from iron foundry maquiladora (mean value of predicted
number of cases)
Figure 6: A typical maquiladora

Table 3: Annual health damages due to estimated PM10 emissions from brick kilns (mean value of predicted number of cases)
For these reasons,USA and Mexico established Joint Advisory Committee(JAC) for the improvement od
air quality in the Ciudad Juarez.
2.3.3 Conclusions
So,we concluded that the biggest polluters are traffic(also unpaved roads),maquiladoras and brick kilns.
Decision that seem logical for maquiladoras and brick kilns is improvement of the production proces.
This can be archieved using modern equipment and technology for maquiladoras.This would reduce the
negative environmental impacts. The problem with brick kilns is that still all products on hand so it cause
bigger air pollution. Improvement od this process would reduce the negative environmental impacts.
Reducing of traffic pollution can be achieved by paving roads and reducing transportation in the area of
Juarez.
For these reasons, in 1996 USA and Mexico established Joint Advisory Committee(JAC) for the
improvement od air quality in the Ciudad Juarez. The most important thing is that today air quality is
measurably better than it was before 15 or 20 years but it`s still under average.
2.4 Industrial Pollution
According to data from the Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and
Portugal Ciudad Juárez currently facing the biggest problem of environmental pollution in its history. It is
not until a few months it takes importance in the wake of NAFTA, as has been formalizing an agreement
called the Program for Environmental Integration Border (PIAF), with which it is intended to make the
governments of Mexico and United States accountable for environmental control in the border area.
2.4.1 Data and policies
According to the National Institute of Ecology (Mexico), will develop strategies for prevention, mitigation
and control of natural disasters in Cd. Juarez, Chih.

Likewise, there is Clean Industry Program. Voluntary initiatives of companies and producer organizations
to improve their environmental performance beyond the provisions of the regulations, are a very
efficient vehicle for environmental management. That's why the Federal Attorney for Environmental
Protection (Profepa) since 1992 has been promoting the implementation of the National Environmental
Audit Program. Through auditing processes and production facilities are analyzed, compliance with
environmental regulations, international standards and best practices applicable operating and
engineering are evaluated in order to define preventive, corrective measures and, where applicable,
response necessary to protect the environment, referred to them within a plan of action.
Through the issuance of a Clean Industry Certificate, has been stimulated significant investments in
improving the environmental performance of private and public enterprises. Furthermore, in order to
ensure access to information in this area is made available to the public and the industry itself, the basic
diagnostic and preventive and corrective actions to be developed as a result of environmental audits. In
Ciudad Juarez, the October 20, 1997, 11 companies from a total of 12 in the State, received certificate of
clean industry. To date, two more companies already met with the entire plan of action and are about to
receive their certification.
Environmental pollution by toxic waste from Ciudad Juarez maquiladora industry is dangerously high. A
report by the US-based Coalition Projusticia in the Maquiladoras (made up of 50 environmental
protection organizations, religious, community and labor), 85% of the levels of pollution, where
discharges of toxic chemicals are included in the sewer systems, waterways and chemical waste in
landfills that are recorded in the El Paso-Ciudad Juarez is generated by transnational corporations.
However, although this is one of the main problems of environmental pollution, little is being done to
prevent further. Perhaps because their effects are not as visible as other sources of pollution and lack of
information, the public is not aware of the serious problem posed by toxic waste.
This misinformation comes to such a degree that they know maquila workers who handle toxic materials
daily and, therefore, the effects thereof.
The issue of toxic waste in 1988 was already on the table for discussion between Mexico and the United
States, reaching an agreement that wastes proviniesen of transnational corporations would be returned
to their country of origin. However, most companies ignore such agreement, and in practice there is no
control.
According to René Franco, the most common toxic waste produced by the maquiladora industry are:
waste paints and varnishes, resins, epoxies, lubricants, latex, fiberglass, chrome and various residual
solvents. These make up 95% of the general waste.
SEDUE is the agency responsible for ensuring that the regulations on the handling of toxic waste in
Ciudad Juarez are met and who should control the handling given to toxic chemicals by the industry.
Although this practice is quite relative, SEDUE closed since only 24 hours sweatshops that violate
regulations. This state agency is often very permissive and has gone so far as to freeze the review and
punishment of 25 companies, which November 1990 to April 1991, generated toxic waste without
respect the environmental provisions.

