In the 1970's and 1980's, students, even incoming first-year students, were considered moral arbiters at universities: they sat on the most sensitive committees (regulations, by the way, that I doubt anyone bothered to change formally to reflect the new infantilization of students); they destroyed most of the in loco parentis functions of the university; they freed women from paternalistic special protections, and, to put it in its mildest terms, they lectured a faculty intimidated by them, and, above all, an administration intimidated by them, on what it was to be human, to be progressive, and to be useful to society.
Generally unopposed by administrations uncertain of their own moral and actual authority, students swept away the specific restraints placed upon their voluntary behaviors and made the in loco parentis role of universities seem like some embarrassing vestige of the 19th century.
Rather than arguing for their political beliefs in voluntary, open, unprivileged forums, "teach-ins" and lectures such as those held on the Vietnam War then, the heirs of the sixties, now in power, have institutionalized their views in the in loco parentis role of universities, and they have made their ideological analysis of American society, gender, and oppression the official secular religion of academic life.
Most undergraduates, in this view, enter universities inadequately aware of the effects of American "racism, sexism and heterosexism" on their psyches, their behavior, and the society and its "victims" around them, a set of phenomena that those morally superior and no doubt deeply insightful adults who report to various Deans or Vice-Provosts for Student Life must define and explain to them.
The phenomenon known by Marxists as "false consciousness" (what could workers know, compared to intellectuals and ideologues, about what workers objectively should want?), and the Leninists used the concept to justify the dictatorship of the Bolshevik party - since the workers, of course, inconveniently did not agree with the Bolsheviks about their real interests - over a working class that was deemed not only a victim of capitalism but of its own false consciousness.
As the doctrine now is taught to "facilitators" for variously named programs of "diversity and multicultural education" at hundreds of colleges and universities (for the generation of the Sixties certainly learned how to network), "false consciousness" is labelled "internalized oppression" - most easily identified by the tendency to reject the Administration's view of reality - and "internalized oppression" is judged to be a particularly insidious means and product of American oppression.
While countless courses in the official curriculum undertake to enlighten students about the unjust ways of their society and the official, politically orthodox views they ought to hold, this is not enough.
Source: https://ebookschoice.com/universities-as-communities-of-young-scholars-and-inquirers/
Professor Hosseini is the “”” founder of Liberating Education “”” . Study this ARTicle to see how he transforms sheeple into People. Please share if you are interested in peace making and compassionate civilizations building.
Chapter 3 The Central Frames of Color-Blind Racism The mas.docxchristinemaritza
Chapter 3
The Central Frames
of Color-Blind Racism
The master defense against accurate social perception and change is al-
ways and in every society the tremendous conviction of Tightness about
any behavior form which exists.
— John Dollard, Class and Caste in a Southern Town
If Jim Crow's racial structure has been replaced by a "new racism,"
what happened to Jim Crow racism? What happened to beliefs about
blacks' mental, moral, and intellectual inferiority, to the idea that "it is
the [black man's] own fault that he is a lower-caste ... a lower-class man"
or the assertion that blacks "lack initiative, are shiftless, have no sense of
time, or do not wish to better themselves" 1 ; in short, what happened to
the basic claim that blacks are subhuman? 2 Social analysts of all stripes
agree that most whites no longer subscribe to these tenets. However, this
does not mean the "end of racism," 3 as a few conservative commentators
have suggested. Instead, a new powerful ideology has emerged to defend
the contemporary racial order: the ideology of color-blind racism. Yet,
color-blind racism is a curious racial ideology. Although it engages, as all
ideologies do, in "blaming the victim," it does so in a very indirect, "now
you see it, now you don't" style that matches the character of the new
racism. Because of the slipperiness of color-blind racism, in this chapter, I
examine its central frames and explain how whites use them in ways that
justify racial inequality.
73
74
Chapter 3
THE FRAMES OF COLOR-BLIND RACISM
Ideologies are about "meaning in the service of power." 4 They are expres-
sions at the symbolic level of the fact of dominance. As such, the ideolo-
gies of the powerful are central in the production and reinforcement of
the status quo. They comfort rulers and charm the ruled much like an
Indian snake handler. Whereas rulers receive solace by believing they are
not involved in the terrible ordeal of creating and maintaining inequal-
ity, the ruled are charmed by the almost magic qualities of a hegemonic
ideology. 5
The central component of any dominant racial ideology is its frames or
set paths for interpreting information. These set paths operate as cul-de-sacs
because after people filter issues through them, they explain racial phe-
nomena following a predictable route. Although by definition dominant
frames must misrepresent the world (hide the fact of dominance), this
does not mean that they are totally without foundation. (For instance, it
is true that people of color in the United States are much better off today
than at any other time in history. However, it is also true — facts hidden
by color-blind racism — that because people of color still experience sys-
tematic discrimination and remain appreciably behind whites in many
important areas of life, their chances of catching up with whites are very
slim.) Dominant racial frames, therefore, provide the intellectual road
ma ...
Professor Hosseini is the “”” founder of Liberating Education “”” . Study this ARTicle to see how he transforms sheeple into People. Please share if you are interested in peace making and compassionate civilizations building.
Chapter 3 The Central Frames of Color-Blind Racism The mas.docxchristinemaritza
Chapter 3
The Central Frames
of Color-Blind Racism
The master defense against accurate social perception and change is al-
ways and in every society the tremendous conviction of Tightness about
any behavior form which exists.
