Juarez Deliverable 2 - Final Research

Global Urban Development Program: Juarez
Final Research
March 27, 2015

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1 Executive Summary
1.1 Global Urban Development Program: Juarez Project
The Global Urban Development Program brings together students from different universities around
the world to do data-driven research and holistic design to address urban development challenges.
This round, students from Stanford University in California, Ljubljana University in Slovenia and
Universidad Autónoma De Ciudad Juarez in Mexico have partnered to address urban challenges in
Juarez: endemic crime and violence, flooding and heat waves, unemployment, and social inequity.
Our goal in the research phase is to understand the context and details of these specific challenges
facing Juarez from an interdisciplinary level before we begin designing solutions in the next phase.
1.2 Overview of Ciudad Juarez
Cuidad Juarez is located in North of Mexico in Chihuahua, on the border of the United States of
America near El Paso, Texas (see figure)
Figure 1: Location of Juarez in state of Chihuahua, Mexico.
Size: 72.6 square miles (188 km²) Population: 1,321,004
Ciudad Juarez political history can be summarized as having a long lasting relationship with PRI.
This relationship was affected by a sentiment of discomfort amongst local and regional
businessmen of all sizes who started to grow and gain power by the late 1980s. As a result, PAN
gained the support required to contend PRI for the coming decades. From the civic side, it could
be said that Juarez has had, in the last decades, a very unparticipative population. Compared to
national and state standards, the percentage of people who are qualified to vote and actually do so
is very low. As a result, while there is an antagonism towards the government, not much is done to
affect the outcomes. There is, however, a strong ongoing relationship between major
landowners/businessmen and the government, which has set to define the urban development
patterns of the city. In other words, the lack of civic participation, combined with the lobbying of
powerful businessmen, has resulted in an unplanned development that has been defined not by
systematic and logical planning, but by fulfillment of business, personal, and political interests of
local oligarchies throughout the city‘s history. This in turn is tied to the violence problems,
because although it is true that Juarez is one of the most desired strategic locations for drug cartel
operations (i.e. since it serves as the distribution channel to the world‘s largest drugs market, the
U.S.), it is also true that organized crime in the city has emerged as a result of: (1) a corrupted
social fabric, (2) a weak and unsustainable economic growth, (3) urban sprawl with deficient

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transportation infrastructure and overwhelming amount of empty lots, and (4) many other factors.
From these, 1 and 2 above are very tightly related to the presence of a Maquiladora industry in
Juarez. While it was presumed that basing the local economy in a manufacturing industry would
boost the economic growth of the city (and by numbers it did) in the long term it caused a
devastating effect to the economic base of the city, which in turn has demoralized the community.
1.3 Research Methodology
In order to best approach our study of the city, and with the help of our advisors, we decided upon
four key areas in which to focus our research: Urban Planning, Environment, Economy, and
Quality of Life. After initial research and further consultation with our faculty advisors, each team
in turn focused their research around three questions that they found central to providing a relevant
diagnosis of the city‘s issues. In our second phase of research, we identified a set of key metrics
from the investigative scope of each team that we thought could serve as indicators of the city‘s
success in coming years. We then overlaid the geospatial data for each of these metrics, targeted 4
key problem areas, and then charted the current status of each metric by area. Finally,
simultaneous to the investigating of metrics, we also selected a group of case studies, with similar
base conditions to Juárez that we found could be used as examples of policy and urban
development in Juarez‘s future.
1.4 Research Groups Division and Focus
1.4.1 Urban Planning Team
The Urban Planning Team focused on four key topics: the urban layout and development of
Juarez, transportation, urban policy, and public space. For the first topic, we contextualize the
urban issues by providing a brief history, and then hone into the key issue of the city‘s chaotic
growth and the political and planning issues behind it. In terms of transportation, we studied data
on commute times, distances and modes and asked whether the new municipal plan details any
solutions to the issues with these. For urban policy, we focused on understanding the role of the
IMIP and exploring the possibilities of public-private partnerships in urban solutions. Finally, our
study of public space analyzes the quality and accessibility of such spaces within the city, and
looks to see if the municipal plan focuses on improving these.
1.4.2 Environmental Risk Team
The focus is on investigating some of the main environmental issues in terms of causes, impacts,
policies and statistics. This investigation will help determine one or more environmental risks to
focus on for the second phase of the project. The environmental risks that were selected for this
investigation are industrial pollution, transportation pollution, air pollution, flood, and water
supply.
1.4.3 Economic Development Team
The Economic Development Team focused on three key points: the local industry, the informal
sector, unemployment. For the industry, we are working on answering the question of ―what
industries and companies should be generated or supported further to achieve a more diverse
development?‖ For informal sector, we are addressing the issue of how to account for those
enterprises, and how to create policies that are inclusive of them. For unemployment, we are
focusing on the creation of sustainable jobs that. Overall, these three are interconnected by an

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underlying mission: the creation of a more robust and less risky economic base that supports
investment to a more diverse mix of industries, facilitates access to credit, incorporates the
informal sector, and can be sustained over a long term.
1.4.4 Quality of Life Team
The Quality of Life Team explored the various aspects of the culture, economy, and environment
in Ciudad Juarez that contribute to the Quality of Life of locals. This involved a comprehensive
understanding of the security, economy, community, education, and health issues within the city.
As part of this evaluation we were able to find data showing that the Quality of Life within Ciudad
Juarez has much to be improved upon. Current circumstances prevent this from happening and
within the Quality of Life section, the team has outlined strategies that have integrated solutions
from across sectors for targeted areas within Ciudad Juarez and respective demographics.
1.4.5 Geospatial Analysis
In the previous sections four research areas are analyzed thoroughly to understand factors that
shape the city (urban planning, environmental risks, economic development, and quality of life).
Moving forward, these research areas are broken down to key indicators that evaluate quantitative
performance in the areas of housing, economy, environmental risks, security, education, health
and social welfare. These indicators are mapped using a geospatial methodology for identifying
critical areas to intervene. Through a geospatial analysis we can identify such critical areas as the
overlapping of multiple unhealthy indicators. Thus we can pinpoint the best areas to focus
intervention efforts, as well as understand the opportunities for nuclear development in the center
of the city and interconnected neighborhood centers.
Figure 2: Critical Areas, Index Compilation

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1.5 Case Studies
There are eleven case studies that can be found in section 7 of this report. The case studies main
goal is to help in gaining a better understanding of how to approach some of the issues that the
City of Juarez is going through according to the four research divisions. Therefore, the focus was
on comparison between Juarez and the city of the case study, issue and goal, approach and results,
and finally a conclusion of how the case studies could be related to Juarez.
Table 1: Summary of case studies
Case Study No. City Subject
1 El Paso, USA Economic Stability
2 London, UK Environmental Risk of Flooding
3 Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania Environmental Risk and the Urban Poor
4 Mexico City, Mexico Environmental Risk of Air Pollution
5 Tijuana, Mexico Environmental Risk of Flooding
6 Water Supply
7 Palermo, Italy Organized Crime
8 Sao Paulo, Brazil Urban Slum Communities
9 Cape Town, South Africa Violence Prevention
10 Medellin, Colombia Social Urbanism
1.6 Target Metrics and Goals
As a culmination of the topical research, geospatial analysis, and case studies, the team presents a
vision of Juarez in 2020 in which all indicators of sustainable urbanism are considered in a holistic
and unified city model.
The primary obstacles to quality of life in Juarez, as determined through the research phase, are
poor urban and economic development. Due to a lack of checks and balances or transparency
within the municipal and state government for urban planning and administration within Juarez,
the city limits have been allowed to expand for individual interests at severe cost to the city‘s
infrastructural capacity and citizens‘ livelihood. As development spreads, the following services
also become spread too thin: infrastructure maintenance, utilities, sanitation, police, inspection,
public transportation, etc. We also see crime and violence increase in areas with dilapidated or
abandoned buildings and little to nor surveillance. With distance and inadequate public
transportation also comes overdependence on automobiles, creating longstanding impacts on
health and environmental pollution.
Juarez‘s location on the northernmost border of Chihuahua, let alone Mexico, means that
economic investment from the state government is considerably less than to cities closer to centers
of national activity. Yet its place as a border city renders it vulnerable to significant fluctuations in
economic development from the U.S. side. With the rise of the maquiladora industry in the 70s,
this seemed to provide a positive boost to Juarez‘s economy. Nearly fifty years after, however, this
industry has embedded an unsustainable demand for low-wage employment within the economy
that intensifies the degradation of quality of life we already witness from poor urban planning.

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It is clear that sweeping changes in policy, planning, and governance at the macro level are needed
to stave these obstacles to quality of life. We need densification of the urban center, elimination of
wasteful growth, safe and accessible public space, and economic diversification among other
changes. However, these changes cannot occur without the will, representation, and engagement
of citizens. If we believe this to be true, then the most important first step in urban change is civic
education where it is lacking. And without a central voice for civic education, it can only be
achieved through small, incremental, and personal experiences of opportunity and awareness. Our
approach emphasizes the importance of and opportunity for micro changes to lead and accelerate
political, economic, and social change and depends on a results-based accountability in our
diagnoses and planning decisions. With concrete metrics and goals throughout all sectors of the
urban environment, we can focus our efforts on interventions in critical areas with critical impact
on multiple aspects of quality of life and measure the effects of these interventions over time. Only
through such a data-driven model of urban intervention and dialogue can we move towards a
transparent, open, and accountable city planning and administration and a higher quality of life for
all Juarez citizens.
The following table presents about fifty metrics chosen by the team to represent a holistic model
of Juarez. The current data city-wide provides us with a quantitative diagnosis of how the city is
performing across various sectors including the natural and built environment, political, economic
and social structures, and citizen quality of life. Many of the metrics were mapped as part of the
geospatial analysis which allowed the team to identify four critical areas (A-D), each which has its
own recorded data for the metric.
In a subsequent deliverable, the team will create projections for 2020 in each of the metrics so as
to create a measurable and accountable set of target goals. From this we open up the possibility of
a portfolio of design and policy interventions which can incrementally work towards each target in
a disciplined and synergistic way. It also creates a forum for focused criticism and debate of
specific targets and priorities. This table is very much a work in progress but provides the
dashboard for the team to move into the design phase of the project.
Table 2: Target metrics and goals
Specific Metric Current
Total A B C D
Human Development Index (HDI) 0.696214 -
0.917404
-- -- -- --
Gini Index 0.43 - 0.5 -- -- -- --
Homicide [incidents/100,000
capita/year]
30 3.35 12.25 2.2 4.5
Insecurity [% citizens who think
primary problem is insecurity]
39.2% 38.3% 38.3% 39.0% 36.7%
Armed Robbery [incidents/100,000
capita/month]
4.54 -- -- -- --
Sexual Abuse [incidents/100,000
capita/year]
9.54 -- -- -- --
Trust in Law Enforcement [1
(worse)-5 (best) rating]
1.676 -- -- -- --