Previously, maquiladoras report yielded an estimate pollutant emissions to the environment, but today
is a mandatory provision. Where, in addition, specialized equipment and personnel must be accurately
measured emissions. However, only those that exceed 50% of the maximum allowable emissions are
forced to buy equipment for measurement and control.
It added that the Municipal Ecological Law and Border Environmental Plan set aside concerning toxic
and nuclear waste dumps. In addition, the Municipal Ecology Committee has made no activity to
improve the control of toxic waste from the maquiladora and know what the effects of these on the
environment and population are.
Another arrangement for controlling the management of industrial waste is called "Nature Trail". With it
is intended that the waste is transported by a route that passes near industrial parks to prevent
accidents and affect the population.
They have designed several programs against pollution, one of them is the support of the national bank
to 319 industrial enterprises for the purchase of equipment for measuring emissions to the
environment. With This program will benefit Chihuahua 11 companies, including Three of Ciudad Juarez
are counted. A company (Olimpia Industrial) and American consortium Ametech Inc., conducted a joint
venture to export to US toxic waste generated by local maquiladoras. Around 20,000 annual waste
drums (3 handle 200 tonnes) and to date no one knows exactly what implications will bring the plant.
Facing the problems of habitat and environment, the first point that our country must be resolved is
that of democracy, as while the public has no real and permanent participation in the urban planning,
defining priorities to drive, legislation, and monitoring of effective measures for the improvement and
habitat conservation, the lines to follow remain
encouraging industrial development for the
benefit of some minority groups National and
foreign, to the detriment of social
development, and harmonious.
A more specific and stringent legislation
regulating problems such as toxic wastes,
besides its effective implementation. In
addition, the involvement of social
organizations in struggles habitat improvement,
going beyond the scope of services and
considering alternative proposals to reduce the
ecological risks, requiring the actual operation of agencies and units involved.
2.5 Floods
The goal of addressing the flood risk here is to help understanding the issue in order to determine
solutions to mitigate flood and increase the resilience of Juarez city to flooding. In order to do that a

better understanding of the issue has to be established through an intensive data collection of flood
history, zones, frequencies, and policies in addition to investigating the economical, health and social
risks caused by flood. Also, it is essential to keep records of flood events, raise awareness, keep records
of weather data, and applying insurance program.
Flood in Juarez city is mainly caused by surface water flooding due to the large impermeable surfaces.
Such flooding usually occurs during or following an intense rainfall event where runoff does not filter
into ground or enter a proper drainage system. It has been occurring more frequently in the recent
years.
Many economical damages were caused by flood, such as closing of businesses, schools, and public
agencies for at least a few days, and damages to infrastructures, and residential areas. In addition to
that there are health risks in terms of injuries and deaths. One of the recent flood events was caused by
Hurricane Odile on September 2014, where 6 schools got evacuated, three overpasses were flooded,
one person found dead, Santa Elena dam overflowed, four old houses collapsed, and political unrest
followed the event. There are many flooding events with different damages but all share the same cause
which is heavy rainfall and the same substantial impacts on health, economy, and society.
2.5.1 Case Studies
There are two case studies that addressed the risks, damages, and solutions of flooding:
First case study:
Location: City of London, UK
Comparability: not very comparable to city of juarez as an overall, except for the issue of flooding itself,
and its cause.
Background: surface flooding.
Second case study:
Location: Gard area in the Cévennes–Vivarais region, France
Comparability: some of the cities in this area has been affected by substantial increase in population as
in Juarez city, and the flooding cause is similar.
Background: flood is caused by heavy rainfall.
2.5.2 Policies
Background Partial Plan The Ojitos

Thursday July 6, 15:00. Light rains were presented in the city as in the rest of the state of Chihuahua,
began to fall storm rain caused havoc in 10 colonies affecting a whole infrastructure of 15 homes, 500
with minor damages moderated by the flood, gender evacuation of over a thousand families in high-risk
areas.
Affected colonies were Vista Hermosa, Luis Olague, Estrella Del Poniente, Fronteriza Baja, Azteca, Los
ojitos, Mariano Escobedo y la Morelos, Un fraccionamiento (like) neighborhood was affected to burst
the dam on the hill known as El águila located in La sierra Juárez.25
Own elaboration in database Plan de Desarrollo Urbano de Ciudad Juárez “Los Ojitos, Plan Parcial” of
Ayuntamiento de Juarez Chihuahua and Instituto Municipal de Investigacion.
Background Partial Plan El Barreal y Oriente San Isidro
25
La noche que no durmió Juárez. (2006, Agosto 1). Retrieved from XHEPL:
http://xepl.com.mx/completa1.php?s=&i=17417&or=m