— John Dollard, Class and Caste in a Southern Town
If Jim Crow's racial structure has been replaced by a "new racism,"
what happened to Jim Crow racism? What happened to beliefs about
blacks' mental, moral, and intellectual inferiority, to the idea that "it is
the [black man's] own fault that he is a lower-caste ... a lower-class man"
or the assertion that blacks "lack initiative, are shiftless, have no sense of
time, or do not wish to better themselves" 1 ; in short, what happened to
the basic claim that blacks are subhuman? 2 Social analysts of all stripes
agree that most whites no longer subscribe to these tenets. However, this
does not mean the "end of racism," 3 as a few conservative commentators
have suggested. Instead, a new powerful ideology has emerged to defend
the contemporary racial order: the ideology of color-blind racism. Yet,
color-blind racism is a curious racial ideology. Although it engages, as all
ideologies do, in "blaming the victim," it does so in a very indirect, "now
you see it, now you don't" style that matches the character of the new
racism. Because of the slipperiness of color-blind racism, in this chapter, I
examine its central frames and explain how whites use them in ways that
justify racial inequality.
73
74
Chapter 3
THE FRAMES OF COLOR-BLIND RACISM
Ideologies are about "meaning in the service of power." 4 They are expres-
sions at the symbolic level of the fact of dominance. As such, the ideolo-
gies of the powerful are central in the production and reinforcement of
the status quo. They comfort rulers and charm the ruled much like an
Indian snake handler. Whereas rulers receive solace by believing they are
not involved in the terrible ordeal of creating and maintaining inequal-
ity, the ruled are charmed by the almost magic qualities of a hegemonic
ideology. 5
The central component of any dominant racial ideology is its frames or
set paths for interpreting information. These set paths operate as cul-de-sacs
because after people filter issues through them, they explain racial phe-
nomena following a predictable route. Although by definition dominant
frames must misrepresent the world (hide the fact of dominance), this
does not mean that they are totally without foundation. (For instance, it
is true that people of color in the United States are much better off today
than at any other time in history. However, it is also true — facts hidden
by color-blind racism — that because people of color still experience sys-
tematic discrimination and remain appreciably behind whites in many
important areas of life, their chances of catching up with whites are very
slim.) Dominant racial frames, therefore, provide the intellectual road
ma ...
Chapter 12Diversity and Equity Today Defining the Challenge .docxbartholomeocoombs
Chapter 12
Diversity and Equity Today Defining the Challenge Chapter Overview Chapter 12 begins by defining the differences be- tween two similar concepts: equity and equality. It then reviews the history of efforts to address educational equity since the 1954 Supreme Court decision Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas. Current social inequalities are explained, including such political–economic dimensions as income, employment, housing, and political power differences among different ethnic and gender groups. The chapter then turns from social inequalities to educational inequalities among various so- cial groups. The social construction of different ethnic, gender, and economic groups’ status in schools is considered. While particular attention is paid to African Americans and Latinos, Asian Americans and students with disabilities are also considered. The Primary Source reading points out specifics regarding socio-economic, ethnic and racial dimensions of the “achievement gap. Educational Aims in Contemporary Society Analytic Framework Diversity and Equity Today IIdeollogy Equal opportunity Meritocracy Genetic deficit theory Cultural deficit theory Racism Sexism Class bias Disability bias Social construction of which human differences matter Political Economy Social inequalities: Racial and ethnic Gender Economic class Diversity across and within groups Inequalities in employment Effects of poverty and racism on families Income versus wealth differences Education for All Handicapped Children Act Schooling Inequalities in educational resources Inequalities in educational expectations Standardized achievement test differences Educational attainment differences Language differences and school achievement Inclusion of students with disabilities in “mainstream” classrooms Gender and learning differences No Child Left Behind Introduction: Inequity and Inequality From its very origins American society has struggled with questions of equity and equality. Although these terms derive from the same linguistic stem, they carry sub- stantially different meanings. Equality denotes “equal”; equity, “fair.” Even as an ideal, democracy does not call for an identical existence for each citizen or promise to equalize outcomes. In theory, democratic ideals of freedom marry well with ideals of economic freedom. Robert N. Carson wrote the original draft of this chapter. Those who have the most skill and talent, work hard- est, and have the best luck are expected to prosper in a free market economy. The free market is supposed to structure a system of rewards that bring out the produc- tive best in people. In practice, however, this theory is questionable. It assumes that the starting conditions for everyone allow for fair competition or, at the very least, that social institutions treat everyone fairly. British economic historian R. H. Tawney draws the distinction in this manner: [To] criticize inequality and to desire equality is not, as is sometime.
Spayde, Jon. Learning in the Key of Life.” The Presence of Ot.docxwhitneyleman54422
Spayde, Jon. “Learning in the Key of Life.” The Presence of Others. Ed. Andrea A.
Lunsford and John J. Ruszkiewicz. 4th ed. New York: Bedford St. Martin’s, 2004.
64-69.
---
What does it mean—and more important, what should it mean—to be educated?
This is a surprisingly tricky and two-sided question. Masquerading as simple problem-solving, it
raises a whole laundry list of philosophical conundrums: What sort of society do we want? What
is the nature of humankind? How do we learn best? And—most challenging of all—what is the
Good? Talking about the meaning of education inevitably leads to the question of what a culture
considers most important.
Yikes! No wonder answers don't come easily in 1998, in a multiethnic, corporation-heavy
democracy that dominates the globe without having much of a sense of its own soul. For our
policyheads, education equals something called "training for competitiveness" (which often boils
down to the mantra of "more computers, more computers"). For multiculturalists of various
stripes, education has become a battle line where they must duke it out regularly with incensed
neotraditionalists. Organized religion and the various "alternative spiritualities"—from 12-step
groups to Buddhism, American style—contribute their own kinds of education.
Given all these pushes and pulls, is it any wonder that many of us are beginning to feel that we
didn't get the whole story in school, that our educations didn't prepare us for the world we're
living in today?
