This document discusses how imperial domination is reimposed in the global south through public policy mechanisms. It uses Nigeria as an example, arguing that Nigeria succumbed to IMF imposed structural adjustment programs that led to increased poverty and debt rather than development. The document outlines how the new globalized international system operates through market forces rather than direct political control, allowing northern countries to indirectly control policy in the south through organizations like the IMF and World Bank. It asserts that these organizations promote northern economic interests through policies that negatively impact growth in the global south.
1966 frank-development of underdevelopmentHira Masood
This document discusses the historical development of underdevelopment in colonial and post-colonial societies. It argues that:
1) Colonial powers established hierarchical systems of metropoles (capital cities) and satellites (surrounding rural areas and towns) to extract resources from colonies and direct economic surplus to the colonial center.
2) These metropolis-satellite relationships structured the entire economic, political, and social systems of colonies, and persisted after independence. National capital cities became metropoles over surrounding satellites.
3) Rather than being isolated or traditional, all parts of colonial and post-colonial societies were thoroughly penetrated and shaped by their incorporation into the capitalist world system through extraction of surplus by metropoles at various levels
World systems theory argues that underdeveloped countries are poor not due to their own histories or characteristics, but because of their position in the global capitalist system. Core developed countries exploit peripheral poorer nations by maintaining economic and military dominance over them. This allows core nations to extract resources and profits from peripheries while preventing their industrial development. World systems theorists claim international organizations do not challenge this global power structure and peripheries should pursue policies like import substitution and cooperation to resist exploitation by the core. However, critics argue world systems theory's claims are not always supported by evidence and the causes of global inequality may be more complex.
This document summarizes key ideas from two works: Frank's "The Development of Underdevelopment" and Dos Santos' "The Structure of Dependency". Frank argues that modernization theory, which views underdevelopment as a natural phase, is deficient because it ignores how colonialism altered development paths in the Third World. Underdevelopment was intentionally created through exploiting resources and transferring economic surplus to Western nations. Dos Santos identifies three historical forms of dependency - colonial, financial-industrial, technological-industrial - and how they structurally limit industrial development and reproduce inequality in dependent nations under foreign capital's control.
World-systems theory views the world as a single historical system with three types of countries: core countries that control global capitalism, semi-peripheral countries that have some characteristics of both core and peripheral countries, and peripheral countries that focus on low-skilled labor and resource extraction. This international division of labor reinforces the dominance of core countries over time. World-systems theory emerged in the 1970s as an alternative to modernization theory, criticizing its focus only on states and assumption of a single development path. Dependency theory, influenced by world-systems theory, holds that the global capitalist system serves to maintain underdevelopment in peripheral and semi-peripheral countries.
Dr. Alejandro Diaz-Bautista Economic Policy Import Substitution Dependency Th...Economist
The document discusses import substitution industrialization (ISI) policies adopted in Latin America between the 1940s-1960s as a strategy for economic growth and development. ISI aimed to promote domestic industries like textiles and appliances to replace imports by using protective trade policies. While ISI initially saw some success, Latin American countries became increasingly dependent on exports of primary commodities, which deteriorated their terms of trade over time. ISI eventually declined as countries struggled with inefficient industries and faced debt crises in the 1980s.
Global Political Economy: How The World Works?Jeffrey Harrod
These are the slides which are displayed by the lecturer Jeffrey Harrod in the on-line Lecture Course "Global Political Economy: How the World Works" which is available free on his website http://www.jeffreyharrod.eu/avcourse.html.
The purpose it to make the slides available to download which at the moment cannot be done from the on-line lecture. Many of the slides provide data which may be useful in presentations and research papers. Other slides are the points addressed in the lecture.
The course covers all the material conventionally found in courses on international political economy. The approach is critical and realist and seeks to understand or explain
power rather than functions which surround the world economy.
The lectures and slides cover investment, trade, finance , migration and labour paying special attention to the multinational corporation and the agencies of states as the central power players in the global economy.
The document discusses dependency theory, which argues that resources flow from poorer "periphery" states to enrich wealthier "core" states. It originated in reaction to modernization theory. There are two perspectives on dependency - the capitalist view that it facilitates development, and the socialist view that it is a form of imperialism that enriches core states. Key aspects of dependency include globalization, free markets, surplus value flowing to core states, political and technological control by core states, and neo-colonialism. While it was influential in the 1960-70s, dependency theory has lost some influence with the growth of some developing economies, though still impacts anti-poverty campaigns.
