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The political Facebook
hype cycle?
Marius Rohde Johannessen
1
Outline
• Third study of social media campaigning in Norway
– Previous: 2009, 2013
– Mostly Facebook, as this is by far the most popular medium
• Design: Genre theory (communication as genre), descriptive statistics
• Result: A genre repertoire which allows analysis of communication
2
• 2009: Early days – high hopes for democratic potential and deliberation
• 2013: Establishment, maturity – information over deliberation
• 2017: Norway election influenced by overseas events
–Brexit, right-wing populism, anti-immigration sentiment. Tone is
harder.
Tl;dr version
3
Background and motivation
• 2013 – social media seemed to fall into a settled pattern, as a campaign
tool with some notable experiments towards deliberation and feedback
• 2015-17: Syrian refugee crisis, Brexit, anti-globalisation, right-wing
populism  changing political landscape
• How (if at all) has this influenced the 2017 campaign?
4
Related research - Current media concerns
• Polarization – us and them
– Fake news and claims of fake news
• Echo chambers – Avoid what we don’t like
• Media fragmentation as driver?
– Norway: New «alternative» media: resett, rights.no, document.no…
right-wing organisations creating their own newspapers
5
6
Related research – social issues
• several underlying explanations for the current situation:
– increased inequality in society
– increased nationalism and anti-globalization
– concerns about immigration
– A general lack of trust in traditional media, political parties and political institutions
which could further help explain the rise of populist politicians using social media to
reach out to disgruntled citizens (European social survey).
• Public opinion is both divided and polarized
– …but also empowered. More voices, we just don’t like how they talk?
7
Findings: More followers
16.10.2018 8
• 2009: A few hundred to a few thousand
• 2013: Tens of thousands
• 2017: Hundreds of thousands
• ..so great success?
• On the other hand:
• Little correlation between
Facebook followers and votes
received. Needs to be examined
case by case
• Demographics, real world
events, party crises etc. more
explanatory power.
Findings: Genres
• From experimentation to consolidation
– Parties have become very similar and streamlined
– Short, multimedia, simple messages, similar frequency of posts
• Interaction disappearing – return of one-way communication
– 2009/2013: Experiments with participation
– 2017: A few questions, mostly information
9
Simple messages
• We want to… [do stuff. The other
guys suck!]
• We have.. [done stuff, so vote for us
again!]
• Traditional campaigning
10/16/2018 10
Personification
• «Look, we’re human too»
– Conservatives built their entire
campaign around the PM
• «here’s a completely random guy
talking about how great we are»
• Popular politicians to put on a human
face and «random» voters talking
about why they vote
10/16/2018 11
Attacks and hostility
• Tone and style harder than before.
• More sarcasm and hostility, both
from politicians and citizens
• Politician writes attack
– Hareide is an imam-licking back
stabber
• Citizens attack or support
10/16/2018 12
Example: Labour posts with high engagement
• Positive or neutral communication
13
• But then we drill down into the comments…
• «I see the election’s coming up... Liars, all!»
• «You can’t trust these guys. Støre, lord of foggy speech»
• «I can’t see a single group who will benefit if Labour wins the election»
• «how much were these people paid to say this?»
• This pattern is common… The negative comments block out the positive and the
ones trying to contribute something worthwile
Discussion – public sphere or public toilet?
• Polarization, but not echo
chamber
• Lots of attacks, but also support.
– Especially Labour – lots of love
and hate.
• Clear signs that global events have
had an influence
• NOT just right-wing trolls
14
• Is this simply unfiltered «locker
room talk» finally becoming visible
• How realistic is the public sphere
ideal?
• Facebook as vent for the
disgruntled? Surveys show a
different picture
The political Facebook hype cycle?
15
Gartner hype cycle
2013
2009
2017
Future research
• Include other data sources, and compare f.ex. social media/new
«alternative media», social media sentiment vs national surveys on
immigration, globalisation and similar issues. echo chambers, polarization,
• Cross-country comparison (looking for partners)
16
Thank you for listening
17
mj@usn.no | Twitter: @mariusjoh

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Social media use in 2017 Norwegian parliamentary election