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Civic Engagement [% citizens who
are active members of a community
organization]
12.1% 11.5% 11.5% 11.5% 10.9%
Civic Education [% citizens that can
identify leaders in their community]
12.6% 11.8% 11.8% 11.8% 12.0%
Non-Governmental Activism [# of
NGOs]
282 20 21 13 24
Electoral Participation [% voter
turnout]
58.0% 56.8% 56.8% 56.8% 61.0%
Health Backwardness [%
population]
31.4% 22.2% 6.4% 6.4% 23.0%
Housing Backwardness by Quality
and Space [% population]
29.9% 14.4% 8.0% 14.7% 7.0%
Social Welfare [% with low and very
low social welfare]
24.1% 19.0% 19.9% 17.4% 7.9%
Educational Backwardness [%
population]
26.3% 6.0% 22.4% 39.9% 5.3%
Educational Backwardness [%
population under 15 years]
16% 6.30% -- 2.40% 7.20%
Educational Backwardness
[%population under 30 years]
30% 14.20% -- 5.50% 13.70%
Unducated Population [% adult
men]
46.90% -- -- -- --
Uneducated Population [% adult
women]
39.90% -- -- -- --
Basket Price [MXN $/month] $564.40 -- -- -- --
Household Income [MXN $/month] $9,191.60 $2,455 -
$4,382
$3,222 -
$5,543
$3,222 -
$4,382
$4,383 -
$6,704
Percentage of total trade coming
from small and micro enterprises [%
enterprises]
13% 2% 3% 9% 2%
Agricultural production boost in
Juarez Valley
20% -- -- -- 8%
Minimum Wage [MXN $/hr/worker] $70.10 -- -- -- --
GDP per Capita [US $] (El Paso is
$33,800)
$8,600 -- -- -- --
Job Opportunity [# of jobs / # of
people over 12 yo (942,952)]
39.70% -- -- -- --
Percentage of Occupied Commercial
Space
19% 5.97% 8.91% 2.13% 2.00%
Cost of flood damages (businesses,
government, calculated over 20 years
MXN $)
$40,807,26
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-- -- -- --
Qualitative flood damages (effect on
health)
13% -- -- -- --

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Volume of water use
[liters/capita/day]
300 -- -- -- --
Capacity of treatment plants
[liter/sec]
500 -- -- -- --
Number of people with water access 97% -- -- -- --
Average water use / Water efficiency
(water use in cubic m per capita)
23 -- -- -- --
Access to Water 91% -- -- -- --
Access to Sanitation 92% -- -- -- --
Access to Electricity 92% -- -- -- --
Green space [m2/capita] 4.6 -- -- -- --
Unoccupied Homes 116000 -- -- -- --
1.7 Next Steps
This deliverable marks the midpoint milestone of the GUDP Juarez Project and the conclusion of
the research phase. Following feedback from city partner and mentors on this report, the students
will then form four new interdisciplinary teams to tackle the four critical areas as determined by
the geospatial analysis and propose unique and innovative design projects which seek to create the
highest impact towards the target goals and metrics they set. These projects can range from master
planning at an urban scale to specific architectural and engineering solutions in specific locations
to economic and social programs and policies.
1.8 Team Members
1.8.1 Students
Gabriela Alcocer, age 21, currently study in 8 semester of
Architecture at the Autonomous University of Ciudad Juarez.
León Felipe Durón Morales, age 21, currently studying 8 semester
studying architecture and working in the Office of Sustainable
Design Architecture Luis Sandoval . Interested also in research , I
participated in competitions CONACYT research and also , I have
worked with researchers UACJ teachers.

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Lilian Morenore, age 21, is a student at UACJ in eighth semester.
She currently works with the head officer of the Department of
Architecture at the Institute of Architecture Design And Art
(IADA). Currently she is part of the University council UACJ
representing the architecture students. In 2014 she worked in the
workshop Bioarquitectura UACJ. She is interested in the topic of
bioclimatic architecture.
Lizbeth J. Gaspar, age 22, fourth year undergraduate in architecture
in Universidad Autonoma de Ciudad Juárez. (UACJ)
Job Alejandro Garcia Acevedo, age 23, fourth year of architecture
student in Universidad Autonoma de Ciudad Juarez. Specializing in
map design and special facilities. Working in the UACJ
internationalization department.
Jennifer Jimenez Ortiz, 22 years old, is a student at UACJ in her
eighth semester. She currently works in the office of architecture of
IADA (1 1/2 year), conducted social service in the IMIP in 2013
(Instituto Municipal de Investigación y Planeación), and participated
as a college adviser in 2014, representing students of architecture.
Octavio Garcia Cardenas, age 32, Real estate agent of INFONAVIT
(Instituto dl Fondo Nacional de la Vivienda para los Trabajadores),
Currently student of architecture in Universidad Autónoma de
Ciudad Juárez

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Valeria Zorrilla. Age 28, graduated from Universidad Autonoma de
Ciudad Juarez in 2011 in Architecture. Currently studying the
Master in Planning and Urban Development
R. Nicté-Há Hernández. Age 28. graduated from Universidad
Autonoma de Ciudad Juárez in 2012 in Industrial Design. Currently
studying a Master Degree in Planning and Urban Development
Nicolle Richards, age 19, is a third year undergraduate in Public
Policy with a focus in social innovation. In 2013 she worked with a
nonprofit in San Lucas Sacatepequez, Guatemala to develop the
business model for a microbusiness program for survivors of sex
trafficking and sexual abuse and implemented the first three pilot
projects. She spent the fall interning at the U.S. Department of State
in the Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons in
Washington DC and has additionally worked with local nonprofits
in India, Romania and the Dominican Republic.
Phil Salazar, age 20, is a junior in the Product Design program at
Stanford University. In 2014, he contributed to the development and
implementation of a community-level water chlorination system for
low-income communities in Dhaka, Bangladesh. He will be
returning to Dhaka in 2015 for a project on urban sanitation.
Sebastian Mancera, age 22, senior in Architectural Design at
Stanford.

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Nour Abi Samra, age 22, graduated from Loyola Marymount
University in 2014 with a Bachelor's in Civil Engineering. She is
currently pursuing a Master's degree in Sustainable Design and
Construction at Stanford University. In 2012, she served as the
outreach coordinator for LMU's Malingunde project, whereby she
helped build a water conveyance and filtration system in Malawi
Daniel Bejarano, age 24. Grew up in Cd. Juarez. Graduated from
The University of Texas at Austin in 2013 with a Bachelor's in Civil
Engineering. He‘s currently a National Science Foundation
Graduate Fellow, pursuing a Master's degree in Sustainable Design
and Construction Management at Stanford. He has also done
research on innovative transportation alternatives
Kate Gasparro, age 23, graduated with a BS in Civil Engineering
from Clemson University. She has bridged the fields of civil
engineering and public policy with published work on the use of
public private partnerships to address failing transportation
infrastructure. Additionally, Kate spent the past three years fostering
a collaborative relationship with a rural community in Nicaragua to
address water sanitation issues. She is currently a National Science
Foundation Graduate Fellow, pursuing a Masters in Sustainable
Design and Construction at Stanford.
Mala Amer Alahmadi, age 27, graduated from the University of
Kansas in 2014 with a BS in Civil Engineering with Environmental
Emphasis. Currently pursuing a M.S. in Environmental Fluid
Mechanics and Hydrology. Done some volunteering work through
Engineers Without Borders (EWB), and was the primary designer
for the second phase of a water project for a community near La
Paz, Bolivia. In this second phase a pipeline system was to be built
to provide drinkable water for the community (it was completed and
fully constructed on August 2014).
Filip Ružić, 20 years old, second year of urbanism at Faculty of
Architecture, University of Ljubljana

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Oskar Cafuta, age 20, second year of urbanism at Faculty of
Kristijan Lavtižar, age 21, second year of Urbanism at Faculty of
Marjan Gracar, age 20, second year of Urbanism at Faculty of
Architecture, Universtity of Ljubljana
Adriana Badía, age 23, graduated with a Bachelor's Degree in
Environmental Design from the University of Puerto Rico, currently
pursuing a Master‘s Degree in Architecture
1.8.2 Organizers
Derek Ouyang, age 22, graduated from Stanford University in 2013
with dual Bachelor‘s in Civil Engineering and Architectural Design,
and will return in the fall for a Master‘s in Structural Engineering. He
participated in the AEC Global Teamwork Project in 2011 and co-
created the Global Urban Development Program in 2012. He was
project manager of Stanford‘s first-ever entry to the U.S. DOE‘s 2013
Solar Decathlon and has been featured as an up-and-coming architect
in the Los Angeles Times, in Home Energy magazine‘s ―30 under
30‖, and at TEDxStanford.

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Sinan Mihelčič, age 31, graduated from Ljubljana University in
Architectural Design. He participated in the AEC Global Teamwork
Project in 2011 and co-created the Global Urban Development
Program in 2012, both exploring digital collaboration tools in urban
planning and architectural design. He established Skupina Štajn in
2008, an emerging young architectural studio in Kamnik, Slovenia.
He is a technical assistant in architectural and urban planning studios
at the Faculty of Architecture in Ljubljana, as well as a mentor to the
AEC class at Stanford.
Klemen Kušar, age 28, graduated from Ljubljana University in 2012
in Architectural design and in 2013 in Economics. In 2010 he was
exchange student at Aalborg University and attended a summer
workshop for the renewal of favela Dona Marta in Rio de Janeiro. He
participated in the Global Urban Development Program in 2012. In
2008 and 2010 he was awarded 1st and 2nd place in the Isover Multi-
Comfort House Design, and in 2012 was awarded the University of
Ljubljana Prešeren Prize for his master‘s thesis about public
participation in the process of gentrification of urban sprawl. He is
author of several articles regarding this matter.
1.8.3 Faculty Advisors
John Barton is the Director of the Architectural Design Program at
Stanford University.
Glenn Katz is an instructor in the Civil & Environmental Engineering
Department at Stanford University.

