The document discusses the history of forest management and fire suppression in western forests. It notes that frequent, small surface fires were historically important for maintaining healthy ponderosa pine forests, but over a century of fire suppression has depleted these natural biological processes. Some forest management professionals now endorse controlled burning and thinning to restore more natural fire regimes. The document also discusses challenges around the wildland-urban interface, where increasing development meets forested areas, posing fire risks. It reviews debates around post-fire logging and its potential impacts on forest restoration.

2. Introduction
In the Western United States, the
history of natural areas has been a history
of profitable natural resource exploitation.
The ponderosa pine forests have provided
a stable supply of consumer products for
two centuries. Management techniques
have been geared toward the preservation
and production of this resource. However,
these ecosystems have been historically
fire-adapted, depending on frequent,
small surface fires for natural thinning and
regeneration (Swetnam and Baisan, 1996).
Well over a century of fire-supression
management strategies have depleted
forests of necessary biological processes to
maintain health (Savage and Mast, 2005).
Analagous to a child’s fever as an immune
response to illness, fire acts to flush and
cleanse the system—slightly detrimental
in the short-term but essential for overall
health. A constant suppression of fever
with medicine only deters the symptom
without addressing the cause, and will act
to weaken the immune system over time.
Long-term suppression leads to treatment-
immune super-viruses (large crown fires),
increased fire frequency and intensity, and
stand mortality.
Recognizing this, forest management professionals h
f i l have endorsed a f d
d d fundamental shift
t l hift
in strategy from fire suppression to controlled burning, manual thinning, and laissez-faire small
firefighting. (Savage and Mast, 2005; Miyahishi and Johnson, 2001; Wier et al, 2000). The specific
techniques that are most effective or cost-efficient are still debated, yet the overall adoption of a
fire-supported management technique is well-documented as a BMP.
Currently, the targeted critical area for forest management is also one of the fastest
changing—the Wildland-urban interface (WUI). The WUI is commonly described as “the zone
where structures and other human development meet and intermingle with undeveloped Wildland
or vegetative fuels. This WUI zone poses tremendous risks to life, property, and infrastructure in
associated communities and is one of the most dangerous and complicated situations firefighters
face” (CWPP Handbook 2004).

3. Urban planners, developers, and academics have not neglected this situation. Policies have
come into effect since the ‘drastic’ wildfire seasons of 2002-2003, and several communities have
refined their policies prior to that. Some communities have adopted shelter-in-place construction
standards, development limits, ingress/egress models, mandated fuel mitigation at the property and
the community level (Cova, 2005; Cova & Church, 2000; RSF, 2007; PPMD, 2005; USFS 2007; Fienstien,
2007) .
Such a brief review of such a broad subject matter will obviously not yield any definitive
conclusions, this study simply intends to publicly inform about the current discussions within the
profession. The ultimate goal of this analysis is to assess the effectiveness of certain specific points
still contended within the WUI planning sphere. Concepts of ecological sustainability, public and
property preservation, and effectiveness of policy implementation will be discussed. Within these
criteria, identification whether benchmarks are met can be viewed as those which support forests’
natural restoration (including natural fire patterns), protect the life-safety of human populations within
the WUI, and promote an economically viable resource cycle.
Background Figure 1. GIS Data of Fire Ignitions Annually.
(Black is natural ignition, red is human ignition)
History of Forest Management/Fire Supression GEOMAC, 2007
Even though human-ignited fire has been a part
of western American forests since the beginning of
record, the past century has been marked by a steady
and exponential increase in the annual acerage
burned (see Figure 1)(GEOMAC, 2007; Farnsworth et
al, 2002; ). Native Americans utilized prescribed burns
to clear ground for agriculture, to assist in hunting, and
to thin overgrown areas. Arid climates and lightning
ignitions have undoubtedly instituted the prehistoric
adaptation to fire in which forests now rely. The year
1910, however, appears to begin the current epoch in
Wildland fire behavior. During that year, 1700 ignitions 2002
burned 3.1 million acres throughout the western United
States. This tragedy laid the foundation for aggressive
fire suppression and firefighting strategies that have
only recently been called to question (Ricklefs, 1987;
Graham, 2003).
Traditional firefighting strategies were effective at
reducing acres burned until the early 1960’s, but from
that point until now, fires have increased annually in
intensity and spatial area. The age of uncontrollable
Wildland fires began with Yellowstone in 1988,
progressed to the Colorado Haymen fire in 2002, and
more recently the Southern California fires of 2007. Of
course, there have been several other catastrophic fire 2003

