Running head SEMESTER PAPER .docx

Running head: SEMESTER PAPER
1
SEMESTER PAPER
4
Semester Paper
Crystal D. Campbell
Palm Beach Atlantic University
Semester Paper OUTLINE
The health of freedom in American society today
Freedom ( choice, lack of coercion, liberalism, democracy isn’t
the only way to freedom but is an outward expression of
freedom) in the relation to democracy, how to over throw
tyranny and terror (sh)
Democracy is ruled by the majority, though this is in place in
American society today it deffinelty paves the way for free
thought and choice among individuals. More fair than one
person’s rule, its an collective rule by the community.
Elections (frequent elections and the more opportunity to do so
is an expression of freedom)
Voting is one of the pillars of democracy and a modern view of
the “good life” (Lesson3)
Though there are minor restrictions there such as age and
criminal history or mental health (Political equality= they

should be no restriction on race or gender)
Different view points (political positions) there must be choice
And free market media ( Truth=informed choice) no political
censorship
Sharansky= “A lack of moral clarity is also the tragedy that has
befallen efforts to advance peace and security in the world.
Promoting peace and security is fundamentally connected to
promoting freedom and democracy” (p.xix)
2. ?
3. ?
Economic freedom
1. The free market
Three major threats to freedom
Moral relativism
Develops into Is totalitarianism = rejecting religious heritage
and objective standards
No moral truths which is no intrinsic value of an individual
There is an absence of standards and the forces decides what is
right
Thus freedom is not enjoyed
2. Soft Deposition
Handing over ones freedom for safety and security
The government has full control to make the people happy
3. The decline for Americans to utilize their freedom in
America. If American rights are not exercised daily it will soon
be taken away.
Solution
s to these threats
Obtaining civic values

Encouraging Americans to exercise their rights
3. Have a government that continues to be structured to be for
the people and to protect the rights of citizens

References
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10Page 11Page 12Page 13Page 14Page 15Page 16Page 17Page
18Page 19
6/24/19, 11)04 PM4.1 Reading | Constitution Article 1: PLS-
3003-OL Freedom in American Society
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4.1 Reading | Constitution Article 1

To-Do Date: May 20 at 11:59pm
Read Article I of the Constitution of the United States.
(http://www.archives.gov/exhibits/charters/constitution_transcri
pt.html#1.0) The Constitution
of the United States: A Transcription
Note: The following text is a transcription of the Constitution as
it was inscribed by Jacob Shallus on parchment
(the document on display in the Rotunda at the National
Archives Museum.) Items that are hyperlinked have
since been amended or superseded. The authenticated text
(http://www.archives.gov/global-
pages/exit.html?link=http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/CDOC-
110hdoc50/pdf/CDOC-110hdoc50.pdf) of the
Constitution can be found on the website of the Government
Printing Office.
We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more
perfect Union, establish Justice, insure
domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote
the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of
Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish

this Constitution for the United States of America.
Article. I.
Section. 1.
All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a
Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a
Senate and House of Representatives.
http://www.archives.gov/exhibits/charters/constitution_transcrip
t.html#1.0
http://www.archives.gov/global-
pages/exit.html?link=http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/CDOC-
110hdoc50/pdf/CDOC-110hdoc50.pdf
Senate and House of Representatives.

Section. 2.
The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members
chosen every second Year by the People of the
several States, and the Electors in each State shall have the
Qualifications requisite for Electors of the most
numerous Branch of the State Legislature.
No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained
to the Age of twenty five Years, and been seven
Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when
elected, be an Inhabitant of that State in which he
shall be chosen.
Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among
the several States which may be
included within this Union, according to their respective
Numbers, which shall be determined by
adding to the whole Number of free Persons, including those
bound to Service for a Term of Years,
and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other Persons
(http://www.archives.gov/exhibits/charters/constitution_amend
ments_11-27.html#14) . The actual
Enumeration shall be made within three Years after the first

Meeting of the Congress of the United States, and
within every subsequent Term of ten Years, in such Manner as
they shall by Law direct. The Number of
Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty Thousand,
but each State shall have at Least one
Representative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the
State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to
chuse three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode-Island and Providence
Plantations one, Connecticut five, New-York six,
New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland
six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South
Carolina five, and Georgia three.
When vacancies happen in the Representation from any State,
the Executive Authority thereof shall issue Writs
of Election to fill such Vacancies.
The House of Representatives shall chuse their Speaker and
other Officers; and shall have the sole Power of
Impeachment.
Section. 3.
The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two
Senators from each State, chosen by the

Legislature
ments_11-27.html#17)
thereof, for six Years; and each Senator shall have one Vote.
Immediately after they shall be assembled in Consequence of
the first Election, they shall be divided as equally
as may be into three Classes. The Seats of the Senators of the
first Class shall be vacated at the Expiration of
the second Year, of the second Class at the Expiration of the
fourth Year, and of the third Class at the Expiration
of the sixth Year, so that one third may be chosen every second
Year; and if Vacancies happen by
Resignation, or otherwise, during the Recess of the Legislature
of any State, the Executive thereof
may make temporary Appointments until the next Meeting of
the Legislature, which shall then fill
such Vacancies
ments_11-27.html#17)
.
No Person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the
Age of thirty Years, and been nine Years a
Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected,

be an Inhabitant of that State for which he shall
be chosen.
The Vice President of the United States shall be President of the
Senate, but shall have no Vote, unless they be
equally divided.
The Senate shall chuse their other Officers, and also a President
pro tempore, in the Absence of the Vice
http://www.archives.gov/exhibits/charters/constitution_amendm
ents_11-27.html#14
ents_11-27.html#17
ents_11-27.html#17

President, or when he shall exercise the Office of President of
the United States.
The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments.
When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on
Oath or Affirmation. When the President of the United States is
tried, the Chief Justice shall preside: And no
Person shall be convicted without the Concurrence of two thirds
of the Members present.
Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than
to removal from Office, and disqualification to
hold and enjoy any Office of honor, Trust or Profit under the
United States: but the Party convicted shall
nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial,
Judgment and Punishment, according to Law.
Section. 4.
The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators
and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each
State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any
time by Law make or alter such Regulations,
except as to the Places of chusing Senators.

The Congress shall assemble at least once in every Year, and
such Meeting shall be on the first Monday in
December
ments_11-27.html#20) ,
unless they shall by Law appoint a different Day.
Section. 5.
Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, Returns and
Qualifications of its own Members, and a Majority of
each shall constitute a Quorum to do Business; but a smaller
Number may adjourn from day to day, and may be
authorized to compel the Attendance of absent Members, in
such Manner, and under such Penalties as each
House may provide.
Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, punish
its Members for disorderly Behaviour, and, with
the Concurrence of two thirds, expel a Member.
Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and from
time to time publish the same, excepting such
Parts as may in their Judgment require Secrecy; and the Yeas
and Nays of the Members of either House on any

question shall, at the Desire of one fifth of those Present, be
entered on the Journal.
Neither House, during the Session of Congress, shall, without
the Consent of the other, adjourn for more than
three days, nor to any other Place than that in which the two
Houses shall be sitting.
Section. 6.
The Senators and Representatives shall receive a Compensation
for their Services, to be ascertained by Law, and
paid out of the Treasury of the United States. They shall in all
Cases, except Treason, Felony and Breach of the
Peace, be privileged from Arrest during their Attendance at the
Session of their respective Houses, and in going
to and returning from the same; and for any Speech or Debate in
either House, they shall not be questioned in
any other Place.
No Senator or Representative shall, during the Time for which
he was elected, be appointed to any civil Office
under the Authority of the United States, which shall have been
created, or the Emoluments whereof shall have
been encreased during such time; and no Person holding any

Office under the United States, shall be a Member
of either House during his Continuance in Office.
Section. 7.
All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the House of
Representatives; but the Senate may propose or
concur with Amendments as on other Bills.
Every Bill which shall have passed the House of
Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a Law,
ents_11-27.html#20
Every Bill which shall have passed the House of
Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a Law,

be presented to the President of the United States; If he approve
he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it,
with his Objections to that House in which it shall have
originated, who shall enter the Objections at large on
their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such
Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to
pass the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the Objections, to
the other House, by which it shall likewise be
reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that House, it
shall become a Law. But in all such Cases the Votes
of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and Nays, and the
Names of the Persons voting for and against the
Bill shall be entered on the Journal of each House respectively.
If any Bill shall not be returned by the President
within ten Days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been
presented to him, the Same shall be a Law, in like
Manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their
Adjournment prevent its Return, in which Case it
shall not be a Law.
Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence of
the Senate and House of Representatives may be
necessary (except on a question of Adjournment) shall be
presented to the President of the United States; and
before the Same shall take Effect, shall be approved by him, or

being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by
two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives,
according to the Rules and Limitations prescribed in the
Case of a Bill.
Section. 8.
The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes,
Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and
provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the
United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises
shall be uniform throughout the United States;
To borrow Money on the credit of the United States;
To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the
several States, and with the Indian Tribes;
To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and uniform
Laws on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the
United States;
To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin,
and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures;