We didn't; we couldn't have. So what do we do about it?
The first thing, I firmly believe, is to take a deep, calm breath. After all, we're not the first
American generation to have doubts about these matters. One of the great ages of American
intellectual achievement, the period just before the Civil War, was ruled by educational misfits.
Henry David Thoreau was fond of saying, "I am self-educated; that is, I attended Harvard
College," and indeed Harvard in the early 19th century excelled mainly in the extent and
violence of its food fights.
Don't get me wrong: Formal education is serious stuff. There is no divide in American life that
hurts more than the one between those we consider well educated and those who are poorly or
inadequately schooled. Talking about education is usually the closest we get to talking about
class; and no wonder—education, like class, is about power. Not just the power that Harvard-
and Stanford-trained elites have to dictate our workweeks, plan our communities, and fiddle with
world financial markets, but the extra power that a grad school dropout who, let's say, embraces
voluntary simplicity and makes $14,000 a year, has over a high school dropout single mom
pulling down $18,000. That kind of power has everything to do with attitude and access: an
attitude of empowerment, even entitlement, and access to tools, people, and ideas that make
living—at any income level—easier, and its crises easier t.
FINAL EXAM INSTRUCTIONS 1.Berger and Luckmann state that we ar.docxcharlottej5
FINAL EXAM INSTRUCTIONS
1.
Berger and Luckmann state that we are born into an 'objective social structure' and that we have only a limited ability to subjectively appropriate and interpret it for ourselves. Discuss how the categories of race, gender, and class predate any one individual, and how we are bound to identify ourselves in relation to them. To what extent can an individual redefine themselves in relation to these categories, and what are the possible social sanctions they may face for doing so?
Try to make your answer around 500 words, and cite any pertinent sources from the course.
2.
Though Sociologists have long studied race, class, gender, and other categories of identity, those who argue for the merits of Intersectional Theory claim that it offers a distinct advantage in understanding the power of such categories. What do you believe is that advantage? Put in terms of this course, how would studying diversity through the lens of Intersectional Theory give you a better understanding than studying diversity without it?
Try to make your answer around 500 words, and cite any pertinent sources from the course.
3.
Matters of race, ethnicity, class, gender, and sexuality are often in the public eye, and tend to be at the center of many passionate (and unfortunately even violent) conflicts. While discussing diversity in the context of institutions and organizations remains important, it is as important to ask to what extent we accept diversity and difference as a society. One such case occurred August 11th, 2017 when a white nationalist group marched in protest of the potential removal of a statue of Robert E. Lee from the campus of the University of Virginia. Local organizations such as the NAACP and citizens of the town had argued that the statue (erected in 1924) needed to be removed as it was a symbol of the enslavement and oppression faced by blacks in the South. You may read more details of the case at the following link:
https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/13/us/charlottesville-rally-protest-statue.html
Using the knowledge you've accumulated in this course, write a short letter to the editor of your local newspaper arguing why or why not you believe the removal of the statue from public view is in the interest of cultivating a more diverse society. Make sure to use the concept of microaggression and standpoint theory, including definitions. Do not use quotes to explain; use your own words. Try to make your response between 750-1000 words, and cite at least two scholarly sources from course readings or your own research to support your argument.
9/28/2017 Patricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought in the Matrix of Domination
http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/45a/252.html 1/11
Documents menu
http://www.runet.edu/~lridener/courses/BLKFEM.HTML
Black Feminist Thought in the Matrix of
Domination
From Patricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought:
Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of
Empowerme.
L'Heureux Lewis-McCoy on how suburban spaces, sexism, and COVID affect the Bl...YHRUploads
This interview with L'Heureux Lewis-McCoy, Associate Professor in the Sociology of Education program at NYU, comprises part of The 1701 Project, a venture led by The Yale Historical Review.
Complex Identities and Intersectionality Unit Three.docxdonnajames55
Complex Identities and Intersectionality
Unit Three
Learning Objectives
Be able to define race, ethnicity, social class, and sexual orientation.
Understand the theoretical concepts of “intersectionality”, “social location” , & “standpoint”.
Have a clear understanding of the ways in which oppressions are not “additive” but rather “multiples”
Be able to describe your own power/privileges
Know how stereotypes work in American society, including the ways in which they are perpetuated and some of their repercussions
Understand that everyone is vulnerable to their influence
2
PART ONE:
What are race, class, and sexuality?
Understanding: Race
RACE: is social constructed category that divides people into groups based on visible physical characteristics such as skin color, eye shape, hair texture, etc.
Although race is related to the physical body, the meaning we give these superficial differences between us are entirely socially constructed. There are NO actual genetic differences between the various races.
Because race categories are socially constructed, they change over time. Which categories we measure, and how we measure them, shifts.
4
Understanding: Ethnicity
Ethnicity: is a socially constructed category, a way of grouping people based on their shared culture, such as religion, language, and history.
The difference between “race” and “ethnicity” can be confusing. For example, “Asian American” is treated as a race, but “Chinese American” and “Japanese American” are treated as ethnicities because they have distinct languages and traditions.
In the United States, there is a great deal of pressure on ethnic minority groups to assimilate the norms, values, and characteristics of the majority ethnic group.
Race and Ethnicity in America
Different racial groups are just that– different. Even thought we often speak in terms of binaries (“minorities” verses “the majority”), it is important to realize that not all minority race and/or ethnic groups share the same characteristics, both between themselves and within themselves.
White Americans: white is a race!
Hispanic Americans
African Americans
Native Indigenous Americans
Asian Americans
Arab Americans
Multiracial
Racial and Ethnic Inequality
A commonality among those which are considered minority groups is the experience of inequality.