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Andreja Cirman, PhD, is Associate Professor at the Department of
Money and Finance at the University of Ljubljana, Faculty of
Economics (FELU) in Slovenia. For six years she had served as
associate dean for academic affairs at FELU and since 2011 she
serves as FELU MBA program director. Her main fields of expertise
in research and teaching are housing, real estate and public finance.
1.8.4 Mentors
Mikko Tuovinen, age 28, graduated from the UEF with M.Sc
(―Master of EU law‖) degree. He is passionate about EU, energy,
climate and competition policies, and he is a substitute Member of
the Municipal Council of Liperi (Finland) and a substitute Member
of the Technical Committee of Liperi. Mikko has held also other
positions of trust and chaired many associations, primarily in
Finland, and currently he is doing an internship at the Court of
Justice of the European Union. His role in GUDP is to help with
anything related to public relations (e.g. communication between
GUDP, the public and the decision makers).
Rob Best, age 26, is a Ph.D candidate in Sustainable Design and
Construction program of the Civil and Environmental Engineering
department at Stanford University. His research focuses on network
planning, integration, and optimization of urban infrastructure
systems. He has a B.S. in Engineering from Harvey Mudd College
and an M.S. in Civil and Environmental Engineering from Stanford.
Rob is also the Projects and Education Director for Engineers for a
Sustainable World, a U.S. based non-profit that advances project-
based learning and knowledge-sharing on sustainability and
engineering nationwide. In 2010-2011, as a Thomas J. Watson
Fellow, Rob researched the socioeconomic and political conditions
that foster eco-city development worldwide. He also has experience
as a consultant modeling the energy consumption of buildings and
urban developments and evaluating the long-term impacts of
pollution and hazardous industries.
Dimitris Farmakis, age 29, graduated from Stanford University in
2012 with an M.S. degree in Civil & Environmental Engineering
(previous degrees in Business and Operations Research). He
participated with the Stanford team and took the 1st place in the 24th
Annual ASC Construction Management competition. At Stanford he
was the head Teaching Assistant (TA) for the Building Information
Modeling (BIM) courses and also he founded the ―Sustainable
Development Studio‖ class. Passionate about BIM and green

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architecture, after Stanford he founded his startup in Greece offering
BIM consulting services and participated as a speaker in Design,
Green Building and TEDx conferences in Greece. He occasionally
teaches remotely at Stanford‘s BIM courses as a guest instructor,
and works in parallel with a Silicon Valley startup on developing the
world‘s first BIM based automated construction scheduler.
Rebecca Díaz-Atienza, age 27, graduated from the University of
Puerto Rico with a Master‘s in Architecture in 2011 and a
Bachelor‘s in Environmental Design in 2009. With a strong interest
in rehabilitation and preservation projects, she obtained a Certificate
on Preservation Studies in 2011 from the UPR and a Certificate for
Patrimonial Studies in 2010 from the city of Bastia, Corsica. Later,
she participated in the AEC Global Teamwork Project with Stanford
University in 2011. Rebecca has been working since 2011 in the
design and construction industry in Puerto Rico through Oficios
MA, a design-build firm where as a junior architect she has worked
on all stages from schematic design to construction administration.
Additionally, Rebecca has worked as a collaborator for i am satos™
Journal, an effort to create a global platform for local empowerment
and as a design collaborator for Cloud Arch Studio. Rebecca is also
the owner and founder of ‗ñam-ñam‘.
1.8.5 Partners
Miguelangel earned his Bachelor‘s degree of Business
Entrepreneurship at St. Edward's University in Austin, Texas. He is
cofounder of the consulting firm Humanizarte as well as the political
activism organization Nosotros los Ciudadanos. Additionally,
Miguelangel works for several non-profits in Ciudad Juarez, most
dealing with programs geared towards improving the economic
competitiveness of the city as well as the improvement of the life
quality of its inhabitants.
Graciela Aguirre was born in City Juarez and graduated from UACJ
as an Attorney at Law with strong social activism and project
management. Her core strengths are contract evaluation, legal
consulting, organizational structure design, and civil court litigation.
She holds a certificate in citizen involvement and social cohesion.

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Salvador Barragan is a specialist in urban design, planning and
urban development. Currently he is working with the Municipal
Institute of Research and Planning in Ciudad Juarez, with
responsibility for the development of several sustainable urban
development plans for the municipality of Juárez, including the
Downtown Master Plan of Ciudad Juarez and their first set of
projects besides various activities of municipal and regional
planning.
Alejandra Corona is the Urban Strategies Chief at Desarrollo
Urbano. The department is in charge of reviewing the Plans and
Strategies for the mobility of the city. It is the connection between
the Direction of Transit, IMIP and the State Public Transport. Its
purpose is to configure a more efficient public transport system, to
endow the city with a total access infrastructure and to avoid the
invasion of the roads section. The base projects are the Ciclovia
Recreativa Juarez, The Mobility Security Committee, review for the
Plan for Cycling Routes for the City of Juarez and Connections with
the BRT, review for the Plan for Heavy Transport Routes, between
others.
Nathali Torres is the Architectural Projects Chief at Desarrollo
Urbano. The department is in charge of reviewing the architectural
projects for the city and coordinating the projects for public
buildings. It‘s in charge of the demolition for abandoned properties
and it is insures to improve the urban image of the city. It helps
develop urban image strategies. Between their most significant
projects are the public parks and recreational spaces.

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2 Urban Planning
2.1 Urban Expansion vs. Densification
2.1.1 Overview and Background Research
Our investigation of the urban planning history and policy of Juárez is a necessary step in
contextualizing any findings put forward by our project. We first look into the history of
development plans in the city, and the changes made over the past decades. We then outline the
key factors and players in the urban development process in Juárez, and finally analyze the role of
the IMIP and the benefits it has created and setbacks it has faced. We have made sure to base any
subsequent analysis on issues identified in primary documents such as the latest Municipal Plan
and the organizational documents of the IMIP.
2.1.2 Key Findings
When planning was institutionalized at the federal level in 1965, municipalities were forced to
formalize their initiatives for territorial planning. In Juárez, the Secretaria de Asentamientos
Humanos y Obras Publicas (SAHOP), in conjunction with the state government and city hall,
published the Plan Director de Desarrollo Urbano de Ciudad Juárez in 1979. The main objectives
of the Plan were to put an end to illegal urban growth, optimize land use, and focus on
accommodating one million inhabitants.1
In 1983, article 115 of the constitution was reformed to give municipalities the responsibility of
providing basic services to the population and giving them control over land appropriation. At this
point, the federal government would no longer intervene in planning processes and the local
administration would become a key element in the planning of Juárez. This new localized power
attracted new contenders to elected titles at the municipal level, given that power over local policy
meant the possibility to impose private interests in urban growth.2
A key example of such a change
was in 1989, during the administration of Jaime Bermúdez Cuarón, when an updated municipal
plan was introduced to offer maquiladoras ideal conditions for their development.
In 2003, with the help of the 8-year-old IMIP, the PAN member Jesús Alfredo Delgado Muñoz
introduced a new plan that divided the city into six zones and subsequent subzones. This plan
utilized several of the new IMIP participative planning techniques. Finally, the latest plan update
was the Plan de Desarrollo Urbano de 2010, introduced during the Ferriz administration that had
claims to have as main objectives the establishment of foundations for the improvement of the
quality of life of the city‘s inhabitants, the rational growth of the city, the maintenance of existing
infrastructure, and the preservation of the environment.3
Now, one of the key issues in Juárez is the determination of the future of the city‘s growth, namely
whether it will expand outwards or densify into the existing space. Before analyzing the issue, we
need to illustrate the land ownership and development context in Juárez. Secondly, because this
debate is highly politicized, an outline of PRI vs. PAN interactions at the municipal political level
is necessary for context.
1
Garcia, 2011
2
García 2011, Santiago 2013
3
IMIP, 2011

18
Unlike in the United States, in Mexico there are few loans and financial services focused directly
to the real estate market.4
As such, the land and real estate market is mostly dominated by
individuals or investor groups whose main economic interests lie elsewhere and who have enough
capital to fully back real estate investments. One of the main attractors of capital into the real
estate market has been the parks of maquiladoras, which occupy large tracts of land and are
generally developed on the edge of the city (and often times later engulfed). This undeveloped
land at the city‘s edge is most appealing for these investors who are not specialized in real estate
because, even if the city does not extend into the direction of their lots, this land will generally
retain its value.
In order to sway these planning decisions, investor groups must sway the political party in turn.
From 1979 to 1999, the local governments both PRI and PAN have changed the urban plan for the
city four times, each ―changing the geographic direction of urban expansion towards areas of
recent land purchases by partisan groups in Ciudad Juárez.‖5
In other words, political pressure
almost exclusively pushes for a constant expansion of the city. This governmental backing of
expansion, in contrast with well administered cities around the world, does not protect investment
and private property in the city center. As recently built real estate increases, prices of established
real estate location lowers, and this creates uncertainty in the real estate market that does not affect
the small but power groups of investors in outskirt land (78,777 acres of Juárez region land is
owned by four families)6
, but the non-speculative owners of parcels already developed.7
One attempt to mitigate the political volatility of urban planning in Juárez was the creation of the
IMIP in 1995. As described in its own organization manual, it is a public institution with
autonomy in the decisions it makes and consultant to the government in terms of planning.8
It also
conducts studies and compiles geophysical information available to the public. The key aspect to
note from their missions statement, though, is that a clear point is made that its proposals are non-
binding to the municipal government, and that all of its proposals must receive final approval from
the municipal government.9
Llera notes that this is one of the central differences between the
planning process in Juárez versus El Paso. In El Paso, any urban proposal put forward by the
mayor must be approved by a series of technical and citizen boards, whereas in Juárez the mayor
has full prerogative.10
In other words, the IMIP can be considered a technical board and policy
institute with no way to procedurally ensure that its proposals are given due consideration and no
vote in making the final decision.
This clear handicap has led to several criticisms of the IMIPs that have sprouted all around
municipalities in Mexico. Sergio Peña, in his paper Recent Trends and Practice in Spatial
Planning in Mexico, notes that most plans put forward by the IMIPs around Mexico are rarely
taken into consideration, but believes that the technical data they produce is valuable in producing
4
Llera, Who Governs, 104
5
Ibid, 106
6
Llera, Who governs, 113
7
Llera, Mercado inmobiliario, 92
8
IMIP, 28
9
Ibid.
10
Llera, Who governs, 110