To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities
and current Coin of the United States;
To establish Post Offices and post Roads;
To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing
for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the
exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries;
To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court;
To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the
high Seas, and Offences against the Law of Nations;
To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make
Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water;
To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Money to
that Use shall be for a longer Term than two
Years;
To provide and maintain a Navy;
To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land
and naval Forces;

To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of
the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel
Invasions;
To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia,
and for governing such Part of them as may be
employed in the Service of the United States, reserving to the
States respectively, the Appointment of the
employed in the Service of the United States, reserving to the
States respectively, the Appointment of the
Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia according to
the discipline prescribed by Congress;
To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over

such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as
may, by Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of
Congress, become the Seat of the Government of
the United States, and to exercise like Authority over all Places
purchased by the Consent of the Legislature of
the State in which the Same shall be, for the Erection of Forts,
Magazines, Arsenals, dock-Yards, and other
needful Buildings;—And
To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for
carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all
other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of
the United States, or in any Department or Officer
thereof.
Section. 9.
The Migration or Importation of such Persons as any of the
States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall
not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year one
thousand eight hundred and eight, but a Tax or duty may
be imposed on such Importation, not exceeding ten dollars for
each Person.
The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be

suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion
the public Safety may require it.
No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be passed.
No Capitation, or other direct, Tax shall be laid, unless in
Proportion to the Census or enumeration herein
before directed to be taken
ments_11-
27.html#16) .
No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any
State.
No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or
Revenue to the Ports of one State over those of
another: nor shall Vessels bound to, or from, one State, be
obliged to enter, clear, or pay Duties in another.
No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in
Consequence of Appropriations made by Law; and a regular
Statement and Account of the Receipts and Expenditures of all
public Money shall be published from time to
time.

No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States: And
no Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust
under them, shall, without the Consent of the Congress, accept
of any present, Emolument, Office, or Title, of
any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign State.
Section. 10.
No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or Confederation;
grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal; coin
Money; emit Bills of Credit; make any Thing but gold and silver
Coin a Tender in Payment of Debts; pass any Bill
of Attainder, ex post facto Law, or Law impairing the
Obligation of Contracts, or grant any Title of Nobility.
No State shall, without the Consent of the Congress, lay any
Imposts or Duties on Imports or Exports, except
what may be absolutely necessary for executing it's inspection
Laws: and the net Produce of all Duties and
Imposts, laid by any State on Imports or Exports, shall be for
the Use of the Treasury of the United States; and
all such Laws shall be subject to the Revision and Controul of
the Congress.

No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any Duty
of Tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time
of Peace, enter into any Agreement or Compact with another
State, or with a foreign Power, or engage in War,
unless actually invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will not
admit of delay.
ents_11-27.html#16
6/24/19, 11)03 PM3.6 Reading | Declaration of Independence:
PLS-3003-OL Freedom in American Society
dot-6-reading-%7C-declaration-of-
independence?module_item_id=231589
3.6 Reading | Declaration of Independence
Read the Declaration of Independence. You can also
access the original text by clicking on the image.
(http://www.constitution.org/usdeclar.htm)

IN CONGRESS, July 4, 1776.
The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen
united States of America,
When in the Course of human events, it becomes
necessary for one people to dissolve the political
bands which have connected them with another,
and to assume among the powers of the earth, the
separate and equal station to which the Laws of
Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent
respect to the opinions of mankind requires that
they should declare the causes which impel them to
the separation.
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created
equal, that they are
endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that
among these are Life,
Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.--That to secure these
rights, Governments are
instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the
consent of the governed, --That
whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of

these ends, it is the Right of the
People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new
Government, laying its foundation on
such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to
them shall seem most likely to
effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate
that Governments long
established should not be changed for light and transient causes;
and accordingly all
experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to
suffer, while evils are
sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to
which they are accustomed.
But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing
invariably the same Object
evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is
their right, it is their duty,
http://www.constitution.org/usdeclar.htm

to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for
their future security.--Such
has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is
now the necessity which
constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government.
The history of the present
King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and
usurpations, all having in direct
object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these
States. To prove this, let Facts
be submitted to a candid world.
He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and
necessary for the public
good.
He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and
pressing importance,
unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be
obtained; and when so
suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.
He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of
large districts of people,

unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation
in the Legislature, a
right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.
He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual,
uncomfortable, and distant
from the depository of their public Records, for the sole purpose
of fatiguing them into
compliance with his measures.
He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for
opposing with manly firmness his
invasions on the rights of the people.
He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause
others to be elected;
whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have
returned to the People at
large for their exercise; the State remaining in the mean time
exposed to all the dangers
of invasion from without, and convulsions within.
He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States;
for that purpose
obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing
to pass others to
encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of
new Appropriations of
Lands.

He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his
Assent to Laws for
establishing Judiciary powers.
He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure
of their offices, and the
amount and payment of their salaries.
He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither
swarms of Officers to harrass
our people, and eat out their substance.
He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies
without the Consent of our
legislatures.
He has affected to render the Military independent of and
superior to the Civil power.
He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction

foreign to our constitution,
and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their
Acts of pretended
Legislation:
For Quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:
For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from punishment for any
Murders which they
should commit on the Inhabitants of these States:
For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:
For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:
For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury:
For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended
offences
For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a
neighbouring Province, establishing
therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries
so as to render it at once
an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute
rule into these Colonies:
For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable
Laws, and altering
fundamentally the Forms of our Governments:
For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves
invested with power to
legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.

He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his
Protection and waging War
against us.
He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns,
and destroyed the lives
of our people.
He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign
Mercenaries to compleat the works
of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with
circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy
scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally
unworthy the Head of a
civilized nation.
He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the
high Seas to bear Arms
against their Country, to become the executioners of their
friends and Brethren, or to fall
themselves by their Hands.
He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has
endeavoured to bring on the
inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages,
whose known rule of warfare,
is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and
conditions.

In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for
Redress in the most humble
terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by
repeated injury. A Prince whose
character is thus marked by every act which may define a
Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of
character is thus marked by every act which may define a
Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of
a free people.
Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our Brittish brethren.
We have warned them
from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an
unwarrantable jurisdiction
over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our

emigration and settlement
here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity,
and we have conjured
them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these
usurpations, which, would
inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They
too have been deaf to the
voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore,
acquiesce in the necessity, which
denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of
mankind, Enemies in War,
in Peace Friends.
We, therefore, the Representatives of the united States of
America, in General Congress,
Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the
rectitude of our intentions,
do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these
Colonies, solemnly publish
and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought
to be Free and
Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance
to the British Crown, and
that all political connection between them and the State of Great
Britain, is and ought to be

totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they
have full Power to levy
War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce,
and to do all other Acts and
Things which Independent States may of right do. And for the
support of this Declaration,
with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we
mutually pledge to each
other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.
1
Discourse on the Origin of Inequality
Jean Jacques Rousseau
1754
A DISSERTATION
ON THE ORIGIN AND FOUNDATION OF
THE INEQUALITY OF MANKIND

