An Academic Paper               Introduction of Social and Culture Science      Peace Monitoring with Local     Participat...
Aceh was not only devastated by earthquakes and the tsunami.Since three decades ago the violence has also left their marks...
different cultures, moving on to the vexed question of transferability ofnew models of mediation. In finally, I will measu...
In 1999, after the fall of Suharto’s regime, Abdurrahman Wahidbecame Indonesia’s first democratically elected President. F...
(2002:59) every society needs to be aware of its history, and Acehnese—unless I have not completely misinterpreted the pla...
ambiguous, and it has been to a large extent left to the judges to decidewhether they will take local custom into account....
with its Islamic values and norms. Local, national and internationalagencies all need to play part in the effort. While th...
offers of support. But this stage is driven of course primarily bynegotiators and participants. Second, peace must be kept...
BibliographyFrancis, Diana. 2002. People, Peace and Power:             Conflict      Transformation in Action. London: Plu...
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Catatan Kuliah Ilmu Sosial dan Budaya Dasar

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Catatan Kuliah Ilmu Sosial dan Budaya Dasar

  1. 1. An Academic Paper Introduction of Social and Culture Science Peace Monitoring with Local Participative Approach on Aceh ---SUPARYO--- Writer is a student on Library and Information Science Dept. Islamic State University Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta E-mail: yossy_suparyo@yahoo.comA. Introduction After more three decades of continuously armed conflict(especially Free Aceh Movement—GAM and the Government ofIndonesia), peace and stability are now restored on Aceh. Actually, thepeople of Aceh can move and enjoy life in their community withoutfear. Perhaps the best proof of the progress made over the past severalyears is the fact that the first ever direct democratic local election wasable to stand as independent candidate. Most elements of societiesconfident that the election result will contribute to the furtherconsolidation of the peace progress for the benefit of the people Acehand Indonesia as a whole. In 2006, I visited district of Lhokseumawe, Aceh, only one week,but I was deeply moved. The impact of the enormous destructions wasstill very visible, along the coastline shown how large parts of thecountry had been devastated by the tsunami. Villages had totallydisappeared, includes children and their families. I saw the traces ofthe devastation everywhere. 1
  2. 2. Aceh was not only devastated by earthquakes and the tsunami.Since three decades ago the violence has also left their marks on theprovince and the people. Armed conflict is the most visible form of theabsence of peace. It causes death and destruction. It kills innocentcivilians’ not just combatants. The many cases of armed conflicts arecharacterized by gross violations of human rights includingdiscrimination, deprivation of livelihood, destruction of theenvironment, summary killings, abductions, illegal detention, torture,rape and other sexual abuses. In 1971, oil was discovered in the region. This changed the faceof Aceh in the eyes of Indonesia and the rest of the world. Foreign oilcompanies and state (Indonesian) owned enterprises descended onAceh bringing with them “foreigners” as employees. Aceh contributes toa sizeable portion of Indonesia’s GDP but the Acehnese have seen onlya small portion of the revenues generated by these resources. Thisdiscontent over the sharing of revenues from oil and gas operationsbetween the centre in Indonesia and the province was one of the primereasons for the rise of Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM). According to Fasha (2005), a Acehnese activist, the long historyof violence in Aceh started with the massive business expansionfacilitated by the "New Order" regime of Soeharto in the 1970s. It wasmarked by the entry of forest concession holders, large scaleplantations, mining corporations, and large industries supported bycompanies from the United States (US), Japan and Europe. ManyAcehnese paid a heavy price for this situation. They suffered in variousways such as loss of land, loss of local traditions, getting arrested,killed or otherwise persecuted during the early 1970s. In this study, I analyze conflict transformation with localparticipative approach. I shall begin with a brief review of some of theissues often cited in relation to conflict and how it is dealt with in 2
  3. 3. different cultures, moving on to the vexed question of transferability ofnew models of mediation. In finally, I will measure the peace buildingas win-win solution to conflict ending.B. Searching Violence’s Root and Peace Building in Aceh Aceh an oil and gas rich province is located on the northernmosttip of the Sumatra islands of Indonesia and is the westernmost point ofthe country. According to Fasha (2005), until the middle of the 17thcentury, Aceh was an independent sultanate. From 1641 to 1824, thekingdom was at the centre of a British-Dutch tussle and finally in1824, Aceh was granted Independence under the Anglo-Dutch treaty.In 1873, the Dutch invaded Aceh and colonised the region, Acehnesewere met with fierce resistance and the war between the Acehnese andthe Dutch raged intermittently over the centuries. When in 1949, theRepublic of Indonesia was created from the Dutch East Indies, Acehwas