19
a ―planning doctrine‖ for the municipality.11
He claims that the reasons IMIPs have become
attractive to municipalities is that the target three issues that these governments consistently face:
1) the acquisition of knowledge and expertise through technical-administrative
innovations to deliver services in a more efficient and effective way
2) the challenge of making urban centers more competitive to be able to ―hinge‖ the
global economy
3) the search for new planning paradigms that will replace the traditional patronage-
cronyism regime 12
This unfeasibly large scope of issues is a burden on the actual usefulness of the IMIP, and Peña
claims that it should focus on its role as a technical agency that provides information useful to the
creation of a clearer framework for urban planning for the city.13
This idea of having a clear urban
planning framework is specifically addressed by Llera in his analysis of the real estate market and
urban administration in Juárez. He highlights the fact that Mexican urban planning practices
generally focus on architectural and urbanistic perspectives, and often lack a financial and
administrative perspective. The State Law on Urban Development itself refers twice to the idea of
―urban administration,‖ but never defines the concept, which he claims suggests a governmental
ignorance of what ―urban administration‖ is, beyond the architectural and urbanistic.14
Furthermore, he not only recommends the clarification of the term ―urban administration,‖ but
also emphasizes that continued overlooking of the financial and administrative sides of urban
planning by permitting further expansion will continue to hinder the governmental responsibility
of protecting the value of citizen-owned private property in the center of the city.15
2.1.3 Conclusions
As we have seen, the urban expansion of Juárez is largely a political issue where large private
stakeholders and their influence on local politics have no counterweight in the form of technical
and citizen boards. The concentrated land ownership of the outskirts of Juárez implies a small
number of wealthy investors who can easily coordinate political influence, whereas the denser and
smaller property and ownership in urbanized areas implies a large number of non-speculative
owners whose voice and interests are much more complicated to organize. Therefore, due to the
clearer possibility of large and quick gains, and the influence granted by concentrated wealth, the
speculative outskirt owners have a considerably larger voice in swaying political decisions. And
because urban policy in Juárez is ultimately a political decision, expansion is the most likely path
for the city to take.
The IMIP has the potential to even the balance if it can be turned into a voting body. At the
moment, it serves a series of functions that could potentially be divided. For example, its
administrative and archival functions of providing city plans receive no benefit from the autonomy
of the institution, so these could ostensibly be moved to the Municipality. With such a move, the
scope of its mission narrows down investigation and advisory functions. An interesting route to
11
Peña, 439
12
Peña, 425
13
Peña, 439
14
Llera, Mercado inmobiliario, 82
15
Ibid, 93

20
analyze would be if it would be feasible to add veto/voting power to its scope, thus giving the
results of its investigations and proposals true influence over the future of urban development in
Juárez.
2.2 Transportation
2.2.1 Overview and Background
In this section we describe the general situation of the urban transport, considering the traditional
public transport, the massive BRT system and the private transport. We also review the evolution
of public policies that lead to the situation in matter of public transport in Juarez.
2.2.2 Key Findings
Urban mobility and public transport have always been the discussion breakpoint to Juarez City
along time, there have always been private interests and therefore the urban transport has enriched
a few and the rest of the citizens have been relegated.
As a borderland, Juarez City presents a series of complex situations, where elements like Industry,
migration, cultural diversity, topography and weather, combine and as a result you get a dispersed
city in the need of transport and efficient mobility conditions in order to promote the urban
development.
Mobility is fundamental to the urban development, in Mexico, mobility and public transport didn‘t
have the relevancy until the past few decades. Public policies in matter of urban transport before
the 90‘s had given priority to private transport, only the biggest cities in the country as the capital,
D.F. Monterrey and Guadalajara, had their own institutions and specific actions in order to attend
the public massive transport.16
During the 90‘s decade there was an evolution of public policies, based on the search of solutions
through studies, capacitation on the subject and process of technology transfer. Alongside, the first
studies relative to planning of roads, urban transport and the restructure of the public transport. In
1993 the Law of road, bridges and federal transport (Ley de caminos, puentes y autotransporte
federal) was promulgated and also the first Institutes of Planning and Investigation were created
(Institutos municipales de Investigacion). In June 1999 the Article 115 of the constitution is
changed, giving faculties to the municipalities to intervene in the formulation and application of
public transport programs that is how many of the massive systems started their process on
different cities in Mexico. 17
Mobility and public transport are factors that directly intervene in the structure socio-spatial.
Public transport has been identified as a key factor in the urban processes, because promotes the
interchange and rises the habitability standards through market accessibility, employment, health
and education. 18
The approach to the traditional transport subject in Juarez must be seen from two
perspectives, the urban context and the particular management, mainly because the urban context
has delimited the way the routes circulate through the city, leaving some blank spaces; but also
because of the transport management, because there is no a certain instance or institution who
16
Palafox, 2006
17
Ibid
18
Lucas, 2011

21
regulates the public transport, in this matter intervene the public and private institutions and as a
result we get a diversified range of options.
It is important to understand the urban context of Juarez City, with a population of more than a
million approximately. The Industrialization and the process of the Maquiladora in the 60‘s, the
city grew very fast and was found in the need of mobility solutions. There was a deficit of
infrastructure, in the pavement roads, the vehicle fleet and the quality of the transport system in
general.
People need to move, in Juarez, as a borderland, the constant binational movement helped in this
matter, still nowadays it is relatively easier and cheaper to buy a car in El Paso, Texas and then
import it to Mexico, this has been a constant where numerous public programs have intervened to
regulate the cars. This situation helped to increased the number of private cars and therefore traffic
and contamination increased as well. The expansion on the city also reflects in this matter, because
people didn‘t see as a problem to get a house in the outskirts of the city, as long as they had their
own way of transport. If the public transport is deficient you‘ve got to find a way to move in the
city, so people turn their attention to other options.
The particular management of the public transport directly affect the way the public transport
develops, in this matter is important to talk about the ―Ruteras‖ (commonly known name for the
busses of the public transport in Juarez) which are considered deficient and unsafe, even though
they were the only way to move in the city apart from the private transport and the private
institutions who manage them. There are two different types of ―Ruteras‖ in Juarez, those of the
public transport and the ones of the Personnel transport, these are the ones who move the workers
from their homes to their works and vice versa on a daily basis. Their sole purpose is this, they are
not allowed to function as a traditional ―rutera‖ they are not allowed to charge and they only work
for the company who hire them, commonly the maquiladora.
On the contrary to the public transport, this way it‘s considered safer and cleaner, especially
because of the way it is managed, the drivers must follow certain rules and provide a good service,
if you see a bus doing something wrong you can call a phone number and report the number of the
unit. But most importantly there isn‘t a fight about getting passengers, because the drivers already
receive a salary, on the contrary to the public transport where drivers receive a salary accordingly
to the quantity of passengers they got in the daily route.19
The problem of the public transport in Juarez includes social, political and economic dimensions,
because there is a lack of coordination and demarcation of responsibilities between the
government, private institutions and the regulation of the public transport.
Traditional Transport
Current model of development in the city of Juarez rests mainly on car use, which is becoming a
big problem due to the process of territorial expansion that this city has had in the last 15 years.
Sociocultural model if citizens consists of possessing a car since possession of one or more
vehicles generates social and economic status. Also there is no efficient public transport system
that could bring an equivalent alternative to the private ways of traveling. Due to territorial
expansion of the city we acknowledge a formation of suburbs especially in the south and south-
east parts of the city, which increases levels of mobility.
19
Lara, 2005

22
There was a survey made by IMIP in 2006 that gave the following results:
- The average number of people per household is 3.19.
- The average number of cars per household in the region is 1.46.
- Over four million trips per day are made in the city
- By 1996, there was 25% of people using public transport, 51% private vehicle, and the
remaining 24% used non-motorized vehicle
- In 2001, only 21% of citizens used public transportation, 61% private car and the
remaining 18% used non-motorized vehicle to move
- In 2006, 50% used vehicle transport, 22% public transport and 28% non- motorized means
of transport
The survey also showed that less than 1% of the population uses bikes as their way of travelling.
On the other hand most walking trips are relatively short crossing of 0.01 to 1 kilometer trip.
Households without cars generate a trip and a half less per day than those with an automobile
which confirms our statement about people‘s dependence on private vehicle.
Pedestrians
They are most vulnerable of all those involved in the urban mobility, their place on the road
doesn't reach basic standards. Current road hierarchy does not include a separate place intended
just for pedestrians, where other means of transportation take second, which means we are facing a
lack of sidewalks and footpaths. And even sidewalks that are available for pedestrians to use face
a new problem. As part of the recent invasion in the city sidewalks are being used as an extension
to the owner‘s property for parking or other activities. The last challenge for pedestrian to face is a
lack of traffic lights for them, which can be seen only in the city centre and some parts of primary
roads. 20
Signs and traffic control
We separate between vertical (road signs, traffic lights...) and horizontal (signs drawn on the
paved streets) signaling
Basic principles for a functional road signaling are following:
 Visibility
 Readability
 Simplicity
 Homogeneity
In the city there is approximately 70% of the vertical signals which are in a good condition. Lack
of signaling occurs particularly on secondary roadways which generates confusion and uncertainty
for users of public roads, particularly those unfamiliar with the city or parts of the city they are
currently at. Horizontal signaling is in worse condition than vertical; 90% of the paint is in fair to
poor condition.
Pavement
Currently there are more than 5000km of the streets and avenues of which 37% of them are
unpaved, other 67% are in fair to poor condition. The lack of paving has among slower traffic an
20
http://www.imip.org.mx/pdu/PDUSEPT2010.pdf