Inequalities are socially structured and thus can impact multiple aspects of an individual’s life– not just, for example, their ability to get a job.
Racism: the belief that the physical and cultural characteristics associated with a group of people are inferior and thus unequal treatment of the group and its members is justified.
Racism can occur at both the individual and institutional level.
7
Race Impacts Life Chances in a Multitude of Ways
The process of Maintaining Inequality
A stereotype is developed and is circulated throughout a society via cultural channels such as popular media .
L'Heureux Lewis-McCoy on how suburban spaces, sexism, and COVID effect the Bl...YHRUploads
This interview with L'Heureux Lewis-McCoy, Associate Professor in the Sociology of Education program at NYU, comprises part of The 1701 Project, a venture led by The Yale Historical Review.
A workshop hosted by the South African Journal of Science aimed at postgraduate students and early career researchers with little or no experience in writing and publishing journal articles.
A Strategic Approach: GenAI in EducationPeter Windle
Artificial Intelligence (AI) technologies such as Generative AI, Image Generators and Large Language Models have had a dramatic impact on teaching, learning and assessment over the past 18 months. The most immediate threat AI posed was to Academic Integrity with Higher Education Institutes (HEIs) focusing their efforts on combating the use of GenAI in assessment. Guidelines were developed for staff and students, policies put in place too. Innovative educators have forged paths in the use of Generative AI for teaching, learning and assessments leading to pockets of transformation springing up across HEIs, often with little or no top-down guidance, support or direction.
This Gasta posits a strategic approach to integrating AI into HEIs to prepare staff, students and the curriculum for an evolving world and workplace. We will highlight the advantages of working with these technologies beyond the realm of teaching, learning and assessment by considering prompt engineering skills, industry impact, curriculum changes, and the need for staff upskilling. In contrast, not engaging strategically with Generative AI poses risks, including falling behind peers, missed opportunities and failing to ensure our graduates remain employable. The rapid evolution of AI technologies necessitates a proactive and strategic approach if we are to remain relevant.
Macroeconomics- Movie Location
This will be used as part of your Personal Professional Portfolio once graded.
Objective:
Prepare a presentation or a paper using research, basic comparative analysis, data organization and application of economic information. You will make an informed assessment of an economic climate outside of the United States to accomplish an entertainment industry objective.
Model Attribute Check Company Auto PropertyCeline George
In Odoo, the multi-company feature allows you to manage multiple companies within a single Odoo database instance. Each company can have its own configurations while still sharing common resources such as products, customers, and suppliers.
Executive Directors Chat Leveraging AI for Diversity, Equity, and InclusionTechSoup
Let’s explore the intersection of technology and equity in the final session of our DEI series. Discover how AI tools, like ChatGPT, can be used to support and enhance your nonprofit's DEI initiatives. Participants will gain insights into practical AI applications and get tips for leveraging technology to advance their DEI goals.
Francesca Gottschalk - How can education support child empowerment.pptxEduSkills OECD
Francesca Gottschalk from the OECD’s Centre for Educational Research and Innovation presents at the Ask an Expert Webinar: How can education support child empowerment?
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Chapter 12Diversity and Equity Today Defining the Challenge .docxbartholomeocoombs
Chapter 12
Diversity and Equity Today Defining the Challenge Chapter Overview Chapter 12 begins by defining the differences be- tween two similar concepts: equity and equality. It then reviews the history of efforts to address educational equity since the 1954 Supreme Court decision Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas. Current social inequalities are explained, including such political–economic dimensions as income, employment, housing, and political power differences among different ethnic and gender groups. The chapter then turns from social inequalities to educational inequalities among various so- cial groups. The social construction of different ethnic, gender, and economic groups’ status in schools is considered. While particular attention is paid to African Americans and Latinos, Asian Americans and students with disabilities are also considered. The Primary Source reading points out specifics regarding socio-economic, ethnic and racial dimensions of the “achievement gap. Educational Aims in Contemporary Society Analytic Framework Diversity and Equity Today IIdeollogy Equal opportunity Meritocracy Genetic deficit theory Cultural deficit theory Racism Sexism Class bias Disability bias Social construction of which human differences matter Political Economy Social inequalities: Racial and ethnic Gender Economic class Diversity across and within groups Inequalities in employment Effects of poverty and racism on families Income versus wealth differences Education for All Handicapped Children Act Schooling Inequalities in educational resources Inequalities in educational expectations Standardized achievement test differences Educational attainment differences Language differences and school achievement Inclusion of students with disabilities in “mainstream” classrooms Gender and learning differences No Child Left Behind Introduction: Inequity and Inequality From its very origins American society has struggled with questions of equity and equality. Although these terms derive from the same linguistic stem, they carry sub- stantially different meanings. Equality denotes “equal”; equity, “fair.” Even as an ideal, democracy does not call for an identical existence for each citizen or promise to equalize outcomes. In theory, democratic ideals of freedom marry well with ideals of economic freedom. Robert N. Carson wrote the original draft of this chapter. Those who have the most skill and talent, work hard- est, and have the best luck are expected to prosper in a free market economy. The free market is supposed to structure a system of rewards that bring out the produc- tive best in people. In practice, however, this theory is questionable. It assumes that the starting conditions for everyone allow for fair competition or, at the very least, that social institutions treat everyone fairly. British economic historian R. H. Tawney draws the distinction in this manner: [To] criticize inequality and to desire equality is not, as is sometime.
Spayde, Jon. Learning in the Key of Life.” The Presence of Ot.docxwhitneyleman54422
Spayde, Jon. “Learning in the Key of Life.” The Presence of Others. Ed. Andrea A.