…
The subject of the present discourse, therefore, is more
precisely this. To mark, in the progress
of things, the moment at which right took the place of violence
and nature became subject to
law, and to explain by what sequence of miracles the strong
came to submit to serve the weak,
and the people to purchase imaginary repose at the expense of
real felicity.
The philosophers, who have inquired into the foundations of
society, have all felt the necessity
of going back to a state of nature; but not one of them has got
there. Some of them have not
hesitated to ascribe to man, in such a state, the idea of just and
unjust, without troubling
themselves to show that he must be possessed of such an idea,
or that it could be of any use to
him. Others have spoken of the natural right of every man to
keep what belongs to him,
without explaining what they meant by belongs. Others again,
beginning by giving the strong
authority over the weak, proceeded directly to the birth of
government, without regard to the

time that must have elapsed before the meaning of the words
authority and government could
have existed among men. Every one of them, in short,
constantly dwelling on wants, avidity,
oppression, desires and pride, has transferred to the state of
nature ideas which were acquired
in society; so that, in speaking of the savage, they described the
social man. It has not even
entered into the heads of most of our writers to doubt whether
the state of nature ever
existed; but it is clear from the Holy Scriptures that the first
man, having received his
understanding and commandments immediately from God, was
not himself in such a state; and
that, if we give such credit to the writings of Moses as every
Christian philosopher ought to
give, we must deny that, even before the deluge, men were ever
in the pure state of nature;
unless, indeed, they fell back into it from some very
extraordinary circumstance; a paradox
which it would be very embarrassing to defend, and quite
impossible to prove.
Let us begin then by laying facts aside, as they do not affect the
question. The investigations we

may enter into, in treating this subject, must not be considered
as historical truths, but only as
mere conditional and hypothetical reasonings, rather calculated
to explain the nature of things,
2
than to ascertain their actual origin; just like the hypotheses
which our physicists daily form
respecting the formation of the world.
…
O man, of whatever country you are, and whatever your
opinions may be, behold your history,
such as I have thought to read it, not in books written by your
fellow-creatures, who are liars,
but in nature, which never lies. All that comes from her will be
true; nor will you meet with
anything false, unless I have involuntarily put in something of
my own. The times of which I am
going to speak are very remote: how much are you changed
from what you once were! It is, so

to speak, the life of your species which I am going to write,
after the qualities which you have
received, which your education and habits may have depraved,
but cannot have entirely
destroyed. There is, I feel, an age at which the individual man
would wish to stop: you are about
to inquire about the age at which you would have liked your
whole species to stand still.
Discontented with your present state, for reasons which threaten
your unfortunate
descendants with still greater discontent, you will perhaps wish
it were in your power to go
back; and this feeling should be a panegyric on your first
ancestors, a criticism of your
contemporaries, and a terror to the unfortunates who will come
after you.
THE FIRST PART
…
If we strip this being (man), thus constituted, of all the
supernatural gifts he may have received,
and all the artificial faculties he can have acquired only by a
long process; if we consider him, in

a word, just as he must have come from the hands of nature, we
behold in him an animal
weaker than some, and less agile than others; but, taking him all
round, the most
advantageously organised of any. I see him satisfying his
hunger at the first oak, and slaking his
thirst at the first brook; finding his bed at the foot of the tree
which afforded him a repast; and,
with that, all his wants supplied.
While the earth was left to its natural fertility and covered with
immense forests, whose trees
were never mutilated by the axe, it would present on every side
both sustenance and shelter
for every species of animal. Men, dispersed up and down among
the rest, would observe and
imitate their industry, and thus attain even to the instinct of the
beasts, with the advantage
that, whereas every species of brutes was confined to one
particular instinct, man, who
perhaps has not any one peculiar to himself, would appropriate
them all, and live upon most of
those different foods which other animals shared among
themselves; and thus would find his
subsistence much more easily than any of the rest.

…
But who does not see, without recurring to the uncertain
testimony of history, that everything
seems to remove from savage man both the temptation and the
means of changing his
3
condition? His imagination paints no pictures; his heart makes
no demands on him. His few
wants are so readily supplied, and he is so far from having the
knowledge which is needful to
make him want more, that he can have neither foresight nor
curiosity. The face of nature
becomes indifferent to him as it grows familiar. He sees in it
always the same order, the same
successions: he has not understanding enough to wonder at the
greatest miracles; nor is it in
his mind that we can expect to find that philosophy man needs,
if he is to know how to notice
for once what he sees every day. His soul, which nothing

disturbs, is wholly wrapped up in the
feeling of its present existence, without any idea of the future,
however near at hand; while his
projects, as limited as his views, hardly extend to the close of
day.
…
THE SECOND PART
THE first man who, having enclosed a piece of ground,
bethought himself of saying This is mine,
and found people simple enough to believe him, was the real
founder of civil society. From how
many crimes, wars and murders, from how many horrors and
misfortunes might not any one
have saved mankind, by pulling up the stakes, or filling up the
ditch, and crying to his fellows,
"Beware of listening to this impostor; you are undone if you
once forget that the fruits of the
earth belong to us all, and the earth itself to nobody." But there
is great probability that things
had then already come to such a pitch, that they could no longer
continue as they were; for the

idea of property depends on many prior ideas, which could only
be acquired successively, and
cannot have been formed all at once in the human mind.
Mankind must have made very
considerable progress, and acquired considerable knowledge
and industry which they must also
have transmitted and increased from age to age, before they
arrived at this last point of the
state of nature. Let us then go farther back, and endeavour to
unify under a single point of view
that slow succession of events and discoveries in the most
natural order.
Man's first feeling was that of his own existence, and his first
care that of self-preservation. The
produce of the earth furnished him with all he needed, and
instinct told him how to use it.
Hunger and other appetites made him at various times
experience various modes of existence;
and among these was one which urged him to propagate his
species — a blind propensity that,
having nothing to do with the heart, produced a merely animal
act. The want once gratified, the
two sexes knew each other no more; and even the offspring was
nothing to its mother, as soon

as it could do without her.
Such was the condition of infant man; the life of an animal
limited at first to mere sensations,
and hardly profiting by the gifts nature bestowed on him, much
less capable of entertaining a
thought of forcing anything from her. But difficulties soon
presented themselves, and it became
necessary to learn how to surmount them: the height of the
trees, which prevented him from
gathering their fruits, the competition of other animals desirous
of the same fruits, and the
ferocity of those who needed them for their own preservation,
all obliged him to apply himself
to bodily exercises. He had to be active, swift of foot, and
vigorous in fight. Natural weapons,
4
stones and sticks, were easily found: he learnt to surmount the
obstacles of nature, to contend
in case of necessity with other animals, and to dispute for the
means of subsistence even with

other men, or to indemnify himself for what he was forced to
give up to a stronger.
In proportion as the human race grew more numerous, men's
cares increased. The difference
of soils, climates and seasons, must have introduced some
differences into their manner of
living. Barren years, long and sharp winters, scorching summers
which parched the fruits of the
earth, must have demanded a new industry. On the seashore and
the banks of rivers, they
invented the hook and line, and became fishermen and eaters of
fish. In the forests they made
bows and arrows, and became huntsmen and warriors. In cold
countries they clothed
themselves with the skins of the beasts they had slain. The
lightning, a volcano, or some lucky
chance acquainted them with fire, a new resource against the
rigours of winter: they next
learned how to preserve this element, then how to reproduce it,
and finally how to prepare
with it the flesh of animals which before they had eaten raw.
This repeated relevance of various beings to himself, and one to
another, would naturally give

rise in the human mind to the perceptions of certain relations
between them. Thus the
relations which we denote by the terms, great, small, strong,
weak, swift, slow, fearful, bold,
and the like, almost insensibly compared at need, must have at
length produced in him a kind
of reflection, or rather a mechanical prudence, which would
indicate to him the precautions
most necessary to his security.
The new intelligence which resulted from this development
increased his superiority over other
animals, by making him sensible of it. He would now
endeavour, therefore, to ensnare them,
would play them a thousand tricks, and though many of them
might surpass him in swiftness or
in strength, would in time become the master of some and the
scourge of others. Thus, the first
time he looked into himself, he felt the first emotion of pride;
and, at a time when he scarce
knew how to distinguish the different orders of beings, by
looking upon his species as of the
highest order, he prepared the way for assuming pre-eminence
as an individual.

Other men, it is true, were not then to him what they now are to
us, and he had no greater
intercourse with them than with other animals; yet they were
not neglected in his
observations. The conformities, which he would in time
discover between them, and between
himself and his female, led him to judge of others which were
not then perceptible; and finding
that they all behaved as he himself would have done in like
circumstances, he naturally inferred
that their manner of thinking and acting was altogether in
conformity with his own. This
important truth, once deeply impressed on his mind, must have
induced him, from an intuitive
feeling more certain and much more rapid than any kind of
reasoning, to pursue the rules of
conduct, which he had best observe towards them, for his own
security and advantage.
Taught by experience that the love of well-being is the sole
motive of human actions, he found
himself in a position to distinguish the few cases, in which
mutual interest might justify him in
relying upon the assistance of his fellows; and also the still
fewer cases in which a conflict of

interests might give cause to suspect them. In the former case,
he joined in the same herd with
5
them, or at most in some kind of loose association, that laid no
restraint on its members, and
lasted no longer than the transitory occasion that formed it. In
the latter case, every one sought
his own private advantage, either by open force, if he thought
himself strong enough, or by
address and cunning, if he felt himself the weaker.
In this manner, men may have insensibly acquired some gross
ideas of mutual undertakings,
and of the advantages of fulfilling them: that is, just so far as
their present and apparent
interest was concerned: for they were perfect strangers to
foresight, and were so far from
troubling themselves about the distant future, that they hardly
thought of the morrow. If a deer
was to be taken, every one saw that, in order to succeed, he
must abide faithfully by his post:

but if a hare happened to come within the reach of any one of
them, it is not to be doubted
that he pursued it without scruple, and, having seized his prey,
cared very little, if by so doing
he caused his companions to miss theirs.
…
Hurried on by the rapidity of time, by the abundance of things I
have to say, and by the almost
insensible progress of things in their beginnings, I pass over in
an instant a multitude of ages;
for the slower the events were in their succession, the more
rapidly may they be described.
These first advances enabled men to make others with greater
rapidity. In proportion as they
grew enlightened, they grew industrious. They ceased to fall
asleep under the first tree, or in
the first cave that afforded them shelter; they invented several
kinds of implements of hard and
sharp stones, which they used to dig up the earth, and to cut
wood; they then made huts out of
branches, and afterwards learnt to plaster them over with mud
and clay. This was the epoch of

a first revolution, which established and distinguished families,
and introduced a kind of
property, in itself the source of a thousand quarrels and
conflicts. As, however, the strongest
were probably the first to build themselves huts which they felt
themselves able to defend, it
may be concluded that the weak found it much easier and safer
to imitate, than to attempt to
dislodge them: and of those who were once provided with huts,
none could have any
inducement to appropriate that of his neighbour; not indeed so
much because it did not belong
to him, as because it could be of no use, and he could not make
himself master of it without
exposing himself to a desperate battle with the family which
occupied it.
The first expansions of the human heart were the effects of a
novel situation, which united
husbands and wives, fathers and children, under one roof. The
habit of living together soon
gave rise to the finest feelings known to humanity, conjugal
love and paternal affection. Every
family became a little society, the more united because liberty
and reciprocal attachment were

the only bonds of its union. The sexes, whose manner of life
had been hitherto the same, began
now to adopt different ways of living. The women became more
sedentary, and accustomed
themselves to mind the hut and their children, while the men
went abroad in search of their
common subsistence. From living a softer life, both sexes also
began to lose something of their
strength and ferocity: but, if individuals became to some extent
less able to encounter wild
beasts separately, they found it, on the other hand, easier to
assemble and resist in common.
6
The simplicity and solitude of man's life in this new condition,
the paucity of his wants, and the
implements he had invented to satisfy them, left him a great
deal of leisure, which he employed
to furnish himself with many conveniences unknown to his
fathers: and this was the first yoke
he inadvertently imposed on himself, and the first source of the
evils he prepared for his

descendants. For, besides continuing thus to enervate both body
and mind, these conveniences
lost with use almost all their power to please, and even
degenerated into real needs, till the
want of them became far more disagreeable than the possession
of them had been pleasant.
Men would have been unhappy at the loss of them, though the
possession did not make them
happy.
…
Everything now begins to change its aspect. Men, who have up
to now been roving in the
woods, by taking to a more settled manner of life, come
gradually together, form separate
bodies, and at length in every country arises a distinct nation,
…
As ideas and feelings succeeded one another, and heart and head
were brought into play, men
continued to lay aside their original wildness; their private
connections became every day more
intimate as their limits extended. They accustomed themselves

to assemble before their huts
round a large tree; singing and dancing, the true offspring of
love and leisure, became the
amusement, or rather the occupation, of men and women thus
assembled together with
nothing else to do. Each one began to consider the rest, and to
wish to be considered in turn;
and thus a value came to be attached to public esteem. Whoever
sang or danced best, whoever
was the handsomest, the strongest, the most dexterous, or the
most eloquent, came to be of
most consideration; and this was the first step towards
inequality, and at the same time
towards vice. From these first distinctions arose on the one side
vanity and contempt and on
the other shame and envy: and the fermentation caused by these
new leavens ended by
producing combinations fatal to innocence and happiness.
As soon as men began to value one another, and the idea of
consideration had got a footing in
the mind, every one put in his claim to it, and it became
impossible to refuse it to any with
impunity. Hence arose the first obligations of civility even
among savages; and every intended

injury became an affront; because, besides the hurt which might
result from it, the party
injured was certain to find in it a contempt for his person,
which was often more insupportable
than the hurt itself.
Thus, as every man punished the contempt shown him by others,
in proportion to his opinion of
himself, revenge became terrible, and men bloody and cruel.
This is precisely the state reached
by most of the savage nations known to us: and it is for want of
having made a proper
distinction in our ideas, and see how very far they already are
from the state of nature, that so
many writers have hastily concluded that man is naturally cruel,
and requires civil institutions to
make him more mild; whereas nothing is more gentle than man
in his primitive state, as he is
7
placed by nature at an equal distance from the stupidity of
brutes, and the fatal ingenuity of

civilised man. Equally confined by instinct and reason to the
sole care of guarding himself
against the mischiefs which threaten him, he is restrained by
natural compassion from doing
any injury to others, and is not led to do such a thing even in
return for injuries received. For,
according to the axiom of the wise Locke, There can be no
injury, where there is no property.
…
So long as men remained content with their rustic huts, so long
as they were satisfied with
clothes made of the skins of animals and sewn together with
thorns and fish-bones, adorned
themselves only with feathers and shells, and continued to paint
their bodies different colours,
to improve and beautify their bows and arrows and to make with
sharp-edged stones fishing
boats or clumsy musical instruments; in a word, so long as they
undertook only what a single
person could accomplish, and confined themselves to such arts
as did not require the joint
labour of several hands, they lived free, healthy, honest and
happy lives, so long as their nature

allowed, and as they continued to enjoy the pleasures of mutual
and independent intercourse.
But from the moment one man began to stand in need of the
help of another; from the
moment it appeared advantageous to any one man to have
enough provisions for two, equality
disappeared, property was introduced, work became
indispensable, and vast forests became
smiling fields, which man had to water with the sweat of his
brow, and where slavery and
misery were soon seen to germinate and grow up with the crops.
…
The cultivation of the earth necessarily brought about its
distribution; and property, once
recognised, gave rise to the first rules of justice; for, to secure
each man his own, it had to be
possible for each to have something. Besides, as men began to
look forward to the future, and
all had something to lose, every one had reason to apprehend
that reprisals would follow any
injury he might do to another. This origin is so much the more
natural, as it is impossible to

conceive how property can come from anything but manual
labour: for what else can a man
add to things which he does not originally create, so as to make
them his own property? It is
the husbandman's labour alone that, giving him a title to the
produce of the ground he has
tilled, gives him a claim also to the land itself, at least till
harvest, and so, from year to year, a
constant possession which is easily transformed into property.
When the ancients, says Grotius,
gave to Ceres the title of Legislatrix, and to a festival
celebrated in her honour the name of
Thesmophoria, they meant by that that the distribution of lands
had produced a new kind of
right: that is to say, the right of property, which is different
from the right deducible from the
law of nature.
In this state of affairs, equality might have been sustained, had
the talents of individuals been
equal, and had, for example, the use of iron and the
consumption of commodities always
exactly balanced each other; but, as there was nothing to
preserve this balance, it was soon
disturbed; the strongest did most work; the most skilful turned

his labour to best account; the
8
most ingenious devised methods of diminishing his labour: the
husbandman wanted more iron,
or the smith more corn, and, while both laboured equally, the
one gained a great deal by his
work, while the other could hardly support himself. Thus
natural inequality unfolds itself
insensibly with that of combination, and the difference between
men, developed by their
different circumstances, becomes more sensible and permanent
in its effects, and begins to
have an influence, in the same proportion, over the lot of
individuals.
Matters once at this pitch, it is easy to imagine the rest. I shall
not detain the reader with a
description of the successive invention of other arts, the
development of language, the trial and
utilisation of talents, the inequality of fortunes, the use and
abuse of riches, and all the details

connected with them which the reader can easily supply for
himself. I shall confine myself to a
glance at mankind in this new situation.
Behold then all human faculties developed, memory and
imagination in full play, egoism
interested, reason active, and the mind almost at the highest
point of its perfection. Behold all
the natural qualities in action, the rank and condition of every
man assigned him; not merely his
share of property and his power to serve or injure others, but
also his wit, beauty, strength or
skill, merit or talents: and these being the only qualities capable
of commanding respect, it soon
became necessary to possess or to affect them.
It now became the interest of men to appear what they really
were not. To be and to seem
became two totally different things; and from this distinction
sprang insolent pomp and
cheating trickery, with all the numerous vices that go in their
train. On the other hand, free and
independent as men were before, they were now, in consequence
of a multiplicity of new
wants, brought into subjection, as it were, to all nature, and