4. events in the past 20 years, but these are most familiar
due to the national media attention (Graham, 2003).
Natural Ecology of Ponderosa Forests
The natural state of Ponderosa forests are
clumped in broadly spaced stands. As suppression
and artificial restoration efforts have progressed, the
current state of many forest systems is that of large-
caliper individuals evenly and densely spaced. Smaller
caliper individuals and ‘ladder fuel’ species abundantly 2004
distributed within the stands generally result from
overgrazing activity (). Further, shrubs, detrium, grasses
and smaller species are more abundantly and uniformly
dispersed at the surface level. This even stratification
of the forest allows fires to start, spread, and increase
intensity well beyond natural levels. And, with regard to
the WUI, fires have radically increased in frequency due
to an increased point of ignition—humans. Referring to
ignitions within the last decade, the substantial majority
of large fires were human-ignited.
Development of the WUI 2005
Within the past three decades, development at
the WUI has progressed exponentially. The prospect
of access to natural surroundings, larger plots of land,
refuge from urban intensity, and increased privacy
make a sound argument for living in the WUI. These
attractions, however, usually overshadow the reality
of increased responsibilities and costs associated with
this environment. Looking out the kitchen window
at a mule deer is certainly endearing, but looking
out to a black bear, mountain lion, or coyote aren’t
generally met with such romanticized ideas. Several
state agencies including those in Colorado have spent
considerable resources on public education and
outreach programs to increase community awareness 2006
and involvement concerning private fuel mitigation,
slash pick-up programs, land management, and
overall fire preparedness (CWPP, 2007; Firewise, 2007;
douglascounty.gov; nifc.gov). The Healthy Forests
Restoration Act of 2003 enabled a new tool for WUI
communities in the Community Wildfire Protection
Plan. This interagency collaborative charge allots
communities active in wildland mitigation access to

5. funds and resources necessary for the maintenence
of defensible space within the community. It also
aids active communities with collaboration of federal
land managment activity (Worley, 2006; CWPP 2004;
USFS 2007; PPMD, 2005). While implementation of
collaborative efforts created by the CWPP is not
always successful, several case studies show increased
efficiency in managing conflageration events,
evacuation protocols, and emergency managment
strategies (Worley, 2006; Carson, 2004).
2007
Current Trends in Fuel Mitigation
Post-fire logging: recycling or reinforcing the problem
Currently, the debate surrounding salvage logging within burned areas remains relatively
polarized. The concept of harvesting an economically viable product after conflageration events
superficially appears prudent and resourceful. However, recent testing suggests that this activity
hinders forest restoration, contributes to erosion as well as riparian contamination, increases the
probability of repeat fires, and could act to accelerate drastic ecosystem shift (Savage and Mast,
2005; Elson et al,2007; Levy, 2007; Donato, 2007; Robbins, 2006; Lindenmayer et al, 2004). In fact,
Donato et al. released data earlier this year advancing that post-fire logging acts to reduce stand
regeneration up to 70% and increases overall fuel load in the form of surface slash (Donato et al,

6. 2007). While the results of this study were initially contended in the peer review process, the data
presented has been validated. Others have analyzed soil restoration after fire events, and found
reduced organic deposits, higher rates of erosion, compaction and dramatically reduced nutrient
loads, which support the theory of hindered restorative growth (Dumroese et al, 2006; Poff, 1996).
Dumroese’s work suggests that harvesting activity in the winter months could diminish erosion,
compaction and possibly minimize disturbance to nutrient loads within post-fire soils.
The current U. S. Forest Service policy on post-event logging allows commencement without
the existing bureaucratic controls in events of emergency economic loss. While the economic
viability of burned timber is not debatable, the expedited process by which access is granted for
harvest prior to decay is a point of contention. Several have argued that this policy is antagonistic
to the protection of wildlife populations already threatened or displaced (Nappi et al, 2004). In
extrapolation of the Dumroese’s work, up to a year’s delay in order to harvest appropriately should
allow ample time for an environmental assessment to occur prior to total stand decay.
Slash: community burden or entrepreneurial windfall
With forest thinning and the substantial slash created resulting from fuel reduction policies, the
problem of surface fuel density arose. Research has shown that thinning without burning or total slash
removal will actually increase the likelihood of fire as well as inhibit healthy growth and regeneration
(Robbins, 2006; Donato et al, 2007). Recently, cottage industries dedicated to processing low-value
timber have appeared--utilizing small diameter trees and slash for several marketable products.
The largest processor currently is Forest Energy Products, a manufacturer of wood pellets for home
heating. One amicable partnership is retrieving enough biomass to supply 25% of the fuel for a local
energy plant (Neary and Zieroth, 2007). The bulk of the responsibility for the bulk of the detrium,
however, still falls on the community (Farnsworth et al, 2002; Iverson and Demarck, 2005; GAO, 2006;
Vogt et al, 2005; Reams et al, 2005). In Perry Park, Colorado, residents log 2000 hours annually in slash
management on their small residential properties alone. The metropolitan district contracts mitigation
in public lands and rights-of-way, and the community is consistently engaged with local agencies to
manage the perimeters of State and National forest lands abutting the community (Threewitt and
Wagonlander, 2006).
Contracting: sound business or old-school business
Currently, approximately 30% of timber managment is contracted either through the BLM or
the Forest Service. According to the 1Q 2007 Healthy Forests and Rangelands report: “Stewardship
contracting...shift[s] the focus of federal forest and rangeland management towards a desired future
resource condition. They are also a means for federal agencies to contribute to the development