Lunsford and John J. Ruszkiewicz. 4th ed. New York: Bedford St. Martin’s, 2004.
64-69.
---
What does it mean—and more important, what should it mean—to be educated?
This is a surprisingly tricky and two-sided question. Masquerading as simple problem-solving, it
raises a whole laundry list of philosophical conundrums: What sort of society do we want? What
is the nature of humankind? How do we learn best? And—most challenging of all—what is the
Good? Talking about the meaning of education inevitably leads to the question of what a culture
considers most important.
Yikes! No wonder answers don't come easily in 1998, in a multiethnic, corporation-heavy
democracy that dominates the globe without having much of a sense of its own soul. For our
policyheads, education equals something called "training for competitiveness" (which often boils
down to the mantra of "more computers, more computers"). For multiculturalists of various
stripes, education has become a battle line where they must duke it out regularly with incensed
neotraditionalists. Organized religion and the various "alternative spiritualities"—from 12-step
groups to Buddhism, American style—contribute their own kinds of education.
Given all these pushes and pulls, is it any wonder that many of us are beginning to feel that we
didn't get the whole story in school, that our educations didn't prepare us for the world we're
living in today?
We didn't; we couldn't have. So what do we do about it?
The first thing, I firmly believe, is to take a deep, calm breath. After all, we're not the first
American generation to have doubts about these matters. One of the great ages of American
intellectual achievement, the period just before the Civil War, was ruled by educational misfits.
Henry David Thoreau was fond of saying, "I am self-educated; that is, I attended Harvard
College," and indeed Harvard in the early 19th century excelled mainly in the extent and
violence of its food fights.
Don't get me wrong: Formal education is serious stuff. There is no divide in American life that
hurts more than the one between those we consider well educated and those who are poorly or
inadequately schooled. Talking about education is usually the closest we get to talking about
class; and no wonder—education, like class, is about power. Not just the power that Harvard-
and Stanford-trained elites have to dictate our workweeks, plan our communities, and fiddle with
world financial markets, but the extra power that a grad school dropout who, let's say, embraces
voluntary simplicity and makes $14,000 a year, has over a high school dropout single mom
pulling down $18,000. That kind of power has everything to do with attitude and access: an
attitude of empowerment, even entitlement, and access to tools, people, and ideas that make
living—at any income level—easier, and its crises easier t.
FINAL EXAM INSTRUCTIONS 1.Berger and Luckmann state that we ar.docxcharlottej5
FINAL EXAM INSTRUCTIONS
1.
Berger and Luckmann state that we are born into an 'objective social structure' and that we have only a limited ability to subjectively appropriate and interpret it for ourselves. Discuss how the categories of race, gender, and class predate any one individual, and how we are bound to identify ourselves in relation to them. To what extent can an individual redefine themselves in relation to these categories, and what are the possible social sanctions they may face for doing so?
Try to make your answer around 500 words, and cite any pertinent sources from the course.
2.
Though Sociologists have long studied race, class, gender, and other categories of identity, those who argue for the merits of Intersectional Theory claim that it offers a distinct advantage in understanding the power of such categories. What do you believe is that advantage? Put in terms of this course, how would studying diversity through the lens of Intersectional Theory give you a better understanding than studying diversity without it?
Try to make your answer around 500 words, and cite any pertinent sources from the course.
3.
Matters of race, ethnicity, class, gender, and sexuality are often in the public eye, and tend to be at the center of many passionate (and unfortunately even violent) conflicts. While discussing diversity in the context of institutions and organizations remains important, it is as important to ask to what extent we accept diversity and difference as a society. One such case occurred August 11th, 2017 when a white nationalist group marched in protest of the potential removal of a statue of Robert E. Lee from the campus of the University of Virginia. Local organizations such as the NAACP and citizens of the town had argued that the statue (erected in 1924) needed to be removed as it was a symbol of the enslavement and oppression faced by blacks in the South. You may read more details of the case at the following link:
https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/13/us/charlottesville-rally-protest-statue.html
Using the knowledge you've accumulated in this course, write a short letter to the editor of your local newspaper arguing why or why not you believe the removal of the statue from public view is in the interest of cultivating a more diverse society. Make sure to use the concept of microaggression and standpoint theory, including definitions. Do not use quotes to explain; use your own words. Try to make your response between 750-1000 words, and cite at least two scholarly sources from course readings or your own research to support your argument.
9/28/2017 Patricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought in the Matrix of Domination
http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/45a/252.html 1/11
Documents menu
http://www.runet.edu/~lridener/courses/BLKFEM.HTML
Black Feminist Thought in the Matrix of
Domination
From Patricia Hill Collins, Black Feminist Thought:
Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of
Empowerme.
L'Heureux Lewis-McCoy on how suburban spaces, sexism, and COVID affect the Bl...YHRUploads
This interview with L'Heureux Lewis-McCoy, Associate Professor in the Sociology of Education program at NYU, comprises part of The 1701 Project, a venture led by The Yale Historical Review.
Complex Identities and Intersectionality Unit Three.docxdonnajames55
Complex Identities and Intersectionality
Unit Three
Learning Objectives
Be able to define race, ethnicity, social class, and sexual orientation.
Understand the theoretical concepts of “intersectionality”, “social location” , & “standpoint”.
Have a clear understanding of the ways in which oppressions are not “additive” but rather “multiples”
Be able to describe your own power/privileges
Know how stereotypes work in American society, including the ways in which they are perpetuated and some of their repercussions
Understand that everyone is vulnerable to their influence
2
PART ONE:
What are race, class, and sexuality?
Understanding: Race
RACE: is social constructed category that divides people into groups based on visible physical characteristics such as skin color, eye shape, hair texture, etc.