23
impact on the air we breathe with PM10 particles. A significant number of colonies with unpaved
streets are in virtual isolation. Conditions are aggravated in the rainy season.
Parking
Deficiency of a definite and systematized program that analyses the supply and demands of
parking spaces leads to non-compliance with minimum requirements.
Road Hierarchy
A road hierarchy differentiates between roads by function. Transportation system must be
reimagined from an unscrupulous conventional auto-only perspective towards providing people
with many travel choices. This requires a change in priorities from moving as much traffic as
quickly as possible at the expense of other modes and adjacent land uses to provide choices,
balance, and connections between driving, transit, walking, and bicycling.
A rapidly-expanding freeway network supplements an even larger network of wide high-speed
four- and six-lane arterial streets. Arterial and even collector roads are designed almost exclusively
for driving, with minimal, unsafe, or non-existent walking, bicycling, or transit facilities. A less
rigid system should in theory enable faster and easier accommodation for non-motorized methods
of transportation.
Higher speeds encouraged by the street hierarchy increase the severity of accidents occurring
along arterial roads. Most walking trips in Juarez are relatively short from 0.01 to 1 kilometre per
trip but make for 28% of all trips made. To improve walkability is to hinder a free flowing system
to the extent to which places are compact, mixed-use, inviting, and safe for pedestrians, cyclists,
and transit users. Walkable communities are created by a number of factors, one being a fine-
grained network of connected streets, narrow streets; streets with managed speeds, broader safe
sidewalks and on-street parking. Vehicular speed also plays a critical role in the walkability of an
area due to its relationship with pedestrian fatalities. In a crash with a vehicle traveling greater
than 50km/h, a pedestrian‘s odds of dying are better than 50%, increasing to 85% for a vehicle
traveling 60km/h.21
Existing road structure divides into three subsystems
The first is aimed at regional mobility, and is intended as a peripheral urban scheme controlled
access highways and the city. Two high speed vials (central) and two side vials with »half« speed
(lateral). The second is aimed at the internal accessibility, and is offered as a network for public
transport backbone of high capacity, linear corridors for a human scale environment. The third
subsystem consists of the primary and secondary road network, in a multimodal hierarchically
connected powering of first two subsystems.22
21
http://planelpaso.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/ELP%204%20Transportation_for%20web.pdf
22
http://planelpaso.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/ELP%204%20Transportation_for%20web.pdf

24
Table 2: Road Structure23
Primary roads (arterial, for
joining significant centres and
providing inter-regional
traffic flow)
 Trunk road primary
 Conventional primary
 Complementary primary
Secondary roads (collector)  Two-way traffic, preferential for cyclist
Local roads (direct access for
residential blocks)
 Signal vial body with one lane in which direction
Collective transport network  Preliminary sizing of Service
 Equipment on trunk routes- elements that facilitate
access and connectivity with other means of
transportation (parking for cyclists and auto-users)
 Equipment on feeder routes
Red riders  The rider in Ciudad Juárez may use any lane road traffic,
with exception of the central body of the viaducts
(controlled access roads) and low mass lanes of transport
Special provisions for main
corridors
 Parking for cyclists and motorists along trunk corridors
Freight  Inner communication and communication across the
border with El Paso
23
Figure 1: Juarez UTM:

25
Appropriate mix of primary road corridors should contribute to a more effective and optimized
public transport. Ideally roads connect into roads at the same level in the road hierarchy which
promotes network efficiency by ensuring each road performs the function for which it is designed,
that intersections perform efficiently and that speeds are separated and managed to minimize
conflict.
Commute times, distances, and modes
Current state of the transport system provides us rather unreliable way of movement, which affects
heavily on commute times which are connected to other socioeconomic factors. The biggest
problem is irrational car use which is understandable due to the lack of alternative transport
system that would attract city travellers. 24
Due to the expansion of the city (growth of the population and territorial expansion) there are
more cars on the streets every day. The formation of new suburbs which is directly connected to
the physical expansion creates greater distances between home and work. Lack of different
transport modes means that citizens are basically forced to travel by car. Consequently number of
car users is increasing even faster.
There are a number of other factors which heavily affect commute. Poor street conditions slow
down the traffic and also damage the vehicles. Lack of signalling creates a confusing environment
and slows down the traffic flow in the busiest intersections and creates traffic jams in areas where
the traffic could exist without jams. 3
Traffic jams created by all of those factors previously mentioned create so called exterior expenses
which usually stay unpaved. It is difficult to define who is responsible for them. Usually the main
cause is the fact that the roads capacity is exceeded. So in a way it‘s the municipality the one who
should provide suitable road infrastructure, different modes of transportation and restrict usage.
The increased number of vehicles have a huge effect on the environment with air and noise
pollution. This affects living and working conditions in the build up areas of the city and indirectly
on property values.
BRT System “ViveBus”
The Bus Rapid Transit system (BRT) is relatively simple and originated as an alternative to the
railed systems, in Curitiba, Brazil in 1974, since then, Curitiba, has become an example for
transport planning about what it must and mustn‘t be done.
The basic performance is based on the combination of confined lanes exclusively used by the
buses alongside stations, that allows the quick and easy transportation of passengers. The systems
also incorporates signs and sometimes adequations need to be done, like ramps or overpasses. The
system adapt itself to the city, in size, form and sophistication, but in general terms, the cost of
construction and maintenance are advantageous, because it allows to have a massive transport
without the formality of a railed system, the keypoint is the flexibility, these systems can adapt to
the roads, streets and avenues easily while the railed systems are inflexible after being built.
Nevertheless, it must be considered as well, that the lane will take a space from private transit.
In Mexico, the first BRT systems were in Leon (2004), Distrito Federal (2005) and Guadalajara
(2009). In Juarez City, the process starts in 2001 with the administration of Jose Reyes Ferriz, the
24
Juarez UTM, E-104, October 2010

26
proposal is made although there was no support at that time, even though some stations were built
and buses bought, causing a large economic loss of money for the city.
Figure 2: Stations built in the first part of the process, these are located in the Zaragoza Blvd. they were in bad conditions and they
cost a large amount of money and never used for 10 years
With the political system in Mexico, and the change of
political parties the proposal stayed paused and until 2010
with the second administration of Hector Murguia, that is
completed and started operations the 30th of November in
2013
The first route is established in the streets Francisco Villa,
Eje Vial Juan Gabriel and Zaragoza boulevard. It starts in
the center of the city next to the city hall and ends in the
Tierra Nueva colony. It is named ViveBus and it has a
length of 20 km of confined lane and 5 km in the sense of
traditional transport. The route has 34 stations in the
confined lane, and 12 stops in the traditional way, and
crosses the city north-south and east west.
There is also a second route, but this one is not installed yet,
it is in the proposal stage. It will be in the 16 de Septiembre
and Paseo Triunfo de la República Avenues. The route also
starts in the center of the city and crosses the city west east.
The traffic impact study and the first analysis starts on
Magnesio St. and 16 de Septiembre and goes till Plan de
Ayala and Triunfo de la República Ave. The plan is to
extend the route in the Paseo Triunfo de la República Ave.
until you get to the airport at the south of the city.
Figure 3: Navigation map of the stations of the
BRT in Juarez

27
2.2.3 Conclusions
We found a lack of elements in the whole transport mobility system that need special attention for
the needs of the citizens, but we also understand that the city itself more than just a well-designed
plan. Here our specific conclusions:
Roads and connections
Appropriate mix of primary road corridors should contribute to a more effective and optimized
public transport. Ideally roads connect into roads at the same level in the road hierarchy which
promotes network efficiency by ensuring each road performs the function for which it is designed,
that intersections perform efficiently and that speeds are separated and managed to minimize
conflict.
What points of the new municipal plan target transportation issues?
Municipals plan includes following improvements:
Figure 4: General map where the first route (the one currently functioning) and the second route (the
proposed one) are shown

28
- Organized public transportation
- Re-building of the existing infrastructure, controlled expansion
- Improvement of road signals
- Greater roads with more lanes and separated areas for pedestrians, cyclists etc.
BRT system
Although the system itself has proven to be a very effective tool for the urban development, it has
an issue with crowding. It is also important to highlight the lack of the feeder routes, because with
more the system could increase its service and increase its impact. And although the system is
placed in an area of low income and high rates of insecurity, the system could help improve these
areas by extending the service radius with such feeder routes.
2.3 Public-Private Partnerships
2.3.1 Overview and Background
Mexico‘s National Infrastructure Fund, Fonadin (Fondo Nacional de Infraestructura) is Mexico‘s
main agency responsible for the development of the national infrastructure via Public Private
Partnerships (PPPs). It focuses on water and transportation infrastructure, mainly highways, public
transportation facilities, ports, and airports.
From the private sector‘s perspective, Mexico‘s large-scale economy and population size,
industrious and skillful workforce, close economic connection with the United States, and
abundance of natural resources has made it a prime market for private financiers to invest in. On
the governmental side, project financing through PPPs is an established and preferred tool for
infrastructure development in Mexico.
For that reason, we believe that it is important to study the viability and prospect of taking
advantage of Public Private Partnerships through Fonadin in Ciudad Juarez.
2.3.2 Key Findings
Juarez’s Candidacy: Prime Location for Private Investment
Thanks to the 1994 NAFTA agreement liberalizing trade between the United States and Mexico,
the bordering cities of Juarez and El Paso have merged to become a 2.7-million metropolitan area
with the largest bilingual and bi-national workforce. This has created a huge amount of potential
for developing the economies on both sides. However, the existence of the border has complicated
the maintenance of the public infrastructure between the two cities, splitting the responsibility
among the local and national authorities of the two countries. There is a plus side to the bi-national
nature of the area. Being a border city which serves both the Mexican and U.S. economies, Juarez
has the ability to attract investments from both nations.
Transportation: Focus Area for Public Private Partnerships
PROTRAM, Mexico‘s Federal Urban Mass Transportation program is Fonadin‘s channel for
financing PPP projects which develop the country‘s urban transportation. Cities that have taken
advantage to successfully develop their urban transportation infrastructure through this program
include Tijuana, Guadalajara, Mexico City, Chihuahua, Mexicali, Monterrey, Chimalhuacán and
Pantitlán.