particularly to one another; and
each became in some degree a slave even in becoming the
master of other men: if rich, they
stood in need of the services of others; if poor, of their
assistance; and even a middle condition
did not enable them to do without one another. Man must now,
therefore, have been
perpetually employed in getting others to interest themselves in
his lot, and in making them,
apparently at least, if not really, find their advantage in
promoting his own. Thus he must have
been sly and artful in his behaviour to some, and imperious and
cruel to others; being under a
kind of necessity to ill-use all the persons of whom he stood in
need, when he could not
frighten them into compliance, and did not judge it his interest
to be useful to them. Insatiable
ambition, the thirst of raising their respective fortunes, not so
much from real want as from the
desire to surpass others, inspired all men with a vile propensity
to injure one another, and with
a secret jealousy, which is the more dangerous, as it puts on the
mask of benevolence, to carry
its point with greater security. In a word, there arose rivalry and
competition on the one hand,

and conflicting interests on the other, together with a secret
desire on both of profiting at the
expense of others. All these evils were the first effects of
property, and the inseparable
attendants of growing inequality.
…
9
Thus, as the most powerful or the most miserable considered
their might or misery as a kind of
right to the possessions of others, equivalent, in their opinion,
to that of property, the
destruction of equality was attended by the most terrible
disorders. Usurpations by the rich,
robbery by the poor, and the unbridled passions of both,
suppressed the cries of natural
compassion and the still feeble voice of justice, and filled men
with avarice, ambition and vice.
Between the title of the strongest and that of the first occupier,
there arose perpetual conflicts,
which never ended but in battles and bloodshed. The new-born

state of society thus gave rise
to a horrible state of war; men thus harassed and depraved were
no longer capable of retracing
their steps or renouncing the fatal acquisitions they had made,
but, labouring by the abuse of
the faculties which do them honour, merely to their own
confusion, brought themselves to the
brink of ruin.
It is impossible that men should not at length have reflected on
so wretched a situation, and on
the calamities that overwhelmed them. The rich, in particular,
must have felt how much they
suffered by a constant state of war, of which they bore all the
expense; and in which, though all
risked their lives, they alone risked their property. Besides,
however speciously they might
disguise their usurpations, they knew that they were founded on
precarious and false titles; so
that, if others took from them by force what they themselves
had gained by force, they would
have no reason to complain. Even those who had been enriched
by their own industry, could
hardly base their proprietorship on better claims. It was in vain
to repeat, "I built this well; I

gained this spot by my industry." Who gave you your standing,
it might be answered, and what
right have you to demand payment of us for doing what we
never asked you to do? Do you not
know that numbers of your fellow-creatures are starving, for
want of what you have too much
of? You ought to have had the express and universal consent of
mankind, before appropriating
more of the common subsistence than you needed for your own
maintenance. Destitute of
valid reasons to justify and sufficient strength to defend
himself, able to crush individuals with
ease, but easily crushed himself by a troop of bandits, one
against all, and incapable, on
account of mutual jealousy, of joining with his equals against
numerous enemies united by the
common hope of plunder, the rich man, thus urged by necessity,
conceived at length the
profoundest plan that ever entered the mind of man: this was to
employ in his favour the
forces of those who attacked him, to make allies of his
adversaries, to inspire them with
different maxims, and to give them other institutions as
favourable to himself as the law of
nature was unfavourable.

With this view, after having represented to his neighbours the
horror of a situation which
armed every man against the rest, and made their possessions as
burdensome to them as their
wants, and in which no safety could be expected either in riches
or in poverty, he readily
devised plausible arguments to make them close with his design.
"Let us join," said he, "to
guard the weak from oppression, to restrain the ambitious, and
secure to every man the
possession of what belongs to him: let us institute rules of
justice and peace, to which all
without exception may be obliged to conform; rules that may in
some measure make amends
for the caprices of fortune, by subjecting equally the powerful
and the weak to the observance
of reciprocal obligations. Let us, in a word, instead of turning
our forces against ourselves,
collect them in a supreme power which may govern us by wise
laws, protect and defend all the
10

members of the association, repulse their common enemies, and
maintain eternal harmony
among us."
Far fewer words to this purpose would have been enough to
impose on men so barbarous and
easily seduced; especially as they had too many disputes among
themselves to do without
arbitrators, and too much ambition and avarice to go long
without masters. All ran headlong to
their chains, in hopes of securing their liberty; for they had just
wit enough to perceive the
advantages of political institutions, without experience enough
to enable them to foresee the
dangers. The most capable of foreseeing the dangers were the
very persons who expected to
benefit by them; and even the most prudent judged it not
inexpedient to sacrifice one part of
their freedom to ensure the rest; as a wounded man has his arm
cut off to save the rest of his
body.
Such was, or may well have been, the origin of society and law,
which bound new fetters on the

poor, and gave new powers to the rich; which irretrievably
destroyed natural liberty, eternally
fixed the law of property and inequality, converted clever
usurpation into unalterable right,
and, for the advantage of a few ambitious individuals, subjected
all mankind to perpetual
labour, slavery and wretchedness. It is easy to see how the
establishment of one community
made that of all the rest necessary, and how, in order to make
head against united forces, the
rest of mankind had to unite in turn. Societies soon multiplied
and spread over the face of the
earth, till hardly a corner of the world was left in which a man
could escape the yoke, and
withdraw his head from beneath the sword which he saw
perpetually hanging over him by a
thread. Civil right having thus become the common rule among
the members of each
community, the law of nature maintained its place only between
different communities, where,
under the name of the right of nations, it was qualified by
certain tacit conventions, in order to
make commerce practicable, and serve as a substitute for
natural compassion, which lost, when
applied to societies, almost all the influence it had over

individuals, and survived no longer
except in some great cosmopolitan spirits, who, breaking down
the imaginary barriers that
separate different peoples, follow the example of our Sovereign
Creator, and include the whole
human race in their benevolence.
But bodies politic, remaining thus in a state of nature among
themselves, presently experienced
the inconveniences which had obliged individuals to forsake it;
for this state became still more
fatal to these great bodies than it had been to the individuals of
whom they were composed.
Hence arose national wars, battles, murders, and reprisals,
which shock nature and outrage
reason; together with all those horrible prejudices which class
among the virtues the honour of
shedding human blood. The most distinguished men hence
learned to consider cutting each
other's throats a duty; at length men massacred their fellow-
creatures by thousands without so
much as knowing why, and committed more murders in a single
day's fighting, and more
violent outrages in the sack of a single town, than were
committed in the state of nature during

whole ages over the whole earth. Such were the first effects
which we can see to have followed
the division of mankind into different communities. But let us
return to their institutions.
11
12
THE SOCIAL CONTRACT
OR PRINCIPLES OF POLITICAL RIGHT
by Jean Jacques Rousseau
1762

Translated by G. D. H. Cole, public domain
6. THE SOCIAL COMPACT
I SUPPOSE men to have reached the point at which the
obstacles in the way of their preservation
in the state of nature show their power of resistance to be
greater than the resources at the
disposal of each individual for his maintenance in that state.
That primitive condition can then
subsist no longer; and the human race would perish unless it
changed its manner of existence.
But, as men cannot engender new forces, but only unite and
direct existing ones, they have no
other means of preserving themselves than the formation, by
aggregation, of a sum of forces
great enough to overcome the resistance. These they have to
bring into play by means of a
single motive power, and cause to act in concert.
This sum of forces can arise only where several persons come
together: but, as the force and
liberty of each man are the chief instruments of his self-
preservation, how can he pledge them

without harming his own interests, and neglecting the care he
owes to himself? This difficulty,
in its bearing on my present subject, may be stated in the
following terms:
"The problem is to find a form of association which will defend
and protect with the whole
common force the person and goods of each associate, and in
which each, while uniting himself
with all, may still obey himself alone, and remain as free as
before." This is the fundamental
problem of which the Social Contract provides the solution.
The clauses of this contract are so determined by the nature of
the act that the slightest
modification would make them vain and ineffective; so that,
although they have perhaps never
been formally set forth, they are everywhere the same and
everywhere tacitly admitted and
recognised, until, on the violation of the social compact, each
regains his original rights and
resumes his natural liberty, while losing the conventional
liberty in favour of which he
renounced it.