Although race is related to the physical body, the meaning we give these superficial differences between us are entirely socially constructed. There are NO actual genetic differences between the various races.
Because race categories are socially constructed, they change over time. Which categories we measure, and how we measure them, shifts.
4
Understanding: Ethnicity
Ethnicity: is a socially constructed category, a way of grouping people based on their shared culture, such as religion, language, and history.
The difference between “race” and “ethnicity” can be confusing. For example, “Asian American” is treated as a race, but “Chinese American” and “Japanese American” are treated as ethnicities because they have distinct languages and traditions.
In the United States, there is a great deal of pressure on ethnic minority groups to assimilate the norms, values, and characteristics of the majority ethnic group.
Race and Ethnicity in America
Different racial groups are just that– different. Even thought we often speak in terms of binaries (“minorities” verses “the majority”), it is important to realize that not all minority race and/or ethnic groups share the same characteristics, both between themselves and within themselves.
White Americans: white is a race!
Hispanic Americans
African Americans
Native Indigenous Americans
Asian Americans
Arab Americans
Multiracial
Racial and Ethnic Inequality
A commonality among those which are considered minority groups is the experience of inequality.
Inequalities are socially structured and thus can impact multiple aspects of an individual’s life– not just, for example, their ability to get a job.
Racism: the belief that the physical and cultural characteristics associated with a group of people are inferior and thus unequal treatment of the group and its members is justified.
Racism can occur at both the individual and institutional level.
7
Race Impacts Life Chances in a Multitude of Ways
The process of Maintaining Inequality
A stereotype is developed and is circulated throughout a society via cultural channels such as popular media .
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Universities as Communities of Young Scholars and Inquirers
1. Universities as Communities of Young
Scholars and Inquirers
In the 1970's and 1980's, students, even incoming first-year students, were
considered moral arbiters at universities: they sat on the most sensitive
committees (regulations, by the way, that I doubt anyone bothered to change
formally to reflect the new infantilization of students); they destroyed most of the
in loco parentis functions of the university; they freed women from paternalistic
special protections, and, to put it in its mildest terms, they lectured a faculty
intimidated by them, and, above all, an administration intimidated by them, on
what it was to be human, to be progressive, and to be useful to society.
Generally unopposed by administrations uncertain of their own moral and actual
authority, students swept away the specific restraints placed upon their voluntary
behaviors and made the in loco parentis role of universities seem like some
embarrassing vestige of the 19th century.
2. Rather than arguing for their political beliefs in voluntary, open, unprivileged
forums, "teach-ins" and lectures such as those held on the Vietnam War then, the
heirs of the sixties, now in power, have institutionalized their views in the in loco
parentis role of universities, and they have made their ideological analysis of
American society, gender, and oppression the official secular religion of academic
life.
Most undergraduates, in this view, enter universities inadequately aware of the
effects of American "racism, sexism and heterosexism" on their psyches, their
behavior, and the society and its "victims" around them, a set of phenomena that
those morally superior and no doubt deeply insightful adults who report to
various Deans or Vice-Provosts for Student Life must define and explain to them.
The phenomenon known by Marxists as "false consciousness" (what could
workers know, compared to intellectuals and ideologues, about what workers
objectively should want?), and the Leninists used the concept to justify the
dictatorship of the Bolshevik party - since the workers, of course, inconveniently
did not agree with the Bolsheviks about their real interests - over a working class
that was deemed not only a victim of capitalism but of its own false
consciousness.
As the doctrine now is taught to "facilitators" for variously named programs of
"diversity and multicultural education" at hundreds of colleges and universities
(for the generation of the Sixties certainly learned how to network), "false
consciousness" is labelled "internalized oppression" - most easily identified by the
tendency to reject the Administration's view of reality - and "internalized
oppression" is judged to be a particularly insidious means and product of
American oppression.
While countless courses in the official curriculum undertake to enlighten students
about the unjust ways of their society and the official, politically orthodox views
they ought to hold, this is not enough. Too many students remain independent in
their thought and values. Thus, the full weight of administrative authority over
their extracurricular and private life, their speech, and even their humor and their
thought must be brought to bear to give politically correct moral enlightenment
and inspiration to undergraduates. The children of the Sixties, in the Sixties, had
put the question this way: "What do our elders know, being the product of wicked
America?" The children of the Sixties, today, put the question a bit differently:
"What do our children know, being the product of wicked America?" Their
3. contempt for students is boundless. In faculty and administrative discussions, the
generation that as undergraduates had the whole world accept them as
autonomous adults, now refers to undergraduates, constantly, as unenlightened
kids and children. "They're still children" and "they're still kids" are the two most
common responses I receive in response to my demands for the adult freedoms
and rights of students in free universities. What hypocrisy? American students are
victims of a generational swindle of truly epic proportions!
A few programs and policies stand out on campuses today:
1) "DIVERSITY" AND "MULTICULTURAL" EDUCATION. These are marked,
everywhere, by the most tendentious imaginable definitions and notions of
"diversity." They do NOT mean a celebration, deep study and appreciation of
assimilation. Do not hold your breath waiting for any of these instances of
multiculturalism! They also do NOT mean the serious study of West African Benin
culture, or the serious study of Confucian culture, both involving intense linguistic
achievement and scholarly inquiry to achieve understanding.
Their "diversity and multiculturalism" have remarkably narrow limits: race, gender
and sexual preference (the very public collapse of Marxist tyrannies has made
them a bit squeamish about "class"), as articulated by intellectuals just like them.