29
The success of Public Private Partnerships in the implementation of transportation infrastructure
projects is directly tied to the fact that this sector interests and benefits both the public and private
sectors. This is the case all over the country, but is particularly true along the Mexico-United
States border. Specifically for the city of Juarez and its across-the-border neighbor El Paso,
congestion along the connecting bridge has brought problems and challenges for both, businesses
and governments.
According to the Texas Transportation Institute, private business, on both sides of the border, are
affected by congestion in the following ways:
 Higher risk of inventory and production failures
 Product degradation
 Greater job site expenses
 Lower levels of worker productivity
Traffic congestion at the border leads to public sector challenges as well due to:
 Lower air quality caused by increased vehicle emissions
 More frequent bridge maintenance caused by an accelerating degradation
 Congestion on regional roadways at peak crossing times
Topical Case Study: Project 21
Public Private Partnership efforts have already been attemped in the Juarez-El Paso region to
address congestion. In 2012, the City of El Paso and Secure Origins, Inc. came together to launch
a pilot program for the use of a technology-based tracking system, expediting border crossing for
commercial vehicles. The results determined that the average crossing time of the monitored
vehicles decreased from 76 to 22 minutes on average, and this benefited the private and public
sectors in alleviating the effects of congestion described above.
It is important to note that although the incentives for the City of El Paso and of Secure Origins,
Inc. are fundamentally different, collaboration between the public and private sector resources
through ―Project 21″ empowered them to develop creative and practical solutions for the problems
that each entity faces individually. Similarly, bringing private financing to the development of
Juarez may be a great way to vitalize its economy without compromising public funds. ―If
planned and executed well, the end result of a public private partnership project is the creation of
self-sustaining entity that performs its function and offers its services in a competitive
marketplace, thereby eradicating the need for the expenditure of taxpayer dollars.‖
Bridging Economies: Possibility of US-Mexican Cost-Sharing
El Paso and Juarez‘s economies are highly interdependent. Paul Stresow, El Paso‘s director of
international bridges claims that ―for every maquila in Juarez, one to four jobs are created in El
Paso.‖ For that reason, cost-sharing arrangements for infrastructure development near the border
have prospered.
The North American Development Bank (NADB) funds projects along the border to improve air
quality which is mainly affected by congestion. NADB lent Ciudad Juarez $30 million for its
ongoing urban mobility plan, and may contribute to future improvement of linkages to El Paso.
Being a borderline institution, NADB works with both the U.S. federal government, and the
Mexican government, which allows private concessionaires.

30
―El Paso is a suburb of Ciudad Juarez, but decisions are mostly made on the other [U.S.] side.‖
Infrastructure financing at the United States border was typically provided by the government.
However, ―a recent U.S. law allows for public-private partnerships and cost-sharing for staffing at
ports of entry because of fiscal constraints at the federal level‖. This has brought opportunity for
private investment from the U.S. side of the border as well, which is expected to grow in the
future.
2.3.3 Conclusions
As both cities of El Paso and Juarez embark on improving their transit network through BRT and
Plan de Movilidad Urbana, improving downtown linkages across the border through Public
Private Partnerships could be a great avenue to consider for the urban development of Juarez.

31
3 Environmental Risk
3.1 Abstract
Natural hazards in Ciudad Juárez comprise of biological and hidrometeorologicos incidents, while
anthropogenic risks include the architectural physicochemical and technological incidents,
organizational socio, economic and social studies and urban.
In this section three main environmental risks are addressed. These environmental risks are
industrial pollution, floods, and water supply. The significance of these risks, as well as some case
studies, data, policies, projects, and recommendations for each environmental risks are discussed
in the following sections.
These environmental risks has been presented more frequently in the last decade, so it is important
to analyze the response of the authorities, population, and the laws and regulations currently in
force in Ciudad Juárez, as it is very important for prevention, response and mitigation of
environmental risks in the city.
Civil protection is the agency warns about any contingency that may arise in our city, to avoid any
risk you need to have an awareness of prevention and be aware of any notice issued by the
authorities, namely to follow the recommendations made to us that are nothing more than to avoid
human losses due to natural phenomena. Similarly, it is also very important to know our
environment to identify high-risk areas in our city and avoid these areas and keep us safe and out
of danger.
Ciudad Juarez contamination is present at the level of industrialization. Meanwhile, it is difficult
to address the issue of pollution because the maquiladora industry in Ciudad Juarez is the main
source of employment.
Because of this, there have been various prevention strategies against pollution that the industry
generates. In prevention programs are involved various strategies of action to prevent, reduce and /
or eliminate pollution from generation sources. In turn, the reduction of pollution includes three
aspects; volume reduction, toxicity and / or both.
3.2 Industrial Pollution
Air pollution is a mixture of solid particles and gases in the air. Car emissions, chemicals from
factories, dust, pollen and mold spores may be suspended as particles. Ozone, a gas, is a major
part of air pollution in cities. When ozone forms air pollution, it's also called smog. Therefore, air
pollution imposes a huge risk in modern world.
Ciudad Juarez is city on USA and Mexico border with 1.5mil. inhabitants.The biggest problems in
Juarez are criminal,high rate od violence,corruption and pollution.
According to data from the Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean,
Spain and Portugal Ciudad Juárez currently facing the biggest problem of environmental pollution
in its history. It is not until a few months it takes importance in the wake of NAFTA, as has been
formalizing an agreement called the Program for Environmental Integration Border (PIAF), with

32
which it is intended to make the governments of Mexico and United States accountable for
environmental control in the border area.
3.2.1 Sources of Air Pollution
The main sources of air pollution in Juarez are traffic,brick kilns and iron foundries. Paso del
Norte region has experienced very rapid population and industrial growth. So, the cities are
struggling to deal with many social problems -- including very serious air pollution. Juarez
exceeds the U.S. National Ambient Air Quality Standards (U.S. NAAQS) for ozone, particulate
matter and carbon monoxide.
Maquiladoras have serious consequences for human health, including respiratory disease and
premature mortality, but they are not leading cause od air pollution Ciudad Juarez. Industry,
including the brick kilns, accounts for only 17% of total sulfur dioxide emissions, and less than
1% of total particulate emissions. Services account for 44% of the sulfur dioxide emissions, and
transport a further 38%. Most particulates came from unpaved roads (65% of the total) and from
wind-blown soil erosion (31%). Almost all the carbon monoxide (99%) and nitrogen oxide (92%)
added to the air came from transportation. The biggest industry air pollutant are brick kilns, which
is in Juarez about 350. I think the most important pollutant is PM10 (Particle pollution (also
known as "particulate matter") in the air includes a mixture of solids and liquid droplets. Some
particles are emitted directly; others are formed in the atmosphere when other pollutants react.
Particles come in a wide range of sizes. Those less than 10 micrometers in diameter (PM10) are so
small that they can get into the lungs, potentially causing serious health problems).The bulk of the
chemical plant`s PM10 emissions came from the use of flourspor, the principal material used in the
manufacture of hydroflouric acid. It is using for froduction of bricks. The principal source od PM10
from traditional brick making is combustion od fuels used ti fire the kiln. There are controlled and
uncontrolled emissions. For maquiladoras, the health damages from uncontrolled emissions are
considerably higher than for controlled emissions (17 times for iron,50 time for chemical plant).
Concentrations of all pollutants, except coarse PM, were higher in high traffic zones than in the
respective low traffic zones. Black carbon and NO(2) appear to be better traffic indicators than fine
PM.
Figure 5: A typical maquiladora

33
3.2.2 Data and Policies
Table 3: Annul health damages due to estimated PM10 emissions from iron foundry maquiladora (mean value of predicted number
of cases)
Table 4: Annual health damages estimate PM10 emissions from brick kilns (mean value of predicted number of cases)
For these reasons, USA and Mexico established Joint Advisory Committee (JAC) for the
improvement of air quality in the Ciudad Juarez.
According to the National Institute of Ecology (Mexico), will develop strategies for prevention,
mitigation and control of natural disasters in Cd. Juarez, Chih.
Likewise, there is Clean Industry Program. Voluntary initiatives of companies and producer
organizations to improve their environmental performance beyond the provisions of the
regulations, are a very efficient vehicle for environmental management. That's why the Federal
Attorney for Environmental Protection (Profepa) since 1992 has been promoting the
implementation of the National Environmental Audit Program. Through auditing processes and
production facilities are analyzed, compliance with environmental regulations, international
standards and best practices applicable operating and engineering are evaluated in order to define

34
preventive, corrective measures and, where applicable, response necessary to protect the
environment, referred to them within a plan of action.
Through the issuance of a Clean Industry Certificate, has been stimulated significant investments
in improving the environmental performance of private and public enterprises. Furthermore, in
order to ensure access to information in this area is made available to the public and the industry
itself, the basic diagnostic and preventive and corrective actions to be developed as a result of
environmental audits. In Ciudad Juarez, the October 20, 1997, 11 companies from a total of 12 in
the State, received certificate of clean industry. To date, two more companies already met with the
entire plan of action and are about to receive their certification.
The health effects of industrial pollution
To assess the relationship of ≤10 µm particles (PM10) and atmospheric ozone concentrations, with
the daily number of emergency visits due to asthma and acute respiratory diseases, among children
aged under 15, living in Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua, Mexico. Material and methods. Atmospheric
data were obtained from the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), from eight monitoring
stations located in Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua, and El Paso, Texas. From July 1997 to December
1998, data from emergency room visits for respiratory illness were abstracted from existing
medical records of two Mexican Institute of Social Security (IMSS) hospitals in Ciudad Juarez.
Diagnoses were classified into two groups: a) asthma, and b) upper respiratory infections (URI),
according to the International Classification of Diseases (ICD-9 and/or IDC-10). Statistical
analysis was carried out using the Poisson regression time series method. Results. During the
study period, the mean 24-hour PM10 level was 34.46 µg/m3 (SD=17.99) and the mean ozone
level was 51.60 ppb (SD=20.70). The model shows that an increase of 20 µg/m3 in the mean 24-
hour exposure to PM10 was related to an increase of 4.97% (95% CI 0.97-9.13) in emergency
visits for asthma, with a 5-day lag, as well as to an increase of 9% (95% CI 1.8-16.8) when a
cumulative 5-day exposure was considered. URI increased 2.95% as a cause of emergency room
visits, for each 20 µg/m3 increase in the mean 24-hour exposure to PM10. The impact of PM10 on
emergency visits for asthma was greater on days with ozone ambient levels exceeded 49 ppb
(median value). Conclusions. A positive association as found between environmental PM10 and
ozone concentrations and the daily number of emergency room visits due to asthma and acute
respiratory diseases, even with levels lower than the Mexican standard levels. Also, a synergic
effect between PM10 and O3 was found.
Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua, is one of the cities of the Mexican Republic as part of the border with
the United States of America (USA), which is known as Paso del Norte region. This area has
climatic and geographical conditions for which, if not taken timely control measures in the future
serious air pollution problems are generated. Ciudad Juarez has a semiarid climate and is
surrounded by major mountain chains that prevent the free flow of air. Like other communities of
the same border area, this city has experienced rapid population growth and a significant increase
in economic activity over recent decades; Besides this, we have developed a number of industrial
and commercial activities and services. These conditions have led to a degradation of air quality,
especially for the use of vehicles in poor condition, as well as the growth in vehicle, amounting to
366,739 vehicles, which are the main source of pollution in the city. According to reports from the