In July 2008, severe meteorological events recorded 68 mm of rainfall in 24 hours, and a monthly
cumulative 146 mm, which represents almost 50% of the average annual rainfall in Ciudad Juárez. Such
levels of intensity of rainfall caused flooding in much of the surface of the lagoon "El Barreal" leaving
hundreds of houses and industrial parks flooded during the contingency.26
Five years after the urbanization of the area Barreal approved, breach particular group that developed
the area without the works required to prevent flooding is still at risk thousands of families and remains
an expense for all juarenses. This year (2009) the government had to allocate 14.3 million dollars to
rebuild the necessary dikes to contain the water at the top, in the Santa Elena.27
Own elaboration in database Plan de Desarrollo Urbano de Ciudad Juárez “El Barreal y Oriente San
Isidro Plan Parcial” of Ayuntamiento de Juarez Chihuahua and Instituto Municipal de Investigacion.
Own elaboration in database Plan de Desarrollo Urbano de Ciudad Juárez “El Barreal y Oriente San
Isidro Plan Parcial” of Ayuntamiento de Juarez Chihuahua and Instituto Municipal de Investigacion.
26
Dena, O., Obeso, G., Doser, D., Leyva, J., Rascón, E., Gómez, F., & Domínguez A., M. (2012, Junio 29).
Using subsurface geophysical methods in flood control: A resistivity survey to define
underground storage capacity of a sand body in Ciudad Juárez, Mexico.
27
Nieto, S. R. (2009, Agosto 04). Prevalecen riesgos en El Barreal, a 5 años de que inició desarrollo.
Retrieved from Agua.org.mx Centro virtual de infromacion del agua:
https://agua.org.mx/h2o/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=8904:prevalecen-
riesgos-en-el-barreal-a-5-anos-de-que-inicio-desarrollo&catid=61:noticias-
nacionales&Itemid=300054https://agua.org.mx/h2o/index.php?option=com_content&view=arti
cle&id=890

2.5.3 Conclusions
Ciudad Juárez has gone through many natural hazards related to situations in which certain parts of the
city are more vulnerable than others, so some institutions have developed these partial charge to solve
or prevent the problem of an environmental risk plans. These plans detail the information to be made in
the following years, in addition to institutions or persons responsible for carrying them out.
Ciudad Juárez needs recovery systems and stormwater control to maximize this resource as dams are
there in the city are insufficient to address these problems of heavy rain.
Need more community support for the realization of projects, more integration with the inhabitants of
the areas of the institutions responsible, if this relationship was achieved all plans be realized
successfully because there would be a public participation, and a commitment to of all people to
improve their quality of life and prevent an environmental hazard.
2.6 Water Supply
In studying the watersheds that supply water to Ciudad Juarez, we hope to understand the current state
of the water supply and risks that threaten the greater Ciudad Juarez area both now and in the near
future. In addition to researching the water supply of Ciudad Juarez, it is also important to consider

other variables central to the issue of water supply, including water consumption, climate change, and
policy for water distribution.
2.6.1 Water Sources
The principal sources of water for Ciudad Juarez are the Hueco Bolson aquifer and the Río Bravo (Rio
Grande), located along the border of Texas and Mexico. The Hueco Bolson aquifer is the principal source
of drinking water, while the Río Bravo is designated overwhelmingly for agricultural use, due to its lower
water quality.28
A preliminary consideration as to the severity of the water issue that Ciudad Juarez faces is the
sustainability of the water resources themselves. This is dependent on water use, but also heavily so on
renewal and replenishment of these water basins.
The Hueco Bolson recharges from precipitation in the mountains and treated wastewater injections.
These injections are especially important since the geology of the basin, which is comprised primarily of
clay and silt, allow for only the top few hundred feet of water to be potable.29
Additionally, because the
rainy season is relatively short (4 months), most of the water evaporates before it is captured by the
aquifer.30
Juarez is currently seeking other water sources; the Hueco Bolson was projected to be out of
28
http://www.ibwc.gov/crp/riogrande.htm
29
http://www.ibwc.gov/Water_Data/binational_waters.htm#CurrWtrLevels
30
Figure 2: Hueco Bolson aquifer. Figure 2: Río Bravo watershed.