"Inclusion?" Don't make me laugh! Only the "progressive," by the would-be
multiculturalists' criteria, or the "oppressed," by the would-be multiculturalists'
criteria, without "false consciousness," by the would-be multiculturalists' criteria,
need apply! What a perversion of language their use of "diversity" and
"multicultural" has become!
Catastrophically, their view is a humanly and morally impoverished notion of
"diversity": race, gender, and sexual orientation, but not class, psychological type,
religion, taste, or private passions. In fact, as any of you who have lived open-
heartedly with students know, the single most important "diversity" on campuses,
transcending race, gender and sexuality, is that which separates optimistic
individuals and passive or depressive individuals, individuals whose parents or
upbringing gave them a floor beneath their lives and individuals still struggling to
find a belief in their possibilities. The diversity of mastery and self-
destructiveness, of optimism and pessimism, of affirmation of life and fear of life:
these are so much more striking, and human, than the categories of race, gender,
and sexual orientation by which universities today would distinguish among
undergraduates.
4. The approach to mastery and lived self-affirmation taken by universities,
however, is based upon the absurd (not to mention patronizingly racist and sexist)
notion that ego-strength correlates to externalities, and that whites, men, and
heterosexuals have it, while blacks, women, and gays do not! In fact, the most
marginalized official "groups" on most campuses probably are evangelicals,
traditionalist Catholics, orthodox Jews, or pious Muslims, especially on issues of
their views of sexuality, but, indeed, on issues of most of their passionate beliefs.
Why not a lived diversity of countless multivariables? Why not universities of free
individuals who define themselves? Do universities mean in practice what they
nominally preach about "diversity," about "celebrating all cultures"? They don't,
for the agenda is purely political!
2) THE CRIME, FOR WHICH THIS GENERATION WILL HAVE TO ANSWER BEFORE
HISTORY, OF OFFICIALLY DESIGNATED GROUP IDENTITIES. At the intellectual level,
the crudeness of group identity is visible. Universities speak of "White,"
"European," and "Eurocentric" as single cultural phenomena, linking Finns and
Sicilians, Basques and Iowans, into one identity. In fact, the serious study of
Finland would suffice to break down the parochialism of someone never out of
Iowa, and the serious study of Iowa might suffice to break down the parochialism
of the French.
Think, by way of analogy, of two different models of "Jewish liberation." My own
model would be the right of individual Jews to define themselves as atheists or as
orthodox, as Zionists or anti-Zionists, as separatists or assimilationists. Should the
children of workers be free to self-define or should they be "represented" by
some sectarian group of academic Trotskyites? What have we done to the
individuated academic populations by imposing an official group identity upon
them?
3) SPEECH CODES, OR THE SPEECH PROVISIONS OF HARASSMENT CODES. In what
should be a national scandal, given the crucial importance of an education in
freedom in America, universities are the scene of a ferocious assault upon free
speech. At public universities, of course, even when unchallenged, such codes are
manifestly unconstitutional. At private universities, they are generally
unadvertised and, except where essential to fulfill a voluntary, openly advertised
sectarian role they form a barrier to that freedom in which, alone, an education
worthy of free men and women can occur. Prejudice and ignorance do not
disappear when their expression is suppressed; rather, they simply go deeper into
5. people's souls, and no one has the chance to know how people think, and to
respond in appropriate form. Sunshine, not the darkness of the underground, is
the best disinfectant.
At the practical level, the speech codes have created an arena of double-
standards, of arbitrary, partisan enforcement, and of the raw use of power to
enforce a political agenda. In a nation whose essential soul depends upon equal
justice under law, the double-standard of speech codes at our universities is
teaching the worst imaginable lesson: that one's freedom should depend upon
one's local power.
4) THE RISE OF IN LOCO PARENTIS RESIDENTIAL SOCIAL WORK. Increasingly, in
today's universities, the Residence Advisor has moved from an intellectual
resource to a progressive social-worker whose mission is to bring the benighted
children of America into the enlightenment of political correctness. This model
violates the freedom, dignity, and autonomy of individual learners and scholars,
of free students at free universities. It brings into bold relief the essential conflict
and contradiction between a model of an educational and a model of a politically
therapeutic university. It underscores the sad abandonment of the adult status
won by undergraduates in the 1960's.
Universities, in recruiting the thought police and social engineers of offices of
student life and residence, have hung out "Not Welcome" signs for all those who
dissent from their political ideology. Conservatives; moderates; libertarians;
Republicans; Catholics; evangelical Christians; Muslims; and non-feminist women
are all excluded from the university's new agendas of "empowerment" and
protection from "hostile environment." What does it mean to educate in
conditions of such obvious hypocrisy?
Further, unknown to most faculty, and hidden behind the veil of the
confidentiality of campus judicial proceedings, a large number of charges of
politically incorrect "crimes" are adjudicated by a "settlement," the academic
equivalent of a plea-bargain. In these settlements, the frightened respondant, as
an alternative to potentially crushing penalties, agrees to undergo intrusive and
partisan "sensitivity training" on matters of race, gender or sexual preference.
Such "sensitivity training" is nothing less than thought-reform more appropriate
to the University of Beijing during the Cultural Revolution than to the universities
of a free society.
6. We are denying to students the perils but also the bracing air of freedom: the
freedom to find deep alternatives to nominal suppression of bigoted expression;
the freedom to judge for and to define oneself; the freedom and beauty of purely
voluntary associations.
THE ALTERNATIVES. We lived the "discovery" of difference, which was
categorically distinct from, more powerful than, and far more humanizing than
the external imposition of "appreciation of difference." We moved from insults to
conversation, from hostilities to various degrees of understanding, from mutual
demonization to humanized relationships. People offended each other all the
time, but then they learned to talk to each other and, far more often than today's
totalitarians ever could imagine, to understand each other. What price are we
paying by denying students that experience today?