These clauses, properly understood, may be reduced to one —
the total alienation of each
associate, together with all his rights, to the whole community;
for, in the first place, as each
gives himself absolutely, the conditions are the same for all;
and, this being so, no one has any
interest in making them burdensome to others.
13
Moreover, the alienation being without reserve, the union is as
perfect as it can be, and no
associate has anything more to demand: for, if the individuals
retained certain rights, as there
would be no common superior to decide between them and the
public, each, being on one
point his own judge, would ask to be so on all; the state of
nature would thus continue, and the
association would necessarily become inoperative or tyrannical.
Finally, each man, in giving himself to all, gives himself to
nobody; and as there is no associate
over whom he does not acquire the same right as he yields

others over himself, he gains an
equivalent for everything he loses, and an increase of force for
the preservation of what he has.
If then we discard from the social compact what is not of its
essence, we shall find that it
reduces itself to the following terms:
"Each of us puts his person and all his power in common under
the supreme direction of the
general will, and, in our corporate capacity, we receive each
member as an indivisible part of
the whole."
At once, in place of the individual personality of each
contracting party, this act of association
creates a moral and collective body, composed of as many
members as the assembly contains
votes, and receiving from this act its unity, its common identity,
its life and its will. This public
person, so formed by the union of all other persons formerly
took the name of city,
4
and now

takes that of Republic or body politic; it is called by its
members State when passive. Sovereign
when active, and Power when compared with others like itself.
Those who are associated in it
take collectively the name of people, and severally are called
citizens, as sharing in the
sovereign power, and subjects, as being under the laws of the
State. But these terms are often
confused and taken one for another: it is enough to know how to
distinguish them when they
are being used with precision.
7. THE SOVEREIGN
THIS formula shows us that the act of association comprises a
mutual undertaking between the
public and the individuals, and that each individual, in making a
contract, as we may say, with
himself, is bound in a double capacity; as a member of the
Sovereign he is bound to the
individuals, and as a member of the State to the Sovereign. But
the maxim of civil right, that no
one is bound by undertakings made to himself, does not apply in
this case; for there is a great

difference between incurring an obligation to yourself and
incurring one to a whole of which
you form a part.
Attention must further be called to the fact that public
deliberation, while competent to bind all
the subjects to the Sovereign, because of the two different
capacities in which each of them
may be regarded, cannot, for the opposite reason, bind the
Sovereign to itself; and that it is
consequently against the nature of the body politic for the
Sovereign to impose on itself a law
which it cannot infringe. Being able to regard itself in only one
capacity, it is in the position of
an individual who makes a contract with himself; and this
makes it clear that there neither is
http://www.constitution.org/jjr/socon_01.htm#04#04
14
nor can be any kind of fundamental law binding on the body of
the people — not even the
social contract itself. This does not mean that the body politic

cannot enter into undertakings
with others, provided the contract is not infringed by them; for
in relation to what is external to
it, it becomes a simple being, an individual.
But the body politic or the Sovereign, drawing its being wholly
from the sanctity of the contract,
can never bind itself, even to an outsider, to do anything
derogatory to the original act, for
instance, to alienate any part of itself, or to submit to another
Sovereign. Violation of the act by
which it exists would be self-annihilation; and that which is
itself nothing can create nothing.
As soon as this multitude is so united in one body, it is
impossible to offend against one of the
members without attacking the body, and still more to offend
against the body without the
members resenting it. Duty and interest therefore equally oblige
the two contracting parties to
give each other help; and the same men should seek to combine,
in their double capacity, all
the advantages dependent upon that capacity.
Again, the Sovereign, being formed wholly of the individuals

who compose it, neither has nor
can have any interest contrary to theirs; and consequently the
sovereign power need give no
guarantee to its subjects, because it is impossible for the body
to wish to hurt all its members.
We shall also see later on that it cannot hurt any in particular.
The Sovereign, merely by virtue
of what it is, is always what it should be.
This, however, is not the case with the relation of the subjects
to the Sovereign, which, despite
the common interest, would have no security that they would
fulfil their undertakings, unless it
found means to assure itself of their fidelity.
In fact, each individual, as a man, may have a particular will
contrary or dissimilar to the general
will which he has as a citizen. His particular interest may speak
to him quite differently from the
common interest: his absolute and naturally independent
existence may make him look upon
what he owes to the common cause as a gratuitous contribution,
the loss of which will do less
harm to others than the payment of it is burdensome to himself;
and, regarding the moral

person which constitutes the State as a persona ficta, because
not a man, he may wish to enjoy
the rights of citizenship without being ready to fulfil the duties
of a subject. The continuance of
such an injustice could not but prove the undoing of the body
politic.
In order then that the social compact may not be an empty
formula, it tacitly includes the
undertaking, which alone can give force to the rest, that
whoever refuses to obey the general
will shall be compelled to do so by the whole body. This means
nothing less than that he will be
forced to be free; for this is the condition which, by giving each
citizen to his country, secures
him against all personal dependence. In this lies the key to the
working of the political machine;
this alone legitimises civil undertakings, which, without it,
would be absurd, tyrannical, and
liable to the most frightful abuses.
Page 1 of 4

The Republic
By Plato
Written 360 B.C.E
Translated by Benjamin Jowett
Book II
Socrates - GLAUCON
With these words I was thinking that I had made an end of the
discussion; but the end, in truth, proved
to be only a beginning. For Glaucon, who is always the most
pugnacious of men, was dissatisfied at
Thrasymachus' retirement; he wanted to have the battle out. So
he said to me: Socrates, do you wish
really to persuade us, or only to seem to have persuaded us, that
to be just is always better than to be

unjust?
I should wish really to persuade you, I replied, if I could.
Then you certainly have not succeeded. Let me ask you now: --
How would you arrange goods --are there
not some which we welcome for their own sakes, and
independently of their consequences, as, for
example, harmless pleasures and enjoyments, which delight us
at the time, although nothing follows
from them?
I agree in thinking that there is such a class, I replied.
Is there not also a second class of goods, such as knowledge,
sight, health, which are desirable not only
in themselves, but also for their results?
Certainly, I said.
And would you not recognize a third class, such as gymnastic,

and the care of the sick, and the
physician's art; also the various ways of money-making --these
do us good but we regard them as
disagreeable; and no one would choose them for their own
sakes, but only for the sake of some reward
or result which flows from them?
There is, I said, this third class also. But why do you ask?
Because I want to know in which of the three classes you would
place justice?
In the highest class, I replied, --among those goods which he
who would be happy desires both for their
own sake and for the sake of their results.
Page 2 of 4
Then the many are of another mind; they think that justice is to

be reckoned in the troublesome class,
among goods which are to be pursued for the sake of rewards
and of reputation, but in themselves are
disagreeable and rather to be avoided.
I know, I said, that this is their manner of thinking, and that this
was the thesis which Thrasymachus was
maintaining just now, when he censured justice and praised
injustice. But I am too stupid to be
convinced by him.
I wish, he said, that you would hear me as well as him, and then
I shall see whether you and I agree. For
Thrasymachus seems to me, like a snake, to have been charmed
by your voice sooner than he ought to
have been; but to my mind the nature of justice and injustice
have not yet been made clear. Setting
aside their rewards and results, I want to know what they are in

themselves, and how they inwardly
work in the soul. If you, please, then, I will revive the argument
of Thrasymachus. And first I will speak of
the nature and origin of justice according to the common view
of them. Secondly, I will show that all
men who practise justice do so against their will, of necessity,
but not as a good. And thirdly, I will argue
that there is reason in this view, for the life of the unjust is after
all better far than the life of the just --if
what they say is true, Socrates, since I myself am not of their
opinion. But still I acknowledge that I am
perplexed when I hear the voices of Thrasymachus and myriads
of others dinning in my ears; and, on the
other hand, I have never yet heard the superiority of justice to
injustice maintained by any one in a
satisfactory way. I want to hear justice praised in respect of
itself; then I shall be satisfied, and you are

the person from whom I think that I am most likely to hear this;
and therefore I will praise the unjust life
to the utmost of my power, and my manner of speaking will
indicate the manner in which I desire to
hear you too praising justice and censuring injustice. Will you
say whether you approve of my proposal?
Indeed I do; nor can I imagine any theme about which a man of
sense would oftener wish to converse.
I am delighted, he replied, to hear you say so, and shall begin
by speaking, as I proposed, of the nature
and origin of justice.
Glaucon
They say that to do injustice is, by nature, good; to suffer
injustice, evil; but that the evil is greater than
the good. And so when men have both done and suffered
injustice and have had experience of both, not

being able to avoid the one and obtain the other, they think that
they had better agree among
themselves to have neither; hence there arise laws and mutual
covenants; and that which is ordained by
law is termed by them lawful and just. This they affirm to be
the origin and nature of justice; --it is a
mean or compromise, between the best of all, which is to do
injustice and not be punished, and the
worst of all, which is to suffer injustice without the power of
retaliation; and justice, being at a middle
point between the two, is tolerated not as a good, but as the
lesser evil, and honoured by reason of the
inability of men to do injustice. For no man who is worthy to be
called a man would ever submit to such
an agreement if he were able to resist; he would be mad if he
did. Such is the received account,