1966 frank-development of underdevelopmentHira Masood
This document discusses the historical development of underdevelopment in colonial and post-colonial societies. It argues that:
1) Colonial powers established hierarchical systems of metropoles (capital cities) and satellites (surrounding rural areas and towns) to extract resources from colonies and direct economic surplus to the colonial center.
2) These metropolis-satellite relationships structured the entire economic, political, and social systems of colonies, and persisted after independence. National capital cities became metropoles over surrounding satellites.
3) Rather than being isolated or traditional, all parts of colonial and post-colonial societies were thoroughly penetrated and shaped by their incorporation into the capitalist world system through extraction of surplus by metropoles at various levels
World systems theory argues that underdeveloped countries are poor not due to their own histories or characteristics, but because of their position in the global capitalist system. Core developed countries exploit peripheral poorer nations by maintaining economic and military dominance over them. This allows core nations to extract resources and profits from peripheries while preventing their industrial development. World systems theorists claim international organizations do not challenge this global power structure and peripheries should pursue policies like import substitution and cooperation to resist exploitation by the core. However, critics argue world systems theory's claims are not always supported by evidence and the causes of global inequality may be more complex.
This document summarizes key ideas from two works: Frank's "The Development of Underdevelopment" and Dos Santos' "The Structure of Dependency". Frank argues that modernization theory, which views underdevelopment as a natural phase, is deficient because it ignores how colonialism altered development paths in the Third World. Underdevelopment was intentionally created through exploiting resources and transferring economic surplus to Western nations. Dos Santos identifies three historical forms of dependency - colonial, financial-industrial, technological-industrial - and how they structurally limit industrial development and reproduce inequality in dependent nations under foreign capital's control.
World-systems theory views the world as a single historical system with three types of countries: core countries that control global capitalism, semi-peripheral countries that have some characteristics of both core and peripheral countries, and peripheral countries that focus on low-skilled labor and resource extraction. This international division of labor reinforces the dominance of core countries over time. World-systems theory emerged in the 1970s as an alternative to modernization theory, criticizing its focus only on states and assumption of a single development path. Dependency theory, influenced by world-systems theory, holds that the global capitalist system serves to maintain underdevelopment in peripheral and semi-peripheral countries.
Dr. Alejandro Diaz-Bautista Economic Policy Import Substitution Dependency Th...Economist
The document discusses import substitution industrialization (ISI) policies adopted in Latin America between the 1940s-1960s as a strategy for economic growth and development. ISI aimed to promote domestic industries like textiles and appliances to replace imports by using protective trade policies. While ISI initially saw some success, Latin American countries became increasingly dependent on exports of primary commodities, which deteriorated their terms of trade over time. ISI eventually declined as countries struggled with inefficient industries and faced debt crises in the 1980s.
Global Political Economy: How The World Works?Jeffrey Harrod
These are the slides which are displayed by the lecturer Jeffrey Harrod in the on-line Lecture Course "Global Political Economy: How the World Works" which is available free on his website http://www.jeffreyharrod.eu/avcourse.html.
The purpose it to make the slides available to download which at the moment cannot be done from the on-line lecture. Many of the slides provide data which may be useful in presentations and research papers. Other slides are the points addressed in the lecture.
The course covers all the material conventionally found in courses on international political economy. The approach is critical and realist and seeks to understand or explain
power rather than functions which surround the world economy.
The lectures and slides cover investment, trade, finance , migration and labour paying special attention to the multinational corporation and the agencies of states as the central power players in the global economy.
The document discusses dependency theory, which argues that resources flow from poorer "periphery" states to enrich wealthier "core" states. It originated in reaction to modernization theory. There are two perspectives on dependency - the capitalist view that it facilitates development, and the socialist view that it is a form of imperialism that enriches core states. Key aspects of dependency include globalization, free markets, surplus value flowing to core states, political and technological control by core states, and neo-colonialism. While it was influential in the 1960-70s, dependency theory has lost some influence with the growth of some developing economies, though still impacts anti-poverty campaigns.
Welcome to my presentation on dependency theoryOjhor Shrabon
1. Andre Gunder Frank's dependency theory argues that underdeveloped countries are kept in a state of underdevelopment due to their economic dependence on developed "metropolis" countries, which extract economic surplus from satellite underdeveloped countries through trade.
2. The theory posits that underdeveloped countries experience the most development when their ties to the metropolis are weakest, such as during wars or economic crises, or due to geographic isolation.
3. Regions with the closest past ties to metropolis countries, through the export of primary commodities, are now the most underdeveloped, while regions that were able to industrialize saw a decline in dependence on the metropolis.