usable water in 2015.1
The Río Bravo watershed is recharged primarily through surface irrigation and
seepage from other water channels.2
2.6.2 Water Consumption
Consumption from these water sources in Ciudad Juarez was accurately modeled to be dependent on
average rainfall, average temperature, average water price per cubic meter, maquiladora employment,
and the national industrial production index for Mexico. The water usage usually reacts within a few
months to changes in any of these economic and environmental variables. The same variables that
affect the water consumption of Ciudad Juarez also affect many other large cities situated in semi-arid
climates.31
Of course, water supply and water consumption cannot be constant, yet constantly changing. In the
end, what is needed is a water use pattern such that the total consumption from the watersheds that
serve Ciudad Juarez is less than the total recharge of those basins, establishing a positive net flux into
the watersheds.
Risks to this balance are climate, population, and municipal water system changes. Droughts affecting
the entire Chihuahua region of Mexico have intensified in recent years, which has made conservation
efforts in Mexico even more dire as water resources become ever more scarce.32
As the droughts
continue, the population of the greater Ciudad Juarez and El Paso metropolitan areas are expected to
jump from about 15 million in 2014 to 20 million by 2020.33
As a result, each of the watersheds shared
across these municipalities will be under further strain. In combination with increasing population is
increasing infrastructure to support increased water demand. Large problems already facing the utilities
district of Ciudad Juarez are old, leaky water lines, which are causing considerable water loss. Budget
constraints limit which pipes get fixed, and in what order.3
2.6.3 Policies
In observance that Ciudad Juarez and El Paso are sharing a trans-national water supply, the cities
established a 1999 Memorandum of Understanding between City of Juárez, Mexico Utilities and the El
Paso Water Utilities Public Services Board of the City of El Paso, Texas to share the resources of and
information about the Hueco Bolson aquifer, and not a transboundary aquifer agreement. This means
that each city is drawing water from the same source without direct consultation. Though not nearly
specific enough to control consumption on either side of the border, these aquifer-specific agreements
do seem to be more lucid and efficient than a more general water usage agreement between
countries.34
31
http://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1076&context=ucowrconfs_2006
32
http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/03/21/us-mexico-drought-idUSBRE82K1E520120321
33
http://www2.uacj.mx/iit/culcyt/mayo-agosto2006/4ARTAGUA.PDF
34
http://www.internationalwaterlaw.org/bibliography/articles/Eckstein-Mex-US_ICLR.pdf

To put the issue into a national perspective, CONAGUA, Mexico’s water authority, is projecting
investments of over 300 billion pesos ($23.6 billion) by 2030 to maintain and modernize its overall water
infrastructure.5
From the exploration of the water supply of Ciudad Juarez, it is clear that other policies on water usage
geared toward saving water could be beneficial.
As an example, surface water from the Río Bravo or other sources could be utilized, if not directly for
agriculture, to recharge aquifers for later use in times of drought.35
As an alternative to these
watersheds, another major area for water supply that is now being explored is the collection of
rainwater for domestic use.3
Improving the water infrastructure can also be an important first step that
can take place immediately for reducing the water removed from the Hueco Bolson and Río Bravo
watersheds.
These suggestions or others like them may soon be implemented as water resources become
increasingly scarce and water demand continues to rise. While a framework for a comprehensive trans-
national water agreement has been established, more specific and quantitative courses of action for
sharing the Hueco Bolson and Río Bravo watersheds could make the future of water in Ciudad Juarez
less uncertain.
35
http://utminers.utep.edu/omwilliamson/hueco_bolson.htm

3 Economic Development
3.1 Abstract
One cannot talk about the economic development of Ciudad Juarez without talking about its
manufacturing industry. Similarly, one cannot talk about maquiladoras without talking about the grave
and negative impact it had on the social fabric and quality of life of the city. For that reason, our
research, analysis, and conclusions will be done with one bottom line in mind: Juarez needs, and
deserves, an economic development plan maximizes its quality of life. From this, the rest will follow. To
perform our study, we have begun by collecting historical and background information on the city’s
business leaders, industries, unemployment, social orders, and demographics. With a clearer
understanding on the city’s economic composition, we formulated three key questions:
1. What industries/companies could be increased/generated to achieve a more diverse development?
2. How can we account of informal enterprises and create policies that are inclusive of them?
3. How can the city create sustainable and reliable employment?
The information, analysis, and principal conclusions are explained in this section of the report. The
content under each question does not contain the answer, but rather the background research and
analyses that we have performed so far to eventually develop insights that will allow us to propose an
answer to the each question. In that light an overview of further research and analyses to be performed
is presented at the end.
3.2 Background Research on All Economic Aspects
3.2.1 A Brief History of the Local Economy
The city of Juarez has seen many historical and local transformations. At the end of the 1930s when
prohibition ended and the production and consumption of alcohol in the US became legal again, Juarez
saw a huge growth in nightclubs and informal trade.
The exodus to Juarez generated a consensus of agricultural workers, the Juarez Valley and agricultural
production which had its time of its peak between the forties and sixties. The growth of the urban area,
and large infrastructure and housing demands, however, created a crisis in the city, and left more than
40,000 people were unemployed. (Loera, 1990). The local vision adapted to solve these problems and in
1965 leadership adopted policies to attract intensive industries for unskilled labor and manufacturing,
focusing specifically on attracting female labor and integrate it into the labor market, creating conditions
of deprivation and inefficiency of the necessary social infrastructure to meet the needs of their families
and particularly their children.
The establishment of the Maquiladora Industry (IME) created a demographic and occupational structure
in the town of unique characteristics, as young men and women came to town for miles, most of them
with low education and of rural origin, to join the workers’ jobs that IME generated exponentially from
the 1970s until the end of the 1990s.