Socrates, of the nature and origin of justice.
Page 3 of 4
Now that those who practise justice do so involuntarily and
because they have not the power to be
unjust will best appear if we imagine something of this kind:
having given both to the just and the unjust
power to do what they will, let us watch and see whither desire
will lead them; then we shall discover in
the very act the just and unjust man to be proceeding along the
same road, following their interest,
which all natures deem to be their good, and are only diverted
into the path of justice by the force of
law. The liberty which we are supposing may be most
completely given to them in the form of such a
power as is said to have been possessed by Gyges the ancestor

of Croesus the Lydian. According to the
tradition, Gyges was a shepherd in the service of the king of
Lydia; there was a great storm, and an
earthquake made an opening in the earth at the place where he
was feeding his flock. Amazed at the
sight, he descended into the opening, where, among other
marvels, he beheld a hollow brazen horse,
having doors, at which he stooping and looking in saw a dead
body of stature, as appeared to him, more
than human, and having nothing on but a gold ring; this he took
from the finger of the dead and
reascended. Now the shepherds met together, according to
custom, that they might send their monthly
report about the flocks to the king; into their assembly he came
having the ring on his finger, and as he
was sitting among them he chanced to turn the collet of the ring
inside his hand, when instantly he

became invisible to the rest of the company and they began to
speak of him as if he were no longer
present. He was astonished at this, and again touching the ring
he turned the collet outwards and
reappeared; he made several trials of the ring, and always with
the same result-when he turned the
collet inwards he became invisible, when outwards he
reappeared. Whereupon he contrived to be
chosen one of the messengers who were sent to the court; where
as soon as he arrived he seduced the
queen, and with her help conspired against the king and slew
him, and took the kingdom. Suppose now
that there were two such magic rings, and the just put on one of
them and the unjust the other;,no man
can be imagined to be of such an iron nature that he would stand
fast in justice. No man would keep his

hands off what was not his own when he could safely take what
he liked out of the market, or go into
houses and lie with any one at his pleasure, or kill or release
from prison whom he would, and in all
respects be like a God among men. Then the actions of the just
would be as the actions of the unjust;
they would both come at last to the same point. And this we
may truly affirm to be a great proof that a
man is just, not willingly or because he thinks that justice is any
good to him individually, but of
necessity, for wherever any one thinks that he can safely be
unjust, there he is unjust. For all men
believe in their hearts that injustice is far more profitable to the
individual than justice, and he who
argues as I have been supposing, will say that they are right. If
you could imagine any one obtaining this
power of becoming invisible, and never doing any wrong or

touching what was another's, he would be
thought by the lookers-on to be a most wretched idiot, although
they would praise him to one another's
faces, and keep up appearances with one another from a fear
that they too might suffer injustice.
Enough of this.
Now, if we are to form a real judgment of the life of the just
and unjust, we must isolate them; there is
no other way; and how is the isolation to be effected? I answer:
Let the unjust man be entirely unjust,
and the just man entirely just; nothing is to be taken away from
either of them, and both are to be
perfectly furnished for the work of their respective lives. First,
let the unjust be like other distinguished
masters of craft; like the skilful pilot or physician, who knows
intuitively his own powers and keeps

within their limits, and who, if he fails at any point, is able to
recover himself. So let the unjust make his
Page 4 of 4
unjust attempts in the right way, and lie hidden if he means to
be great in his injustice (he who is found
out is nobody): for the highest reach of injustice is: to be
deemed just when you are not. Therefore I say
that in the perfectly unjust man we must assume the most
perfect injustice; there is to be no deduction,
but we must allow him, while doing the most unjust acts, to
have acquired the greatest reputation for
justice. If he have taken a false step he must be able to recover
himself; he must be one who can speak
with effect, if any of his deeds come to light, and who can force
his way where force is required his

courage and strength, and command of money and friends. And
at his side let us place the just man in
his nobleness and simplicity, wishing, as Aeschylus says, to be
and not to seem good. There must be no
seeming, for if he seem to be just he will be honoured and
rewarded, and then we shall not know
whether he is just for the sake of justice or for the sake of
honours and rewards; therefore, let him be
clothed in justice only, and have no other covering; and he must
be imagined in a state of life the
opposite of the former. Let him be the best of men, and let him
be thought the worst; then he will have
been put to the proof; and we shall see whether he will be
affected by the fear of infamy and its
consequences. And let him continue thus to the hour of death;
being just and seeming to be unjust.
When both have reached the uttermost extreme, the one of

justice and the other of injustice, let
judgment be given which of them is the happier of the two.
Socrates - GLAUCON
Heavens! my dear Glaucon, I said, how energetically you polish
them up for the decision, first one and
then the other, as if they were two statues.
I do my best, he said. And now that we know what they are like
there is no difficulty in tracing out the
sort of life which awaits either of them. This I will proceed to
describe; but as you may think the
description a little too coarse, I ask you to suppose, Socrates,
that the words which follow are not mine.
--Let me put them into the mouths of the eulogists of injustice:
They will tell you that the just man who
is thought unjust will be scourged, racked, bound --will have his
eyes burnt out; and, at last, after

suffering every kind of evil, he will be impaled: Then he will
understand that he ought to seem only, and
not to be, just; the words of Aeschylus may be more truly
spoken of the unjust than of the just. For the
unjust is pursuing a reality; he does not live with a view to
appearances --he wants to be really unjust
and not to seem only:--
His mind has a soil deep and fertile,
Out of which spring his prudent counsels. In the first place, he
is thought just, and therefore bears rule in
the city; he can marry whom he will, and give in marriage to
whom he will; also he can trade and deal
where he likes, and always to his own advantage, because he
has no misgivings about injustice and at
every contest, whether in public or private, he gets the better of
his antagonists, and gains at their

expense, and is rich, and out of his gains he can benefit his
friends, and harm his enemies; moreover, he
can offer sacrifices, and dedicate gifts to the gods abundantly
and magnificently, and can honour the
gods or any man whom he wants to honour in a far better style
than the just, and therefore he is likely
to be dearer than they are to the gods. And thus, Socrates, gods
and men are said to unite in making the
life of the unjust better than the life of the just.

Page 2Page 3Page 4Page 5Page 6Page 7Page 8Page 9Page
10Page 11
6/24/19, 10*58 PM2.1 Reading | Winthrop: PLS-3003-OL
Freedom in American Society
dot-1-reading-%7C-winthrop?module_item_id=231562
2.1 Reading | Winthrop

Read Winthrop's "Little Speech on
Liberty"
John Winthrop
(https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Winthrop) was governor of
the Massachusetts Bay Colony. You can read his "Little Speech
on
Liberty" below (excerpt from Richard C. Sinopoli's From Many,
One (http://books.google.com/books?id=HOVR1_SI-
RkC&dq=text%20of%20) ). The speech is also available
from University of Virginia's Electronic Text Center
(http://etext.lib.virginia.edu/toc/modeng/public/WinLibe.html)
.
Little Speech on Liberty
I suppose something may be expected from me, upon this charge
that is befallen me which
moves me to speak now to you; yet I intend not to intermeddle
in the proceedings of the
court or with any of the persons concerned therein. Only I bless
God that I see an issue of
this troublesome business. I also acknowledge the justice of the
court, and, for mine own

part, I am well satisfied, I was publicly charged, and I am
publicly and legally acquitted,
which is all I did expect or desire. And though this be sufficient
for my justification before
men, yet not so before the God, who hath seen so much amiss in
my dispensations (and
even in this affair) as calls me to be humble. For to be publicly
and criminally charged in
this court is matter of humiliation (and I desire to make a right
use of it), notwithstanding I
be thus acquitted. If her father had spit in her face (saith the
Lord concerning Miriam),
should she not have been ashamed seven days? Shame had lien
upon her, whatever the
occasion had been. I am unwilling to stay you from your urgent
affairs, yet give me leave
(upon this special occasion) to speak a little more to this
assembly. It may be of some good
use, to inform and rectify the judgments of some of the people,
and may prevent such
distempers as have arisen amongst us. The great questions that
have troubled the country
are about the authority of the magistrates and the liberty of the
people. It is yourselves
who have called us to this office, and, being called by you, we

have our authority from God,
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Winthrop
http://books.google.com/books?id=HOVR1_SI-
RkC&dq=text%20of%20
http://etext.lib.virginia.edu/toc/modeng/public/WinLibe.html
who have called us to this office, and, being called by you, we
have our authority from God,
in way of an ordinance, such as hath the image of God
eminently stamped upon it, the
contempt and violation whereof hath been vindicated with
examples of divine vengeance. I
entreat you to consider that, when you choose magistrates, you
take them from among
yourselves, men subject to like passions as you are. Therefore,
when you see infirmities in
us, you should reflect upon your own, and that would make you