made a special region (province) of the new country. Acehnese declared independence from Indonesia in 1953. Theirseparatist movement quickly turned into an armed struggle. TheIndonesia Government responded to the armed struggle with force.State repression against separatist movements is perhaps inevitablebut this was particularly so in Aceh during the long years from 1968 to1998, when the country was under Suharto’s military rule. GAM issmall in size (it has several hundred full time “soldiers”) and fewweapons, making it vulnerable against the strong and well-equippedIndonesian Army—the Tentara Nasional Indonesia (the TNI). GAMhas therefore indulged in guerrilla warfare, choosing their place andtime to fight. The movement enjoys the support of many Acehnese,especially the rural folk, most of whose discontentment with theIndonesian government is over their economic and social condition. 3
  4. 4. In 1999, after the fall of Suharto’s regime, Abdurrahman Wahidbecame Indonesia’s first democratically elected President. From thattime on, there have been serious efforts to bring an end to thisprotracted violent conflict. Talks between the Indonesian Governmentand GAM have continued over the years in spite of many breakdownsand serious setbacks. Roughly there are two main periods in the peacetalks: The first period is between 1999 and July 2001 and the secondperiod is from July 2001 to the present (Setya, 2007). Two peace agreements resulted from negotiations between 1999and today. One was in the first period that obviously failed, leading toanother agreement in the second period. Both these agreements andthe series of talks came as a result of the third party intervention bythe Henry Dunant Centre (HDC) of Switzerland. HDC attributed thefailure of the first negotiations, in part, to its own low-key involvementas a third party. Learning from their past mistakes, the currentagreement in the second period has a strong role for the HDC. In the second period of peace in Aceh are clearly disarmamentzones. Moreover, it is clearly hoped that disarmament will pave theway for humanitarian aid, reconstruction, and rebuilding. The Zonesare a prelude to demilitarization but they are also a prelude to futurenegotiations. This refers to the fact that the process adopted toestablish and keep the Zones going is actually a confidence buildingmeasure that will lead the parties towards a peace agreement. TheZones in Aceh are established as part of the negotiations that will leadto a peace agreement.C. Peace Reconstruction after Local Election: A Local Participative Approach I will discuss the process of building an Acehnese society that isbased on local understanding of social justice. According to Diana 4
  5. 5. (2002:59) every society needs to be aware of its history, and Acehnese—unless I have not completely misinterpreted the place and its people—with their legends, songs and storytelling traditions are particularlykeen on history. Most societies also have white spots in their historicalmaps, spaces that are left untouched. But these white spots will alwaysdisturb the social relations unless they are openly addressed. And moredangerously, they often are the elements that draw the society back tothe vicious wheel of violence. Wahid (1999) said to establish a truthful picture of the past is tolay a cornerstone for future society, as discussing injustices that haveoccurred in the past will also help to picture how a just society wouldlook like, and what would be needed to ensure that the past injusticeswill not happen again. The main focus should however be in the future,and not in the past. Similar processes have been ongoing throughoutIndonesian regions since the late 1990s, and are usually referred to bysuch terms as reformasi, or regional autonomy and decentralisation.After some years of delay, Aceh has now joined these reform processes,and like other Indonesian regions it will need to develop its very ownrecipes for reformism and social justice. Indonesia, with its hundredssocio-cultural systems and traditions, certainly is a proof that one sizeand model does not fit all. There are nevertheless some features thatappear to be common, like the prevailing normative pluralism that hasalso been acknowledged in the national legislation. According to Fasha (2005) this normative pluralism, in additionto the positive law also adat laws and religious laws are taken intoaccount. Islamic law has been recognized through developing anationwide system of religious courts since 1989. Since 2002 it hasbeen made compulsory to all Muslims in Aceh to follow shari’a, whileelsewhere in Indonesia it is voluntary. The position of adat is far more 5
  6. 6. ambiguous, and it has been to a large extent left to the judges to decidewhether they will take local custom into account. Afterward, it is also important to notice, in respect to the Dutchcolonial ‘adat law school,’ that an effort to codify adat would be tomisunderstand its nature: “Adat as a set of written and unwrittenrules for daily affairs and collective conduct had always been a flexibleand a normative system primarily aimed at reconciliation rather thanrigid verdicts. But when these rules were laid down in monographs andused in colonial courts, flexibility disappeared and the character ofadat was transmuted into judicial prescriptions framed in timelesstradition and approved by colonial authorities.” From my discussions with people in Aceh I have understood thatmany people here are of the opinion that the