The phenomenon of maquiladora created the paradox of growth in Ciudad Juarez: on the one hand, it
generated low-grade and low-income wage earnings in the resort for the many workers who occupied,
demand for economic and industrial infrastructure as industrial park, roads, industrial transport and
services (customs, and few producer); and on the other, it contributed to the construction of job
insecurity and the formation of a vulnerable working masses, which lost its purchasing power for over
forty years, the degree of nurturing the formation of slums.
What do the workers do when they lose their job? In diversified economic structures workers tend to
lean towards horizontal mobility: they seek jobs in other economic sectors which require similar work
skills and try to maintain the same level of income; as economies develop, however, job searches
become more complex and specialized skills become increasingly important. This leaves unskilled
workers struggling to find jobs, and many of them turn to the informal sector instead.
Informal labor then increases, mainly in the activities of trade and services of minimum requirements of
knowledge and skills, such as housework, maintenance, plumbing, plumbing; masonry work,
subcontracting may then grow, including the underemployed or occupation without pay.
With the fall of household income either by lack of employment or by the precarious conditions thereof
families have lost their purchasing power and thus their quality of life.
Violence in Juarez has increased in gravity since 1993 - first towards women, with multi-documented
femicides of working women, mothers and youth. Later the problem increasingly extended to domestic
violence and child abuse; then the unbridled violence associated with crime and drug trafficking, which
culminated in an enormous risk to social catastrophe of our society.
3.2.2 Local industry
Dairy Industry
The world milk production in 2005 amounted to 537 million liters per year, with an annual growth of
1.5% in the last decade. This is concentrated in 17 countries which account for 70% of production global
dairy where Mexico ranks fifteenth place.
Chihuahua is one of the leading states in livestock and dairy industry at home. This is a longstanding
tradition dating back to the last century in which the livestock developed very significantly across the
state, particularly during the Porfiriato. Chihuahua has more than 200,000 dairy cattle.
Nationally, Chihuahua sits in fourth place in the production of milk after the states of Jalisco, Coahuila
and Durango. In 2005, the entity produced more than 800 million liters of milk, which is equivalent to
8.1% of the domestic production and represents a production of over 2 million liters daily.

The main dairy areas in the state are:
1) Dairy Delights Basin. Is the first in importance by their level of production and automation, has about
56,000 head of cattle and production of 362 million liters per year (almost 1 million liters) equivalent to
43% of the state production.
2) Dairy Basin Cuauhtémoc. This region has about 80,000 cattle and generates an output of 218 million
liters (almost 600,000 liters per day), representing 26% of the state production.
3) Dairy Basin Juárez-Nuevo Casas Grandes. In this region there are more
40,000 cattle, generates an output of 152 million liters year. (18% of the national production).
4) Dairy Basin Parral-Jiménez. It has more than 10,000 head of cattle and a production of 64 million liters
per year. (7.5% of the national production).
5) Dairy Basin Chihuahua. It has more than 10,000 cattle and production of 46 million liters per year.
(5.4% of the state total).
The State of Chihuahua is known for Chihuahua cheese making or Mennonite, butter, cream, yogurt and
milk pasteurization. Industry milk is concentrated in 4 municipalities in the state: Juarez, Chihuahua,
Cuauhtémoc and Delicias. In these municipalities are 69% of businesses, 83% of jobs, 92% of output and
value added of the industry in the State.

In Ciudad Juarez there are 148 companies in the industry dairy, employing 1,250 people. Juarez known
for its value added (40% of state total). The most important company is Grupo Agroindustrial Zaragoza,
with based in this city, where has a pasteurization plant and a factory balanced foods.
Compared to Tijuana
Tijuana traces its modern history to the arrival of Spaniards in the sixteenth century were tracing the
coast of the California’s. As the US conquest ended with the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, the city
acquired a new international position on the border leading to a new economic and political structure.
The city was founded on July 11, 1889 as a result of urban development. Often known by its initials, "TJ"
and nicknamed "Gateway to Mexico", the city has historically served as a resort dating back to the
1880s.
It is listed as global city a cultural and commercial center as well as a dominant production center in
North America.
Tijuana also supports tourism as a major source of income. About 300,000 visitors cross by foot or by car
on San Ysidro United States every day. Restaurants, taco stands, pharmacies, bars, nightclubs, craft
shops and souvenirs are some striking destinations for tourists in the city. The fact that Mexico's
drinking age is 18 against 21 in the US, makes Tijuana a popular destination for high school and
university students in the US states of California, Arizona and Nevada.
Today, Tijuana is the parent City companies like LA Cetto, the largest wine company in Mexico whose
table wines are exported to over 21 countries.
Also in Tijuana headquarters Grupo Caliente is located whose beginnings date back to 1916 when they
started in Tijuana horse racing, currently the Caliente Group is the largest gambling center of Mexico
and southern California also counts betting centers in various countries of Latin America.
Tijuana represents 60% of the economy of Baja California, Mexicali obtained while second place with
26% as shown in the graphic.