bear the more with us, and
not be severe censurers of the failings of your magistrates, when
you have continual
experience of the like infirmities in yourselves and others. We
account him a good servant
who breaks not his covenant. The covenant between you and us
is the oath you have taken
of us, which is to this purpose: that we shall govern you and
judge your causes by the rules
of God's laws and our own, according to our best skill. When
you agree with a workman to
build you a ship or house, etc., he undertakes as well for his
skill as for his faithfulness, for
it is his profession, and you pay him for both. But when you call
one to be a magistrate, he
doth not profess nor undertake to have sufficient skill for that
office, nor can you furnish
him with gifts, etc., therefore you must run the hazard of his
skill and ability. But if he fail
in faithfulness, which by his oath he is bound unto, that he must
answer for. If it fall out
that the case be clear to common apprehension, and the rule
clear also, if he transgress
here, the error is not in the skill, but in the evil of the will: it
must be required of him. But if

the case be doubtful, or the rule doubtful, to men of such
understanding and parts as your
magistrates are, if your magistrates should err here, yourselves
must bear it.
For the other point concerning liberty, I observe a great mistake
in the country about that.
There is a twofold liberty, natural (I mean as our nature is now
corrupt) and civil or federal.
The first is common to man with beasts and other creatures. By
this, man, as he stands in
relation to man simply, hath liberty to do what he lists; it is a
liberty to evil as well as to
good. This liberty is incompatible and inconsistent with
authority, and cannot endure the
least restraint of the most just authority. The exercise and
maintaining of this liberty makes
men grow more evil, and in time to be worse than brute beasts:
omnes sumus licentia
deteriores. This is that great enemy of truth and peace, that wild
beast, which all of the
ordinances of God are bent against, to restrain and subdue it.
The other kind of liberty I call
civil or federal; it may also be termed moral, in reference to the
covenant between God and

man, in the moral law, and the politic covenants and
constitutions amongst men
themselves. This liberty is the proper end and object of
authority and cannot subsist
without it; and it is a liberty to that only which is good, just,
and honest. This liberty you
are to stand for, with the hazard (not only of your goods, but) of
your lives, if need be.
Whatsoever crosseth this is not authority but a distemper
thereof. This liberty is maintained
and exercised in a way of subjection to authority; it is of the
same kind of liberty wherewith
Christ hath made us free. The women's own choice makes such a
man her husband; yet,
Christ hath made us free. The women's own choice makes such a
man her husband; yet,

being so chosen, he is her lord, and she is to be subject to him,
yet in a way of liberty, not
of bondage; and a true wife accounts her subjection her honor
and freedom and would not
think her condition safe and free but in her subjection to her
husband's authority. Such is
the liberty of the church under the authority of Christ, her king
and husband; his yoke is so
easy and sweet to her as a bride's ornaments; and if through
forwardness or wantonness,
etc., she shake it off, at any time, she is at no rest in her spirit,
until she take it up again;
and whether her lord smiles upon her and embraceth her in his
arms, or whether he
frowns, or rebukes, or smites her, she apprehends the sweetness
of his love in all, and is
refreshed, supported, and instructed by every such dispensation
of his authority over her.
On the other side, ye know who they are that complain of this
yoke and say, Let us break
their bands, etc.; we will not have this man to rule over us.
Even so, brethren, it will be
between you and your magistrates. If you want to stand for your
natural corrupt liberties,
and will do what is good in your own eyes, you will not endure

the least weight of authority,
but will murmur, and oppose, and be always striving to shake
off that yoke; but if you will
be satisfied to enjoy such civil and lawful liberties, such as
Christ allows you, then will you
quietly and cheerfully submit unto that authority which is set
over you, in all the
administrations of it, for your good. Wherein, if we fail at any
time, we hope we shall be
willing (by God's assistance) to hearken to good advice from
any of you, or in any other
way of God; so shall your liberties be preserved in upholding
the honor and power of
authority amongst you.
6/24/19, 10*55 PM8.6 Assignment | Semester Paper
Page 1 of
5https://pba.instructure.com/courses/10259/assignments/111149
?module_item_id=231680
8.6 Assignment | Semester Paper

Due Tuesday by 11:59pm Points 200 Submitting a file
upload
File Types doc, docx, rtf, and pdf
Submit Assignment
What should I write?
Write an exposition on the health of freedom in American
society today.
Do not forget to include economic freedom.
Explain the major threats to freedom.
Propose solutions.
Do I need to include research in this paper?
Yes. This paper requires at least 6 sources. You must use at
least 4 of the following 8 sources (reading selections in
the course):
1. Sharansky
2. Winthrop
3. Plato
4. Rousseau

5. Declaration of Independence
6. S. Constitution
7. Evans
8. D’Souza
You must also cite at least one lesson from the course and one
outside source.
That is a requirement of a minimum of 6 sources.
How long should it be?
It will be very difficult to accomplish all the requirements short
of 1,750 words. Aim for about 2,000 words. Title and
reference pages do not contribute to the total word count.
This paper is worth 200 points. To earn the most points:
1. Include all the required sources.
2. Address the health of freedom (and economic freedom) in
American society today.
3. Explain major threats to freedom.
4. Propose real life solutions (do not parrot the
professor/lesson).
5. Use the grading rubric to guide your work.

https://pba.instructure.com/courses/10259/assignments/111149?
module_item_id=231680#
Page 2 of
Freedom Semester Paper
Criteria Ratings Pts
50.0 pts
40.0 pts
6. Follow APA format – an example paper is available is
available under Week 8. (No abstract is necessary.)
7. Cite all sources in APA format.
8. Avoid contractions and use of “you”.
9. Avoid plagiarism.

If you have questions about what constitutes good grammar or
proper APA citation/format, please visit the Center for
Writing Excellence in the Lower Level of the Warren Library.
Health of
freedom
Discusses
the health
of freedom
in American
society
today,
including
political and
legal
freedom
50.0 pts
Superior/Excellent
Multiple aspects of
freedom are referred
to, specific examples
are used, and society

is described. The
argument or analysis
is clear, clearly
supported and
organized logically.
45.0 pts
Good/Above
Average
Multiple
aspects of
freedom are
discussed,
examples are
used, and
society is
described. The
argument is
clear and
organized
logically.
35.0 pts
Satisfactory

The health
of freedom is
discussed,
including
political and
legal
freedom,
and the
argument
makes
sense.
30.0 pts
Almost
The health
of freedom
is
mentioned,
as is
society.
The
argument
was

difficult to
follow.
25.0 pts
Attempt
Made
Freedom
was
discussed.
No
supporting
argument or
organization
made the
argument
difficult to
discern or
follow.
0.0 pts
No Credit
The rater
did not

see this
element
discussed.
Economic
Freedom
Discuss
economic
freedom in
American
society
today.
40.0 pts
Superior/Excellent
Economic freedom
in American society
was discussed using
specific examples.
The health of
economic freedom in
American society
was discussed using

specific examples.
The argument or
analysis is clear,
clearly supported
and organized
logically.
36.0 pts
Good/Above
Average
Economic
freedom was
discussed using
hypothetical or
general
examples. The
health of
economic
freedom in
American
society was
discussed using
hypothetical or
general

30.0 pts
Satisfactory
Economic
freedom was
discussed.
The health
of economic
freedom was
discussed.
The
argument or
analysis
makes
sense.
25.0 pts
Almost
Economic
freedom
and its
health
were

mentioned,
but the
argument
was
difficult to
follow.
10.0 pts
Attempt
Made
Economics
and/or
economic
freedom
was
mentioned.
No
supporting
argument or
organization
made the
argument
difficult to
discern or

0.0 pts
No Credit
The rater
did not
see this
element
discussed.
Page 3 of
20.0 pts
20.0 pts
examples. The
argument or
analysis is clear,

clearly
supported and
organized
logically.
follow.
Threats to
Freedom
20.0 pts
Superior/Excellent
Emerging or
existing threats to
freedom are
identified, using
specific examples.
That these
identified threats
ARE threats is
supported using
course
material/resources,
historical context,

or logical and
organized analysis.
18.0 pts
Good/Above
Average
Emerging or
existing
threats to
freedom are
identified,
using
specific
examples.
Argument is
logical,
organized,
and easy to
follow.
15.0 pts
Satisfactory
Emerging or

existing
threats are
identified
using
general
examples.
Argument is
logical,
organized,
and easy to
follow.
12.0 pts
Almost
Threats
are
identified.
No
examples
given.
Major
points
were
clear and

easy to
identify.
5.0 pts
Attempt Made
Threats
mentioned.
Argument/analysis
weak,
disorganized,
unsupported, or
difficult to follow.
0.0 pts
No Credit
The rater
did not
see this
element
discussed.

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