35
General Directorate of Finance of the Government of the State of Chihuahua, in 1997, 88% of
pollutants emitted into the atmosphere come from vehicles traveling in Ciudad Juárez.
In the autumn and winter, given the geographical conditions of the city, hot air forms a layer on
cold air masses loaded with contaminants, keeping them at the level of the surface of the earth and
preventing disperse, what causing an inversion phenomenon which also increases the problems of
pollution in the city.
Previous epidemiological studies made in Mexico and other countries have analyzed the effects of
air pollution, and have found associations between acute effects of respiratory disease in the
general population exposure to air pollutants. Some studies used indirect measures of effects, such
as truancy, or demand for hospital services or emergency. Additionally, environmental and
meteorological (wind speed and direction, relative humidity and temperature) conditions
considered as potential confounders in the analysis are measured.
Most of the studies on associations between exposure to air pollutants and the number of visits for
respiratory diseases have been made in places with high concentrations of pollution. In Mexico
City there have been some studies on the methodology of time series; However, weather
conditions are very different from Ciudad Juárez, since there have been contamination levels up to
378 mg / m3 of particles less than or equal to 10 microns in diameter (PM10) and 404 parts per
billion (ppb) ozone (03), over the standard which most of the year. However, the few studies that
have been conducted elsewhere in the world with low levels of contaminants found a positive
association.
The aim of this study was to analyze, using the methodology of time series, the daily variation of
emergency room visits for acute respiratory diseases (asthma and upper respiratory diseases) of
two hospitals in concentration of second level Mexican Social Security Institute (IMSS ),
compared to the daily variation in levels of air pollution in Ciudad Juárez, with the hypothesis that
there is a positive association between them.25
3.2.3 Discussion and Conclusion
Environmental pollution by toxic waste from Ciudad Juarez maquiladora industry is dangerously
high. A report by the US-based Coalition Projusticia in the Maquiladoras (made up of 50
environmental protection organizations, religious, community and labor), 85% of the levels of
pollution, where discharges of toxic chemicals are included in the sewer systems, waterways and
chemical waste in landfills that are recorded in the El Paso-Ciudad Juarez is generated by
transnational corporations.
25
Leticia Hernández-Cadena, M. en C.,(1) Martha Ma. Téllez-Rojo, Mat., M. en C.,(1) Luz Helena Sanín-Aguirre, M.
en C., Dr. en C.,(1,2) Marina Lacasaña-Navarro, M. en C., Dr. en C.,(1) Armando Campos, M. en C.,(3) Isabelle
Romieu, M.D., M.P.H., Sc.D.(3,4)
(1) Centro de Investigación en Salud Poblacional, Instituto Nacional de Salud Pública, Morelos, México. Becaria del
Centro de Control y Prevención de Enfermedades/Organización Panamericana de la Salud, Atlanta (GA), EUA.
(2) Facultad de Enfermería y Nutrición, Universidad Autónoma de Chihuahua, Chihuahua, México.
(3) Instituto Mexicano del Seguro Social, Chihuahua, México.
(4) Organización Panamericana de la Salud/Centro de Control y Prevención de Enfermedades, Atlanta (GA), EUA.
This article was taken from the official website of Public Health of Mexico.

36
However, although this is one of the main problems of environmental pollution, little is being
done to prevent further. Perhaps because their effects are not as visible as other sources of
pollution and lack of information, the public is not aware of the serious problem posed by toxic
waste.
This misinformation comes to such a degree that they know maquila workers who handle toxic
materials daily and, therefore, the effects thereof.
The issue of toxic waste in 1988 was already on the table for discussion between Mexico and the
United States, reaching an agreement that wastes proviniesen of transnational corporations would
be returned to their country of origin. However, most companies ignore such agreement, and in
practice there is no control.
According to René Franco, the most common toxic waste produced by the maquiladora industry
are: waste paints and varnishes, resins, epoxies, lubricants, latex, fiberglass, chrome and various
residual solvents. These make up 95% of the general waste.
SEDUE is the agency responsible for ensuring that the regulations on the handling of toxic waste
in Ciudad Juarez are met and who should control the handling given to toxic chemicals by the
industry.
Although this practice is quite relative, SEDUE closed since only 24 hours sweatshops that violate
regulations. This state agency is often very permissive and has gone so far as to freeze the review
and punishment of 25 companies, which November 1990 to April 1991, generated toxic waste
without respect the environmental provisions.
Previously, maquiladoras report yielded an estimate pollutant emissions to the environment, but
today is a mandatory provision. Where, in addition, specialized equipment and personnel must be
accurately measured emissions. However, only those that exceed 50% of the maximum allowable
emissions are forced to buy equipment for measurement and control.
It added that the Municipal Ecological Law and Border Environmental Plan set aside concerning
toxic and nuclear waste dumps. In addition, the Municipal Ecology Committee has made no
activity to improve the control of toxic waste from the maquiladora and know what the effects of
these on the environment and population are.
Another arrangement for controlling the management of industrial waste is called "Nature Trail".
With it is intended that the waste is transported by a route that passes near industrial parks to
prevent accidents and affect the population.
They have designed several programs against pollution, one of them is the support of the national
bank to 319 industrial enterprises for the purchase of equipment for measuring emissions to the
environment. With This program will benefit Chihuahua 11 companies, including Three of Ciudad
Juarez are counted. A company (Olimpia Industrial) and American consortium Ametech Inc.,
conducted a joint venture to export to US toxic waste generated by local maquiladoras. Around
20,000 annual waste drums (3 handle 200 tonnes) and to date no one knows exactly what
implications will bring the plant.

37
Facing the problems of habitat and environment, the first point that our country must be resolved
is that of democracy, as while the public has no real and permanent participation in the urban
planning, defining priorities to drive, legislation, and monitoring of effective measures for the
improvement and habitat conservation, the lines to follow remain encouraging industrial
development for the benefit of some minority groups National and foreign, to the detriment of
social development, and harmonious.
A more specific and stringent legislation regulating problems such as toxic wastes, besides its
effective implementation. In addition, the involvement of social organizations in struggles habitat
improvement, going beyond the scope of services and considering alternative proposals to reduce
the ecological risks, requiring the actual operation of agencies and units involved.
So, we concluded that the biggest polluters are traffic (also unpaved roads),maquiladoras and brick
kilns.
Decision that seem logical for maquiladoras and brick kilns is improvement of the production
proces. This can be achieved using modern equipment and technology for maquiladoras. This
would reduce the negative environmental impacts. The problem with brick kilns is that still all
products on hand so it cause bigger air pollution. Improvement od this process would reduce the
negative environmental impacts. Reducing of traffic pollution can be achieved by paving roads
and reducing transportation in the area of Juarez.
For these reasons, in 1996 USA and Mexico established Joint Advisory Committee(JAC) for the
improvement od air quality in the Ciudad Juarez. The most important thing is that today air quality
is measurably better than it was before 15 or 20 years but it`s still under average.

38
3.3 Flood
The goal of addressing the flood risk here is to help understanding the issue in order to determine
solutions to mitigate flood and increase the resilience of Juarez city to flooding. In order to do that
a better understanding of the issue has to be established through an intensive data collection of
flood history, zones, frequencies, and policies in addition to investigating the economical, health
and social risks caused by flood. Also, it is essential to keep records of flood events, raise
awareness, keep records of weather data, and applying insurance programs.
Many economic damages were caused by flood, such as closing of businesses, schools, and public
agencies for at least a few days, and damages to infrastructures, and residential areas. In addition
to that there are health risks in terms of injuries and deaths. One of the recent flood events was
caused by Hurricane Odile on September 2014, where 6 schools got evacuated, three overpasses
were flooded, one person found dead, Santa Elena dam overflowed, four old houses collapsed, and
political unrest followed the event. There are many flooding events with different damages but all
share the same cause which is heavy rainfall and the same substantial impacts on health, economy,
and society.26
3.3.1 Source of Flood
Flood in Juarez city is mainly caused by surface water flooding due to the large impermeable
surfaces. Such flooding usually occurs during or following an intense rainfall event where runoff
does not infiltrate into the ground or enter a proper drainage system. It has been occurring more
frequently in the recent years.27
Background Partial Plan The Ojitos
Thursday July 6, 15:00. Light rains were presented in the city as in the rest of the state of
Chihuahua, began to fall storm rain caused havoc in 10 colonies affecting a whole infrastructure of
15 homes, 500 with minor damages moderated by the flood, gender evacuation of over a thousand
families in high-risk areas.
Affected colonies were Vista Hermosa, Luis Olague, Estrella Del Poniente, Fronteriza Baja,
Azteca, Los ojitos, Mariano Escobedo y la Morelos, Un fraccionamiento (like) neighborhood was
affected to burst the dam on the hill known as El águila located in La sierra Juárez.28
26
http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2014/09/23/estados/030n1est
27
http://estadomayor.mx/33622
28
La noche que no durmió Juárez. (2006, Agosto 1). Retrieved from XHEPL:
http://xepl.com.mx/completa1.php?s=&i=17417&or=m

39
Own elaboration in database Plan de Desarrollo Urbano de Ciudad Juárez ―Los Ojitos, Plan
Parcial‖ of Ayuntamiento de Juarez Chihuahua and Instituto Municipal de Investigacion.
Background Partial Plan El Barreal y Oriente San Isidro
In July 2008, severe meteorological events recorded 68 mm of rainfall in 24 hours, and a monthly
cumulative 146 mm, which represents almost 50% of the average annual rainfall in Ciudad Juárez.
Such levels of intensity of rainfall caused flooding in much of the surface of the lagoon "El
Barreal" leaving hundreds of houses and industrial parks flooded during the contingency.29
Five years after the urbanization of the area Barreal approved, breach particular group that
developed the area without the works required to prevent flooding is still at risk thousands of
families and remains an expense for all juarenses. This year (2009) the government had to allocate
29
Dena, O., Obeso, G., Doser, D., Leyva, J., Rascón, E., Gómez, F., & Domínguez A., M. (2012, Junio 29). Using
subsurface geophysical methods in flood control: A resistivity survey to define underground storage capacity of a sand
body in Ciudad Juárez, Mexico.