Figure. Tijuana Level of Employment36
Figure. Baja California Level of Employment37
36
XFuente: Inegi, Censos Económicos 2008, Consulta el Línea
37
Fuente: Inegi, Censos Económicos 2008, Consulta el Línea

In the city of Tijuana, plus maquiladoras, has two milk pasteurizing plants of Pasteurizadora Jersey and
another company Lala on the shores of Tijuana, has a jointer Toyota plant in which the Tacoma pickup
are assembled from 2004 and manufactures Deck for the same Pick up cement plants in Tijuana, Tecate,
Rosarito, Ensenada and Mexicali is also produced. It also has several local businesses of great
importance in the city and in the state.

Figure. Employed People in Chihuahua38
Figure. Employed People in Juarez 39
3.3 What industries/companies could be increased/generated to achieve a more
diverse economic development?
38
39
Inegi, Censos Económicos 2009, Consulta el Línea
 The majority of jobs in the state of
Chihuahua are in Juarez
 50% of employment in the
economy of Chihuahua is
concentrated in the municipality
of Juarez.
 30% of employment is
concentrated in the city of
Chihuahua.
 The remaining 20% of
employment is distributed
throughout the remaining
municipalities.
 Economic structure with high
concentration in the secondary
sector.
 58% of jobs in Juarez are
concentrated in industry
compared to just 23% shown in
the national data.
 The trade sector occupies half the
rate that deals nationwide.
 The service sector also has a
significant distortion in relation to
that observed for the national
economy.
 Juarez is an extreme case in terms

Economic risks cannot be avoided, but they can surely be diversified. Although manufacturing
companies of different industries have operated in Juarez, the focus on manufacturing does not achieve
the diversification required to reduce risk to bearable levels.
From the 1980s, the state of Chihuahua began to play an important role in enhancing the development
of economic activity and more intense way of manufacturing under the regime of the maquiladora
industry (IME ) in sectors such as automotive, electrical and electronic; branches of economic activity
closely linked to industries located in various parts of the world, whose fragmentation of production
processes began to relocate to places like Ciudad Juarez, low productive processes characterized by
their requirements for labor intensive transnational companies that primarily seeking low-skilled
workforce and lower cost.
In this town, this phenomenon of transition began much earlier (from the sixties) when starting a
dynamic growth of the IME accompanied by other factors such as the progressive deterioration of the
structure Traditional economic, I -referred to the fall of the primary activities and industrial processes
articulated with them-, the rise of large-scale trade and strong population density.
Her detonators were the increasing rate of migration, manufacturing output driven primary activities
due to intersectoral dependence, indicating the presence of traditional factors identified mainly by the
need to supply the local market and later by the concentration and disposal cheap labor.
This concentration of aggregated population from the decade of the sixties, caused while the city
became a magnet for the location of new maquiladora industries attracted by low wages.
The main feature of this immigrant population has been their low education and job skills since most
come from rural areas, resulting in mobility horizontal type, changed jobs from one sector to another in
which you can give employment to low-wage population went example the occupation of rural laborer
to the operator or worker, this feature positions migrant workers in a state of segregation only could be
overcome by accumulating learning within their processes and work experiences.
During the decade of the 90s, high economic dynamism was identified in Juarez which revealed the
synergy of a system linked to US economic activity, as an important part of the maquiladoras US
originate installed capital.
Local economic growth presents a paradox regarding their evolution, on the one hand growing
infrastructure and industrial equipment and other growing urban demand and attention deficit
developing infrastructure and social facilities, causing marginal conditions in most of the population.

Figure. Employment levels per economic activity subsectors 40
This is observed in the share of economic activity in Ciudad Juarez regarding the state of Chihuahua;
between 1999 and 2004 it absorbed more than 50% of state’s economy as the Chihuahua state's largest
economic concentration.
Changes in the composition of employment between the period 1999-2004 showed increased activity in
the construction, transportation, mass media information, business services, health, and cultural and
sports entertainment, the emergence of services management of companies and enterprises, but
especially in the reduction in the share of manufacturing industry whose fall was 68 to 58%, implying a
significant reduction in employment in the industrial sector, in addition to what occurred in the trade
and services as financial, real estate, professional and hospitality and food. The significance of the
changes revealed in the diversification of the local economy and employment fall maquinador.
40