7. of sustainable rural communities, maintain healthy forest ecosystems, and provide a continuing
source of local income and employment” (HFR, 2007). Table 3 shows the number of contracts
awarded and subsequent acres treated per the HFR report. The treatment sizes range from 150 to
650 acres averaged per contract, with an overall average of 512 acres treated per contract. There
is currently no report available of the company sizes or locations for these stewardship contracts, nor
is there assembled data of the number of companies awarded these contracts. The nature of these
contracts are such that the value of the slash harvested is deducted from the fair market value for
collection labor. The difference, if any, is then renumerated.
Healthy Forests Restoration Act Analysis: Is W really an environmentalist?
The Healthy forests initiative and the HFRA summary
The Healthy Forests Restoration Act of 2003 (HFRA) came under the Bush Administration as a
federal response to the increasing threat of wildfires. This act enourages public input and upholds
environmental standards. In the two years prior to the passage of this law, 147,049 fires burned
approximately 11 million acres, and 6800 structures were burned in 2003 alone. The seven key

8. components of this act are: to reduce ground and ladder fuels through thinning and prescribed
burning; to improve public involvement and participation; to promote collaborative projects that
include local, tribal, state, Federal, and non-governmental stakeholders; to authorize projects
on Federal lands that meet criteria for wildfire risk to communities, water supply systems, and the
environment; to create the Healthy Forests Reserve Program for the protection and restoration of
degraded forest ecosystems on private lands; to encourage biomass energy production; and to
develop an early detection and inventory program for sivicultural threats.
Initial Critiques
Initial reactions to the HFRA centered around concepts of unregulated subsidies for the timber
industry, exploitation of public fears about wildfire in order to promote swift passage, and lack of
direction of logging efforts toward the WUI (safc.org 2003; Service, 2003; ). As mentioned earlier, the
provision limiting the NEPA proces, the public review process, and the 60 day injunction limit act to
hinder opponents of proposed sale or harvesting the proper time to engage effective analysis (ibid).
The following is an excerpt from the position statement of an environmental watchdog group,
the Wilderness Society:
The HFRA falls far short of what should be the primary goal of any wildfire legislation –
protecting communities and keeping people safe from the risks of wildfire. The Bush-
backed measure does not provide the funding needed to protect communities and
instead uses the fear of fire to gut bedrock environmental laws and tip the scales of
justice in our courts. The wildfire provisions of the Act also focus solely on federal lands,
but studies show that 85 percent of the land surrounding communities most at risk from
wildfire is private, state, or tribal – not federal (wilderness.org, 2006).
These critiques echo the nature of criticism surrounding this act. Within the four years since the law
has been in force, communities active in WUI fuel suppression are finding little direct assistance from
the Federal program, and have since redirected resources at securing State and local assistance
(Johns, 2007; Worley, 2007).
The benefits of the HFRA, however, are not to be overlooked. Mandated public involvement
in the CWPP process helps to educate residents, creates open channels of communication, and
creates relatively successful collaborative efforts which enable effective communication surrounding
fire management decisions at all levels.
The Cox canyon and Lakeview fires, in Colorado and Nevada respectively, both illustrate
the success of community fuel reduction projects and interagency collaboration during a fire event
(Forests and Rangelands.gov).
Planning the Perfect WUI Community
Shelter in place
Originally proposed for new communities, the concept of shelter-in-place wildfire protection
is now a mandate in San Diego county. In its original form, this theory encompassed specific building
materials and components as well as conservative site clearing and planting techniques in order
to create an alternative life-safety measure to late evacuation. By constructing the residence with
fire resistent cladding and roof material, installation of an exterior sprinkler system, boxed eaves,