position of local customsshould be strengthened also in Aceh. They are worried that currentlythere is an imbalance between adat and religion. Some have alsopointed out that traditionally in Aceh adat and religion have walkedhand in hand, and should not be artificially separated from each other.Similar remarks are often made in West Sumatra when thedecentralisation and the revitalisation of local social systems arediscussed there. It is clear, nevertheless, that adat and religion areimportant sources for Acehnese understanding of social justice, andthey will need to be considered when future society is being plannedand built be it in the field of economy, education, social welfare orpolitics. Aceh as other society is more deeply democratic, moreover, themore it has state-sponsored and civic for a for policy discussion at leastsome of which ought procedurally to influence authoritative decision(Young, 2000:124). There needs to build up structures in the societythat are based on democracy, equality, accountability, transparencyand other globally recognized principles, as well as Acehnese culture 6
  7. 7. with its Islamic values and norms. Local, national and internationalagencies all need to play part in the effort. While the measures andstrategies have to be multiple, they all need to be based on commonlyshared principles. These include a consensus over how justice isunderstood in Aceh. Such a consensus can only be reached through anopen public discussion on justice. And it is only the people in Aceh whocan determine what justice means in Aceh, even though outsiders likeme can participate in the discussion and present observations andsuggestions. International community, together with the Indonesiangovernment and the Aceh government have to ensure enough funds forthe peace-building and conflict prevention work in the coming years.But the ownership of peace belongs to the people in Aceh. Conflict ending will clearly lead to better prospects fordevelopment. This is certainly true in Aceh. Evidence is strong that theinvestment climate in Aceh is severely hurt by conflict. The reliabilityof supply chains has been severely weakened, transportation routescan’t be trusted, costs are high, confidence is low, and businesses arenot willing to invest. At the same time development projects in someareas are stalled, absenteeism among teachers and students is muchhigher than the national average, and in conflict affected areas povertyincidence is particularly high. A peace agreement that takes root willthus have a very positive impact on development and poverty reductionin Aceh. Less obvious is the other direction in the development-peacerelationship. This is the potential impact of development on the successof the peace. Evidence from many such conflict and post-conflict situationsaround the world indicates three phases of a successful sustainedpeace. First, peace must be made. A peace agreement must be signed.This is the job of the politicians and the combatants. It can besupported politically by outsiders, and can be made more attractive by 7
  8. 8. offers of support. But this stage is driven of course primarily bynegotiators and participants. Second, peace must be kept. Here theright peace monitoring arrangements need to be in place and financed,and the peace agreement must been seen to be honored. Some quickvictories in terms of improving public services in the affected areas canhelp at this time. Third, peace must be sustained, and deepened. Hereit is vital that citizens see that their lives are demonstrably improved,and believe that government interventions and the allocation of fundsare fair and transparent.D. Conclusion and Recommendations From this study, I came to some important conclusions. Thereare four suggestions for all elements in order to maximize thesynergies between peace and development. First, in the immediateterm invest in peace monitoring and humanitarian programs that givespecial attention to quick payoffs, especially in the conflict affectedareas. Expand the use of community-driven delivery mechanisms thathave already been proven successful. Second, establish an independentmonitoring of social and economic indicators. It is vital that citizensand decision-makers have at hand information that can help guideactions and perceptions. Third, use existing resources more effectively.There are many opportunities here. Visible progress in this area willhelp build trust. Increase public transparency and accountability.Many citizens of Aceh believe that public resources are not reachingtheir intended beneficiaries, and are not being allocated in atransparent way. Progress in this area can have a powerful effect incitizen perceptions of a “new” Aceh. Fourth, assess the investmentclimate and improve it. Over time it will be the private sector, not thegovernment that creates jobs and helps Aceh grow. Private businessesneed a better investment climate. Wallahualam bish al Showab. 8
  9. 9. BibliographyFrancis, Diana. 2002. People, Peace and Power: Conflict Transformation in Action. London: Pluto Press.Fasya, Teuku Kemal. 2005. Ritus Kekerasan dan Libido Nasionalisme. Yogyakarta: Buku Baik.Setya, Sentot. “Searching for Peace in Aceh.” Accessed on www.tempointeraktif.com October, 30 2007Wahid, Hasyim. 1999. Telikungan Kapitalisme Global dalam Sejarah Kebangsaan Indonesia. Yogyakarta: LKiS.Young, Iris Marion. 2000. Inclusion and Democracy. New York: Oxford University Press. 9

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