  • 1. The political Facebook hype cycle? Marius Rohde Johannessen 1
  • 2. Outline • Third study of social media campaigning in Norway – Previous: 2009, 2013 – Mostly Facebook, as this is by far the most popular medium • Design: Genre theory (communication as genre), descriptive statistics • Result: A genre repertoire which allows analysis of communication 2
  • 3. • 2009: Early days – high hopes for democratic potential and deliberation • 2013: Establishment, maturity – information over deliberation • 2017: Norway election influenced by overseas events –Brexit, right-wing populism, anti-immigration sentiment. Tone is harder. Tl;dr version 3
  • 4. Background and motivation • 2013 – social media seemed to fall into a settled pattern, as a campaign tool with some notable experiments towards deliberation and feedback • 2015-17: Syrian refugee crisis, Brexit, anti-globalisation, right-wing populism  changing political landscape • How (if at all) has this influenced the 2017 campaign? 4
  • 5. Related research - Current media concerns • Polarization – us and them – Fake news and claims of fake news • Echo chambers – Avoid what we don’t like • Media fragmentation as driver? – Norway: New «alternative» media: resett, rights.no, document.no… right-wing organisations creating their own newspapers 5
  • 6. 6
  • 7. Related research – social issues • several underlying explanations for the current situation: – increased inequality in society – increased nationalism and anti-globalization – concerns about immigration – A general lack of trust in traditional media, political parties and political institutions which could further help explain the rise of populist politicians using social media to reach out to disgruntled citizens (European social survey). • Public opinion is both divided and polarized – …but also empowered. More voices, we just don’t like how they talk? 7
  • 8. Findings: More followers 16.10.2018 8 • 2009: A few hundred to a few thousand • 2013: Tens of thousands • 2017: Hundreds of thousands • ..so great success? • On the other hand: • Little correlation between Facebook followers and votes received. Needs to be examined case by case • Demographics, real world events, party crises etc. more explanatory power.
  • 9. Findings: Genres • From experimentation to consolidation – Parties have become very similar and streamlined – Short, multimedia, simple messages, similar frequency of posts • Interaction disappearing – return of one-way communication – 2009/2013: Experiments with participation – 2017: A few questions, mostly information 9
  • 10. Simple messages • We want to… [do stuff. The other guys suck!] • We have.. [done stuff, so vote for us again!] • Traditional campaigning 10/16/2018 10
  • 11. Personification • «Look, we’re human too» – Conservatives built their entire campaign around the PM • «here’s a completely random guy talking about how great we are» • Popular politicians to put on a human face and «random» voters talking about why they vote 10/16/2018 11
  • 12. Attacks and hostility • Tone and style harder than before. • More sarcasm and hostility, both from politicians and citizens • Politician writes attack – Hareide is an imam-licking back stabber • Citizens attack or support 10/16/2018 12
  • 13. Example: Labour posts with high engagement • Positive or neutral communication 13 • But then we drill down into the comments… • «I see the election’s coming up... Liars, all!» • «You can’t trust these guys. Støre, lord of foggy speech» • «I can’t see a single group who will benefit if Labour wins the election» • «how much were these people paid to say this?» • This pattern is common… The negative comments block out the positive and the ones trying to contribute something worthwile
  • 14. Discussion – public sphere or public toilet? • Polarization, but not echo chamber • Lots of attacks, but also support. – Especially Labour – lots of love and hate. • Clear signs that global events have had an influence • NOT just right-wing trolls 14 • Is this simply unfiltered «locker room talk» finally becoming visible • How realistic is the public sphere ideal? • Facebook as vent for the disgruntled? Surveys show a different picture
  • 15. The political Facebook hype cycle? 15 Gartner hype cycle 2013 2009 2017
  • 16. Future research • Include other data sources, and compare f.ex. social media/new «alternative media», social media sentiment vs national surveys on immigration, globalisation and similar issues. echo chambers, polarization, • Cross-country comparison (looking for partners) 16
  • 17. Thank you for listening 17 mj@usn.no | Twitter: @mariusjoh

Editor's Notes

  1. I utgangspunktet var jeg litt lei av denne studien og visste ikke om det var noe vits å fortsette etter 2013, men så skjedde det en del ting i verden som gjorde det interessant.
  2. Allegetions that the US alt-right will try to influence swedish election (Steve Bannon friends with some of the right wing sweden democrats). The latest in a long line of similar accusations. The accusations alone are enought to have people question the legitimacy of democracy.
  3. Special issue of American ethnologist examined underlying issues for current social unrest. After Brexit and Trump we talked about stupid people, but maybe there are reasons why people are acting in this way? Sweden took in a lot of immigrants in 2015-16, Norway not quite so many, but still enough for the media to be flooded with stories about the trouble this was causing. Inequality is rising rapidly, the middle-class is becoming smaller in many countries Austerity measures after the financial crisis Fewer secure jobs – more zero hour contracts – also in Norway
  4. Viktige punkter: Enorm vekst for alle partier, Antall poster har også økt enormt, noe som indikerer økt satsing fra partienes side. Liten sammenheng mellom størrelse på Facebook og valgoppslutning. Personfokus øker, også i Norge. Erna> 100.000 flere enn H. Jonas 50.000 flere enn AP. Siv 20.000 flere enn FRP. Denne trenden var enda mer tydelig i 2013 enn i dag Tar bare for meg partiene som har vært på Stortinget alle tre periodene her. MDG: 67% av de som følger på Facebook stemmer på partiet. R: 49% I tråd med medieundersøkelser: 2009: Nesten alle oppga TV og avis som viktigste kilde. 2017: TV, avis, nett, sosiale medier scorer omtrent likt.
  5. Kjent fra mediene – med ansikt: Saken engasjerer.
  6. Jeg så over dataene i Tableau da jeg lagde denne, og tenkte først at jeg hadde gjort en grov feil i analysen. Så drilla jeg litt og så at det hadde jeg jo ikke…