The great potential allies of liberty, equal justice under law, and critical intellect at
universities are not careerist administrators seeking quiet on their watch (and
desperately seeking to prevent the veto of self-appointed spokespersons of self-
designated victim groups when they apply for their next administrative position);
nor a craven, intimidated faculty that gave up on its responsibility to preserve free
institutions years ago; nor indifferent trustees who feel civic by serving without
any regard for deeper fiduciary obligation; nor parents who invest in a degree not
an education; nor uncomprehending alumni who often celebrate a golden age
that never was. No, the great potential allies of liberty on campuses are
undergraduates, who at last are beginning to understand their bondage to
therapeutic social work and to double standards. The classically liberal,
libertarian, and conservative cause at universities should be nothing less than the
emancipation of students, and two concomitant and essential operational
recognitions:
1) That undergraduates are individuals, free to associate voluntarily, but too
dignified to have identities assigned to them by partisan academics.
2) That undergraduates should have the same rights as their peers who go on to
factory or professional jobs. Students at private universities that claim to be great
centers of free inquiry should have the same rights that students must have at
constitutionally obligated state universities: Why should students at Harvard or
Penn have fewer First-Amendment protections than students at the University of
New Hampshire, or Penn State, or community colleges? Think about it!
7. Our great universities must be reconstituted as communities of young and not-so-
young adult scholars and inquirers, each chosen by those young adults who are its
students as a vital center of higher education, but most certainly not chosen by
its students as a mother and father, as an intrusive set of therapists, or as a
restrictive and selectively enforced set of laws governing voluntary relationships
outside of the classroom.
Students must be made to believe with passionate conviction that they have the
moral right to be governed by the same laws that govern their fellow citizens, and
to learn in an atmosphere of those constitutional rights and protections that are
essential to their freedom, dignity, and equality before the law. We must
anathematize every university that, without truth in advertising, seeks group-
think, the invasion of the soul, and the chilling of debate and expression.
Our children currently matriculate at American variations on the University of
Beijing during the Cultural Revolution, and the task of friends of liberty is to deny
all legitimacy to the politically correct who would save us from ourselves, who
impose rather than argue openly for their analyses of gender, race, and sexuality,
and who claim a mandate to be everyone's conscience and "Red Guards!"
What is the opposite of the University of Beijing? It is a university of individual
minds and voluntary associations in pursuit of knowledge and value according to
private judgment and private conscience. It is an atmosphere of open inquiry and
discussion. It is the right of voluntary association and voluntary group identity! It
is a university that recognizes that complex matters of human power and
interrelationship must be studied and openly debated, without fear of retribution
for opinion and passionate conviction, not reduced to tendentious formulae and
speech codes.
The replacement of education by indoctrination must be exposed and excoriated.
It should be an occasion of national scandal that students lose fundamental First-
Amendment and Fourteenth-Amendment rights by attending so many of our
major private universities, sacrificing freedoms still enjoyed by those of their high-
school peers who went on to jobs in factories, offices, or farms.
I believe that each and every one of you has a sacred obligation to the pursuit of
truth, to the preservation of due process, and to the rule of law not individual will,
that is, the equality of individuals before the law. Open your moral eyes even
wider: the more that universities coerce and social work human relations at the
8. university, the worse, not the better, things become. I see at most of our
universities not bigots-in-training nor oppressors-in-training, but an astonishing
preponderance of wonderful and humane students, who would love to
communicate and touch other lives beyond the increasingly segregated and
balkanized universities in which we all find ourselves. Our "multiculturalism,"
increasingly defined tribally, has become the "multiculturalism" of Bosnia; if some
had their way, it would become the "multiculturalism" of Rwanda or Beirut.
We welcome our first-year classes not as equal individuals into a community of
inquiry, but as historical and genetic embodiments of group-identities, and then
we wonder why they have difficulty in overcoming their differences! We have
permitted the triumph of anecdote over lived reality, and so we welcome our
first-year classes into institutions first described as good places to spend money
but then, once they are there, described as places rent by fascistic racisms and
other bigotries - and then we wonder why they have difficulty in overcoming their
differences. We permit the official assessment of group-relations by careerist
ideologues whose budgets, status, and power depend on the very starkness of
those assessments. And the more we turn them loose on us, the worse things
become, and, lo and behold, the more the alleged need we have of them. What
madness to find oneself in the Brave New World of the social work university!
We all need to separate our particular, partisan politics from our obligation to the
life of the mind and spirit. How catastrophically timid our universities now are in
defense of student rights, today, to open expression, and to the rights of the
politically incorrect. Everyone who cherishes freedom, however, must understand
something essential: it is indivisible!
Above all, freedom defines us as human and as creatures capable of responsibility
and ethics. To cherish freedom and equality before the law is not to approve of all
or even of most of the uses individuals make of that freedom: What an absurd
notion, and what a vicious form of academic blackmail that absurdity currently is!
Rather, it is to cherish freedom itself as a way of being human, and the right to
respond to speech with speech, to remonstrate with people, to argue, debate,
and even, at times, to change people and persuade them, not by coercion, but by
appeal to their free and equal human minds and souls. It is, above all else, our
freedom that defines us as human and responsible beings with dignity. Join it with
courage. There are no sidelines!
9. Jeff C. Palmer is a teacher, success coach, trainer, Certified Master of Web
Copywriting and founder of https://Ebookschoice.com. Jeff is a prolific writer,
Senior Research Associate and Infopreneur having written many eBooks, articles
and special reports.
Source: https://ebookschoice.com/universities-as-communities-of-young-
scholars-and-inquirers/