During the period 1999 to 2004 the local economy grew significantly in the field of construction above
the statewide growth, the impulse given by the state government housing development partly explains
this behavior. Other areas where the growth rate was significant were the services business support and
waste management and remediation services, transport and education and retail.
The growth rate was negative for the manufacturing industry, trade and professional services in both
Ciudad Juarez and the State although the first with greater intensity than in the second.
Establishments in the maquiladora industry decreased by 16% with the increase of establishments
engaged in trade and services grew by 20%, this transformation was due to the installation of large
companies around the IME (over 500 employees). The structure of small businesses was transformed by
the emergence of various goods distribution businesses large-scale chains Superette, Del Rio, Rapiditos,
Extra and Oxo whose main characteristic is medium stores colony, moving the family little shops that
provided consumer goods, mainly perishable, and composed primarily of equity within the family.
The change in employment generated shows that the economic structure as a whole decreased by 2%
between 1999-2004. Manufactures generated 64% of employment in 1999, participation dropped to
56% of places generated in the Juarez economy, the decrease of 14% was offset by employment growth
that generated other sectors such as trade, hotels and restaurants the transport, communications and
financial services, community services and social leaving a negative rate in global economic activity.
The local economy has lost momentum, its tendency to concentrate in few sectors of economic activity
with high added value and low wages, and indicates the trend toward specialization, which focused on
four sub-sectors, manufacturing, transportation and storage, service business support and waste
management and remediation services and cultural and sporting services recreation, and other
recreational services.
The maquiladora industry is strong but not employment-generating economic growth, given the low
added value generated and because the type of industry can be considered high risk.
This behavior of the economy and vulnerability presented mainly from the economic crisis makes clear
the supplies of an important problem in the development of the local economy, as in the case of loss of
maquila jobs and guidance public investment in road infrastructure which mainly the establishment of
industrial parks and business zones in the areas of greatest urban consolidation.
The maquiladora model for economic development in Ciudad Juarez gave a boost to the economic
activities of the city in its infancy and probably until the early eighties, following a high vacancy primarily
of the population with little schooling and condition migrant accumulated since the sixties. However,
the model did not respond to the needs of integration and development of technology that would allow
the promotion of new local businesses, business organization does not understand the need to invest in
technology and in developing human capital, however installing some research and development
companies, like DELPHI or PHILIPS -the latter relocated outside the country in 2006 which required
skilled and highly specialized technical work.
Is that the new organizational paradigm associated with technological development has minimal
development in the town, mainly because investors and capital owners have directed their investments
to obtain the profit from the development of physical infrastructure led to the maquiladora and rent
industrial land. When business people and the Juarez Chihuahua has lacked vision and creativity to

develop businesses that promote local development from the perspective of the capabilities of human
capital accumulated in this location.
3.3.1 Industry Proposal.
Training Program for self-employment and self-management of micro-recovery-recovery of local
economic life. To strengthen economic development from the endogenous activities, assume the
capabilities and potential of human capital and potential of local-regional financial capital. It is proposed
that a training program whose contents attend technical learning, self-management, organizational and
workgroup integration with network approach is generated:
• Designing the contents according to the vocation and local knowledge, in which some experience is
recognized (identifying sectors that are likely to develop inter-links) seeking to develop economic
activities with fewer barriers to entry and that eventually generate consumer market .-regional Local
• Create complementary programs in universities so that graduates have conditions for self-
employment. (in all areas of knowledge to leverage the services market).
• Articulate the economic development programs for the promotion and use of resources and funding
for the development of micro existing technology base in government programs (federal and state).
• Identify areas in which you can develop such as software development, electronics, machining,
communications, etc. where better identify strengths.
• Identify schools that have installed capacity unoccupied (to impart knowledge existing technological
base).
• Identify educational institutions with some equipment and technology-based infrastructure for the
delivery of technical content (CENALTEC, CONALESP, CETIS, etc.).
• Coordinating with different levels of government in the education sector participation in the program
to revive the economic life of the town.
• Identify traditional sectors can be developed locally as the textile industry or furniture stores, cultural
and sporting services like.
• Allocate resources to which workers have scholarships for at least one year period that should
consolidate the formation of working groups (legal commitment to generate micro of 5-10 people).
• Develop mechanisms involving Chambers and public and private organizations that support to
facilitate the integration of micro (Colleges of professionals, etc).
• The program can be implemented in educational institutions (to take advantage of the infrastructure
and installed capacity (unoccupied downtime schools for the training of knowledge existing equipment
and instruments workshops (practice) and include these in educational establishments that have it.
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT APPENDIX C

3.2 How do we account for informal enterprises? How can we make development
policies that are inclusive of these?
The informal economy, broadly speaking, is the set of economic activities, enterprises, jobs and workers
that are neither regulated nor protected by the state. As an unregulated industry, it generates no tax
income for the government and is generally not included in the computations for gross domestic
product (GDP). Those within the informal economy also lack access to government budgets for
economic and social development.