40
14.3 million dollars to rebuild the necessary dikes to contain the water at the top, in the Santa
Elena.30
Own elaboration in database Plan de Desarrollo Urbano de Ciudad Juárez ―El Barreal y Oriente
San Isidro Plan Parcial‖ of Ayuntamiento de Juarez Chihuahua and Instituto Municipal de
Investigacion.
Own elaboration in database Plan de Desarrollo Urbano de Ciudad Juárez ―El Barreal y Oriente
San Isidro Plan Parcial‖ of Ayuntamiento de Juarez Chihuahua and Instituto Municipal de
Investigacion.
30
Nieto, S. R. (2009, Agosto 04). Prevalecen riesgos en El Barreal, a 5 años de que inició desarrollo. Retrieved from
Agua.org.mx Centro virtual de infromacion del agua:
https://agua.org.mx/h2o/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=8904:prevalecen-riesgos-en-el-barreal-a-
5-anos-de-que-inicio-desarrollo&catid=61:noticias-
nacionales&Itemid=300054https://agua.org.mx/h2o/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=890

41
3.3.3 Conclusion
Ciudad Juárez has gone through many natural hazards related to situations in which certain parts
of the city are more vulnerable than others, so some institutions have developed these partial
charge to solve or prevent the problem of an environmental risk plans. These plans detail the
information to be made in the following years, in addition to institutions or persons responsible for
carrying them out.
Ciudad Juárez needs recovery systems and stormwater control to maximize this resource as dams
are there in the city are insufficient to address these problems of heavy rain.
Need more community support for the realization of projects, more integration with the
inhabitants of the areas of the institutions responsible, if this relationship was achieved all plans be
realized successfully because there would be a public participation, and a commitment to of all
people to improve their quality of life and prevent an environmental hazard.

42
3.4 Water Supply
In studying the watersheds that supply water to Ciudad Juarez, we hope to understand the current
state of the water supply and risks that threaten the greater Ciudad Juarez area both now and in the
near future. In addition to researching the water supply of Ciudad Juarez, it is also important to
consider other variables central to the issue of water supply, including water consumption, climate
change, and policy for water distribution.
3.4.1 Water Sources
Figure 6:Hueco Bolson Aquifer Figure 7: Rio Bravo Watershed
The principal sources of water for Ciudad Juarez are the Hueco Bolson aquifer and the Río Bravo
(Rio Grande), located along the border of Texas and Mexico. The Hueco Bolson aquifer is the
principal source of drinking water, while the Río Bravo is designated overwhelmingly for
agricultural use, due to its lower water quality.31
31
http://www.ibwc.gov/crp/riogrande.htm

43
A preliminary consideration as to the severity of the water issue that Ciudad Juarez faces is the
sustainability of the water resources themselves. This is dependent on water use, but also heavily
so on renewal and replenishment of these water basins.
The Hueco Bolson recharges from precipitation in the mountains and treated wastewater
injections. These injections are especially important since the geology of the basin, which is
comprised primarily of clay and silt, allow for only the top few hundred feet of water to be
potable.32
Additionally, because the rainy season is relatively short (4 months), most of the water
evaporates before it is captured by the aquifer.33
Juarez is currently seeking other water sources;
the Hueco Bolson was projected to be out of usable water in 2015.34
The Río Bravo watershed is
recharged primarily through surface irrigation and seepage from other water channels.35
Water Consumption
Consumption from these water sources in Ciudad Juarez was accurately modeled to be dependent
on average rainfall, average temperature, average water price per cubic meter, maquiladora
employment, and the national industrial production index for Mexico. The water usage usually
reacts within a few months to changes in any of these economic and environmental variables. The
same variables that affect the water consumption of Ciudad Juarez also affect many other large
cities situated in semi-arid climates.
Of course, water supply and water consumption cannot be constant, yet constantly changing. In
the end, what is needed is a water use pattern such that the total consumption from the watersheds
that serve Ciudad Juarez is less than the total recharge of those basins, establishing a positive net
flux into the watersheds.
Risks to this balance are climate, population, and municipal water system changes. Droughts
affecting the entire Chihuahua region of Mexico have intensified in recent years, which has made
conservation efforts in Mexico even more dire as water resources become ever more scarce. As the
droughts continue, the population of the greater Ciudad Juarez and El Paso metropolitan areas are
expected to jump from about 15 million in 2014 to 20 million by 2020. As a result, each of the
watersheds shared across these municipalities will be under further strain. In combination with
increasing population is increasing infrastructure to support increased water demand. Large
problems already facing the utilities district of Ciudad Juarez are old, leaky water lines, which are
causing considerable water loss. Budget constraints limit which pipes get fixed, and in what
order.36
32
http://www.ibwc.gov/Water_Data/binational_waters.htm#CurrWtrLevels
33
34
http://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1076&context=ucowrconfs_2006
35
http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/03/21/us-mexico-drought-idUSBRE82K1E520120321
36
http://www2.uacj.mx/iit/culcyt/mayo-agosto2006/4ARTAGUA.PDF

44
Policies
In observance that Ciudad Juarez and El Paso are sharing a trans-national water supply, the cities
established a 1999 Memorandum of Understanding between City of Juárez, Mexico Utilities and
the El Paso Water Utilities Public Services Board of the City of El Paso, Texas to share the
resources of and information about the Hueco Bolson aquifer, and not a transboundary aquifer
agreement. This means that each city is drawing water from the same source without direct
consultation. Though not nearly specific enough to control consumption on either side of the
border, these aquifer-specific agreements do seem to be more lucid and efficient than a more
general water usage agreement between countries.37
To put the issue into a national perspective, CONAGUA, Mexico‘s water authority, is projecting
investments of over 300 billion pesos ($23.6 billion) by 2030 to maintain and modernize its
overall water infrastructure.
3.4.3 Discussion and Conclusion
From the exploration of the water supply of Ciudad Juarez, it is clear that other policies on water
usage geared toward saving water could be beneficial.
As an example, surface water from the Río Bravo or other sources could be utilized, if not directly
for agriculture, to recharge aquifers for later use in times of drought.38
As an alternative to these
watersheds, another major area for water supply that is now being explored is the collection of
rainwater for domestic use. Improving the water infrastructure can also be an important first step
that can take place immediately for reducing the water removed from the Hueco Bolson and Río
Bravo watersheds.
These suggestions or others like them may soon be implemented as water resources become
increasingly scarce and water demand continues to rise. While a framework for a comprehensive
trans-national water agreement has been established, more specific and quantitative courses of
action for sharing the Hueco Bolson and Río Bravo watersheds could make the future of water in
Ciudad Juarez less uncertain.
37
http://www.internationalwaterlaw.org/bibliography/articles/Eckstein-Mex-US_ICLR.pdf
38
http://utminers.utep.edu/omwilliamson/hueco_bolson.htm

45
4 Economic Development
4.1 Abstract
One cannot talk about the economic development of Ciudad Juarez without talking about its
manufacturing industry. Similarly, one cannot talk about maquiladoras without talking about the
grave and negative impact it had on the social fabric and quality of life of the city. For that reason,
our research, analysis, and conclusions will be done with one bottom line in mind: Juarez needs,
and deserves, an economic development plan maximizes its quality of life. From this, the rest will
follow. To perform our study, we have begun by collecting historical and background information
on the city‘s business leaders, industries, unemployment, social orders, and demographics. With a
clearer understanding on the city‘s economic composition, we formulated three key questions:
1) What industries/companies could be increased/generated to achieve a more diverse
development?
2) How can we account of informal enterprises and create policies that are inclusive of them?
3) How can the city create sustainable and reliable employment?
The information, analysis, and principal conclusions are explained in this section of the report.
The content under each question does not contain the answer, but rather the background research
and analyses that we have performed so far to eventually develop insights that will allow us to
propose an answer to the each question. In that light an overview of further research and analyses
to be performed is presented at the end.
4.2 The City’s Economy from a Research Perspective
A Brief History of the Local Economy
The city of Juarez has seen many historical and local transformations. At the end of the 1930s
when prohibition ended and the production and consumption of alcohol in the US became legal
again, Juarez saw a huge growth in nightclubs and informal trade.
The exodus to Juarez generated a consensus of agricultural workers, the Juarez Valley and
agricultural production which had its time of its peak between the forties and sixties. The growth
of the urban area, and large infrastructure and housing demands, however, created a crisis in the
city, and left more than 40,000 people unemployed. The local vision adapted to solve these
problems and in 1965 leadership adopted policies to attract intensive industries for unskilled labor
and manufacturing, focusing specifically on attracting female labor and integrate it into the labor
market, creating conditions of deprivation and inefficiency of the necessary social infrastructure to
meet the needs of their families and particularly their children.
The establishment of the Maquiladora Industry (IME) created a demographic and occupational
structure in the town of unique characteristics, as young men and women came to town for miles,
most of them with low education and of rural origin, to join the workers‘ jobs that IME generated
exponentially from the 1970s until the end of the 1990s.
The phenomenon of maquiladora created the paradox of growth in Ciudad Juarez: on the one
hand, it generated low-grade and low-income wage earnings, demand for economic and industrial
infrastructure (e.g. industrial parks, roads, industrial transport and services); on the other hand, it

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