This document summarizes Gunnar Myrdal's cumulative causation theory. It explains that Myrdal coined the term and used it to analyze race relations in the US. The theory rejects the idea of automatic socio-economic stabilization and instead proposes that changes beget further changes that reinforce the initial change. It was influential in theories of convergence and divergence of economic development between regions.
This document provides an overview and introduction to Dependency Theory. It discusses:
- The origins of Dependency Theory under Raul Prebisch in response to unequal economic growth between rich and poor countries.
- Core propositions of Dependency Theory including that underdevelopment results from external influences that favor rich countries over poor ones in a dependent relationship.
- Debates around whether dependency results more from capitalism or disparities in power between countries.
- The policy implications of Dependency Theory, which rejects growth models based on rich countries and favors self-reliance over greater integration into the global economy by poor states.
Politics of Corporate Investment, Trade and Global GovernanceJeffrey Harrod
Forty-eight slides used in the presentation of a 16 session course of the same name. Begins with and introduction to the global political economy as the setting for corporate foreign investment and trade. The slides enable to course to be followed and provide examples, critical analysis and new information..
The document discusses several key concepts related to levels of development:
1. It describes common terms used to describe levels of development such as developed, developing, underdeveloped, and categories like First, Second, Third World.
2. It outlines some common economic, social, and demographic indicators used to measure development, like GDP, literacy rates, and life expectancy.
3. It provides an overview of characteristics of developing countries like lower living standards, poverty, population growth, and dependence on agriculture.
The document also briefly summarizes several theories of development including modernization theory, dependency theory, and world systems theory. It notes that sustainable development involves partnerships, conservation, and programs like microcredit.
Raul Prebisch and Andre Gunder Frank developed dependency theory which argues that poorer countries' economies are negatively impacted by their relationships with richer countries. Dependency theory states that the wealth of rich nations increases at the expense of poor nations, as poor countries export raw materials to rich countries who manufacture goods and sell them back at higher prices. This creates underdevelopment in poor countries and enriches elites in both rich and poor countries who benefit from the unequal system. Dependency theory critics argue poor countries' internal markets cannot support industrialization and they lack political will and control over external forces to transform their economies. The document discusses dependency theory and provides context on its proponents and implications for development policies.
Dependent Economy and it's Attributes: An Analysis from Dependency PerspectiveZannatulFerdaushKeya
This document discusses dependency theory and dependent economies from the perspective of developing countries in the global south. It defines a dependent economy as one that primarily exports raw materials and imports finished goods from industrialized countries. Dependency theory argues this relationship promotes underdevelopment. The document outlines different schools of dependency theory, how dependence occurs, and its implications, such as unequal trade terms and the spread of outdated technology. It recommends policies for developing countries to pursue self-sufficiency and reduce exploitation by multinational corporations.
Dependency theory developed in the late 1950s led by Raul Prebisch to explain why economic growth in wealthy nations did not necessarily lead to growth in poorer countries. It argues that poorer nations are dependent on wealthy nations for resources, markets, and obsolete technology, which prevents self-sustaining development. Wealthy nations also actively maintain this state of dependence through economic, political, and cultural means. Dependency theory aimed to explain the persistent underdevelopment and inequality between nations as an intrinsic result of the patterns of interaction and trade within the global economic system.
Presentation on Background of dependency theorySharmin Sultana
Dependency theory argues that resources flow from poor, underdeveloped "periphery" states to enrich wealthy "core" states at the periphery's expense. It contends that poor states are impoverished and rich ones enriched by how the poor states are integrated into the global economic system. Some ways developing countries have attempted to alleviate effects of this system include promoting domestic industries over raw material exports, limiting imports of goods producible domestically, restricting foreign investment, and nationalizing foreign-owned companies.
Modernisation and Dependency theory 33 mark planSapphoWebb
Here is an interactive plan for lesson use borrowed from my teacher for here. It includes paragraphs and ideas to put in them.
For more revision material visit revise-sociology-aqa.tumblr.com
This document defines neoliberalism and outlines its history and critical analysis. Neoliberalism promotes free market capitalism and limited government intervention. Key institutions like the IMF, World Bank and WTO were established post-WWII to promote neoliberal policies and open markets. However, critics argue these institutions primarily serve developed countries' interests and impose conditions that spread neoliberal ideology rather than balance global economic power. The WTO in particular maintains inequalities despite a democratic structure.