The topic of informal economies has been one of the most important challenges in economic and urban
development policies in emerging economies.
41
It is positioned as an economically active population
that results in diminishing tax contributions, which in turn limits government budgets for the
development of the economy and the country.
Nearly 60% of workers in Mexico are employed in some sort of informal enterprise,42
where workers are
considered as independent, and they work for their own company, or that of a relative. These
businesses are generally dedicated to the production of goods and services. They, for the most part,
obey labor laws, but have no official regulation. By 2012, statistics on informal economies in Mexico
showed that 25.0% of GDP is informal.43
Even though this type of activity is developed in urban settings,
and sometimes it is even fixed within some localities, it can be found in public transportation, roads,
parks and plazas. The establishments are rudimentary, and is usually opened after the laborer has
finished his formal day job.
Chihuahua’s population is 3,406,465, from which 39.10% lives in Juarez,44
representing a third of the
state population. Since the city’s economy is heavily based on the manufacturing industry, it severely
suffered through the global economic crisis. After more than 80,000 employees were lost due to the
2008 crisis,45
Mexico, especially border cities, were hit by waves of violence without precedent. This was
in part due to those ex-employees recurring to self-employment. In face to this crisis, the question of
“what should be done with those employees who lost their jobs?” should be asked. In diversified
economic structures, there is lateral movement (between similar economic branches and competencies,
trying to maintain the same level of income) whenever one industry is damaged.
46
Informal employment is thus incremented, particularly in commercial activities and services that require
minimum knowledge and skills, such as home jobs (catalog sales, unregulated groceries stores, beauty
41
[1] Mtro. Miguel Ángel Calderón Rodríguez, Mtro. Javier Sánchez Carlos, Dr. Sadri Slim Cohen. (7 de Abril del
2012). Efectos del Sector Informal Sobre la Competividad del Sector Comercial en Ciudad Juárez. 22 de Enero del
2015, de Universidad Autónoma de Ciudad Juárez. Instituto de Ciencias Sociales y Administración Sitio web:
http://www.uacj.mx/DGDCDC/SP/Documents/avances/Documents/2001/Avances%2030.%20Calderon,%20Sanchez,
%20Slim.pdf
42
Organizacion Internacional del Trabajo. (2014). El Empleo Informal en México Situacion Actual, Politicas y
Desafios. 29 Enero del 2015, de FORLAC Sitio web: Mtro. Miguel Ángel Calderón Rodríguez, Mtro. Javier Sánchez
Carlos, Dr. Sadri Slim Cohen. (7 de Abril del 2012). Efectos del Sector Informal Sobre la Competividad del Sector
Comercial en Ciudad Juárez. 22 de Enero del 2015, de Universidad Autónoma de Ciudad Juárez. Instituto de
Ciencias Sociales y Administración Sitio web:
http://www.uacj.mx/DGDCDC/SP/Documents/avances/Documents/2001/Avances%2030.%20Calderon,%20Sanchez,
%20Slim.pdf
43
(2014, 07). MEDICION DE LA ECONOMIA INFORMAL 2003-2012. INEGI. Recuperado 02, 2015, de
http://www.inegi.org.mx/inegi/contenidos/espanol/prensa/Boletines/Boletin/Comunicados/Especiales/2014/julio/comu
nica4.pdf
44
(2013, 01). DIAGNÓSTICO DEL CONTEXTO SOCIO-DEMOGRÁFICO EN EL ÁREA DE INFLUENCIA DEL CIJ
CIUDAD JUÁREZ NORTE. CIJ. Recuperado 02, 2015, de http://www.cij.gob.mx/ebco2013/pdf/9950SD.pdf
45
Luis Carlos Cano. (09 junio 2014). Por inseguridad, aumenta abandono de vivienda en Chihuahua. El Financiero
(El Financiero, 2014)http://www.elfinanciero.com.mx/sociedad/por-inseguridad-aumenta-abandono-de-vivienda-en-
chihuahua.html
46
SEGOB. (2009). DIAGNÓSTICO SOBRE LA REALIDAD SOCIAL, ECONÓMICA Y CULTURAL DE LOS
ENTORNOS LOCALES PARA EL DISEÑO DE INTERVENCIONES EN MATERIA DE PREVENCIÓN Y
ERRADICACIÓN DE LA VIOLENCIA EN LA REGIÓN NORTE: EL CASO DE CIUDAD JUÁREZ, CHIHUAHUA. 2 de
Febrero 2015, de Gobierno Federal Sitio web: http://cedoc.inmujeres.gob.mx/lgamvlv/conavim/cdjuarez.pdf

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