9. tempered glass, and several other safety measures, shelter-in-place appeared to be the solution for
wildland fire safety. However, the safety is fully dependent on the structure’s components and ability
to resist ignition from spotting. Defensible space at the perimeter can be maintained such that fire
would not spread to the structure. But the Haymen fire in Colorado set new standards when spot fires
exceeded 1 mile ahead of the fire front. This concept has recieved little scholarly attention in the past
2 years, yet San Diego County created a shelter-in-place mandate. This appears to be for both new
residences (which could be built to the standard), but also existing residences. A breif feasibility study
by Threewitt, Wagonlander, and Worley suggested that the significant investment in retrofitting an
existing structure for shelter-in-place would be significantly higher than the purchase price of a new
home (2006). An early proponent of the shelter-in-place model was researcher Thomas Cova, yet no
recent articles suggest it.
Ingress/egress
Modelling community development within the WUI in terms of fire safety is a relatively new
endeavor for planning offices. Many plats are still approved for rural subdivisions that only require one
or two access roads. The possibility of efficient evacuation as well as firefighting access is severely
diminished as ingress/egress points are reduced. Even with ample egress options for a community,
when routes are not effectively mitigated, severe threats to life are increased.
One example of this is the Oakland-Berkeley fire in 1991. The Buckingham neighborhood
included 337 homes with four full-time access roads. The road network was narrow, winding, and
densely vegetated. Total road length in the neighborhood is 5293 meters, equaling 16 meters per
home. This high density created and exit capacity of 3200 vehicles per hour with all roads available.
There is no buffer zone or fuel mitigation at the roadsides. Based on the Cova egress model, this
neighborhood was compliant for the number of exits, exit capacity, and minimum exit distance.
However, it was noncompliant for density, exit arrangement and exit fuel buffers or breaks.
The origin of the Buckingham fire was traced to an open space within the neighborhood. As
with most wildifres, this was human activated. Within 30 minutes of the fire’s report, 2 of the roads-
-Tunnel road East and West, were blocked by fire. Evacuating residents proceeded uphill to the
remaining exits. Most residents used Charing Cross road, a 13 foot wide “afterthought.”
Of the 24 fatalities within the neighborhood from this firestorm, 12 were residents caught in
theirs cars at the end of the evacuation cue. A 2001 Oakland wildfire planning study reports: “The
reasons why the 1991 fire could not be stopped still exist today in many loacations throughout East
Bay Hills.” The entire 1991 incident eliminated 2900 residential structures and burned 1600 acres. No
record is available regarding any homes retrieved in the Buckingham neighborhood. The California
East Bay Hills have lost 3542 homes to wildfires, which comprises 39% of all residences destroyed by
wildfire in California. This event cost $1.7 billion in damage, and was the most costly fire in the nation’s
history at the time (Cova, 2005; Cova and Church, 2000; Threewitt and Wagonlander, 2006).
One component of new WUI plats that builders are attempting is full fuel mitigation prior to
development. Creating the prescribed fuel breaks at neighborhood boundaries and thinning all
areas prior to building has been effective in Cathedral Pines, Colorado among others. The costs of
fuel management are assumed up front and passed on to homeowners at the point of purchase.
Then, effective fuels treatment is a matter of regular maintenence instead of reactive management
of established systems (Worley, 2006).

10. Suggested Courses of Action
Many of the best management practices for community construction and maintenence are
currently utilized regarding new construction. Further, many communities have adopted CWPP’s and
are actively involved in fuel reduction programs within their neighborhood. Increasing numbers of
communities are adopting shelter-in-place construction standards, and individual home-owners are
requesting these components during new construction, whether they are required or not.
The areas where community protection fall short are: federal and state responsibility for
adequate forest thinning on public lands abutting the WUI, environmental stewardship both before
and after wildfire events, effective mandates on neighborhood access for fire professionals and
resident evacuation, mandated defensible space requirements on private lands, and effecitve
policy dealing with adjoining private land uses that threaten surrounding properties. The mandate
of shelter-in-place, such as San Diego county has enacted, is not recommended at a level other
than optional participation at the neighborhood level. While many have lost lives while detained
in the process of evacuating, staying put during a large event offers few alternatives once a fire
has approached. Shelter-in-place should by no means be enacted unless communities have
fully followed the construction mandates and independent analysis of structural and life safety is
conducted on a neighborhood scale.

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~Healthy Forests Report May 2007
The Department of the Interior (DOI) and the USDA Forest Service
Senator Feinstein Chairs Field Hearing on California Wildfires
Wed, 11/28/2007 - 13:24 — newsdesk. Minutes of meeting from Sen. Feinstein’s office
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