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Recent Trends and the Yemen's Challenges during the Reign of
Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi
During the Post-Saleh era, the Mansur Hadi's government made little
efforts for giving a share to those [Yemeni political] groups who had
been marginalized for a long period of time and was still emphasizing
on a center-oriented strategy. In addition to security challenges,
Yemen was also faced with basic challenges in economic and social
arenas. At the same time, insecurity and instability in Yemen has been
a serious threat for the member states of the Persian Gulf Cooperation
Council (PGCC), especially Saudi Arabia. After 2000, insecurity and
instability in Saudi-Yemen borders was escalated and created
geopolitical concerns for Saudi officials. Since 2000, Saudi Arabia
has continuously supported the Yemeni's government and has
considered the enemies of this government as the enemies of Riyadh.
In the six wars waged against the Zeidi Shiites of northern Yemen by
the Saleh administration, Saudi Arabia provided military equipment
for the Yemeni forces. The Saudis even embarked on a direct
deployment of their military personnel in Yemen and martyred some
Yemeni Shiite forces through the use of phosphoric bombs.
During the three years of Mansur Hadi's administration, the Yemeni
people were unable to achieve their revolutionary ideals. Rather,
Mohammad Basundawa's premiership and his cabinet's inefficacy in
tackling with administrative affairs exacerbated the already tense
situation in the country. When Basundawa cut the fuel subsidies in the
early months of 2014, the Yemeni people, who were waiting for an
excuse to embark on an uprising against prime minister's inefficient
cabinet, poured into streets and demonstrated. The demonstrating
people were pursuing three major objectives: dismissal of the prime
minister; annulment of the decision for cutting the fuel subsidies; and
implementation of the outcomes of national dialogues (establishment
of the national unity government).

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Upon further intensification of violent skirmishes between
government forces and protesters headed by the Ansarollah
Movement, the Houthi forces captured most of the critical centers of
the capital in September 21st
, 2014. They were able to occupy
governmental centers, including the premises of the Yemeni National
Radio and Television. The Houthi forces forced the prime minister to
resign from his post in order to pave the way for establishing a new
government [in the country]. Basundawa pointed out that he has
resigned from his post in order to smooth the progress of concluding
an agreement between the Houthis and President Abd Rabbuh Mansur
Hadi, as well as, the termination of violence in Yemen. Mansur Hadi
described the Houthis' attacks as "an effort for coup d'état" against the
government. Nevertheless, the Houthi forces were finally able to
insert themselves as an effective and determinant movement in
Yemen. The Mansur Hadi's government yielded to the demonstrators
and complied with all their three demands.
Opponents of the Yemeni people and the Ansarollah movement can
be categorized within several groups: first, tribal groups which are
dependent on Saudi Arabia and have influence in the Yemeni Army,
such as Ali Mohsen Al-Ahmar and his family (who are Saudi
mercenaries). Al-Islah Party (or Yemeni Congregation for Reform) is
another group that nurtures Salafi and Takfiri ideologies. Al-Islah
Party endeavors to distance Ansarallah and the Yemeni people from
their national culture and identity. In this regard, members of Al-Islah
Party have made some efforts for propagating Salafism and
Wahabbism. They have also tried to embark on political, cultural, and
military suppression of Ansarollah and other Shiite and Zeidi factions
in Yemen.
Yemen's Moslem Brotherhood has two major differences with
Ansarollah. Their first major difference is in terms of Yemen's
national and religious identity. As a matter of fact, Houthis have been
forerunners of the support for national identity, Shiite identity, and

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Shafei'i identity of Yemen. On the contrary, the Moslem Brotherhood
advocates Wahabbi and Salafi ideologies in Yemen and endeavors to
indoctrinate a kind of new identity to all the Yemeni people through
receiving political and financial supports from Saudi Arabia and the
US. The second major difference between Ansarollah and Moslem
Brotherhood is over internal despotism. In other words, since the
Moslem Brotherhood has always been allied with military
commanders and tribal leaders, they have always been associated with
autocratic leadership. Meanwhile, Ansarollah is a popular movement
who supports all the oppressed Yemeni people. Ansarollah is always
trying to revive the lost Yemeni identity. This movement has actually
put the creation of national unity and establishment of an independent
government in Yemen on its agenda.
Some Yemeni tribes are also opponents of Ansarollah. Despite the
fact that there are Sunni tribes in Yemen, it can be argued that there is
no tangible gap between Shiites and Sunnis in this country. Even
Sunni tribes in Yemen are allied with Ansarollah. In other words,
many oppressed Yemeni people who support Ansarollah are Sunnis.
Therefore, the enemies of Yemeni revolution are trying to create
political differences between Sunni and Shiite groups in the country.
In other words, while the Yemeni people have generally been
dissatisfied over the policies adopted by both Saleh and Mansour
Hadi, anti-revolutionary media have made extensive efforts to
circulate rumors and wage psychological war against Ansarollah and
depict all the developments in Yemen as a confrontation between
Shiites and Sunnis in this country. They are actually trying to suggest
that Sunni Yemeni tribes are dissatisfied of Ansarollah.
In addition, the issue of southern Yemen is a totally complicated
issue. Political factions in the south can actually be categorized into
several groups. Some of these groups advocate the total separation of
the southern Yemen from the rest of the country. Some others support
the establishment of federalist government in Yemen. Ansarollah has

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actually friendly relations with all political factions in the south.
Nevertheless, some southern factions are puppets of neighboring
regimes.