The State and the Market in the Building of African EconomiesDr Lendy Spires
1. The document discusses the relationship between the state and the market in building African economies from independence to present.
2. In the post-colonial period, African states adopted import substitution industrialization (ISI) policies that involved substantial public support and protectionism. This centralized the state's role in development.
3. By the 1980s, ISI policies had led to debt crises, inefficient public enterprises, and lost decades of development in Africa. Structural adjustment policies drastically reduced the state's role and advocated free markets.
This document discusses Wallerstein's world-systems analysis theory, which views the world economy as a single integrated system divided into core, semi-peripheral, and peripheral countries based on their role in the international division of labor. The theory aims to explain the development of one large world economy. It has strengths in describing historical changes that shaped the modern world and recognizing globalization and inequality. However, it also has weaknesses like oversimplifying dynamics as countries and relationships change over time.
Presentation on Dependency Theory for PS 212 Culture and Politics in the Third World at the University of Kentucky, Summer 2007. Dr. Christopher S. Rice, Instructor.
The third” united nationsc thomas g. weiss, tatiana caraojas18
This document introduces the concept of a "third United Nations" composed of non-state actors that closely engage with the UN but are not formally part of the organization. This third UN includes NGOs, academics, experts, commissions, and other individuals and groups. They help shape UN ideas, policies, priorities and practices through advocacy, research, and policy analysis. While the UN is traditionally viewed as composed of member states and the secretariat, recognizing this third sphere provides a more comprehensive understanding of the actors that influence the UN.
1976 amin s unequal development - an essay on the social formations of peri...Durlabh Pun
This document provides an overview of precapitalist social formations and modes of production. It distinguishes between five main modes of production: 1) primitive-communal, 2) tribute-paying, 3) feudal, 4) slaveowning, and 5) simple petty-commodity. Most precapitalist societies combined multiple modes of production, with one typically dominant. The tribute-paying mode was most common, occurring across Asia, Africa, Europe and pre-Columbian America. Feudal and slaveowning modes usually occurred peripherally to central tribute-paying formations. Long-distance trade linked independent social formations and allowed surplus transfers between them. Analysis of a social formation requires examining surplus generation,
This document provides an overview of modernization theory. It discusses:
1) The emergence of modernization theory in the late 1940s/1950s as a response to concerns about the spread of communism in developing countries. The theory promoted the adoption of Western capitalist and democratic models of development.
2) Modernization theory viewed developing countries as "traditionally" held back from development due to cultural barriers, and proposed they develop through industrialization and adopting Western values/institutions with assistance from Western countries.
3) Critics argue modernization theory promoted an overly simplistic view that did not account for diversity in development paths or historical/cultural contexts of different societies. The theory was also seen as ethn
Dependency theory views development and underdevelopment as relational between core wealthy nations that dominate the global economic system and poorer peripheral nations. It argues that peripheral nations mainly function to provide cheap labor and raw materials to core nations, with the benefits primarily accruing to the wealthy nations as they grow richer while poorer nations have their resources drained and do not advance economically. Dependency theorists believe underdeveloped nations must break ties with developed nations and pursue internal growth, such as through import substitution industrialization policies, in order to develop.
The dependency theory arose in reaction to modernization theory and held that poor nations are impoverished and rich ones enriched by how poor states are integrated into the world system. It rejects the view that underdeveloped countries are primitive versions of developed countries, but have unique features and are weaker members in the world market. The dependency perspective stresses that international political and economic forces shape demographic and environmental outcomes in developing countries.
This document provides a Marxist analysis of the costs and benefits of neoliberalism from a class perspective. It summarizes that neoliberalism arose from the structural crisis of the 1970s as the ideological expression of the financial fraction of ruling classes reasserting dominance after losing power during the Keynesian era. It analyzes the history of modern finance emerging in the late 19th century and its waxing and waning influence. While the costs of neoliberalism for other classes like slow growth and unemployment are acknowledged, the document aims to demonstrate the immense benefits reaped by the financial sector in the form of soaring profits and growth, facilitated by policies that transferred resources to finance.
Global education and current trends from social abstract for the paperAmarwaha
The last century intense with a dream and aspirations and major social experiments has ended with general collapse of initiative for social transformation and total disillusionment with efforts of ‘development’ of the so called ‘developing’ nations. The so called victorious ideology-capitalism- has sought to consolidate its triumph with a call for ‘globalization’ for freeing of market, for unchecked hunting by private capital within and across nations with total disregard for the sovereignty rights of nations across the world. Globalization did not develop evenly: indeed, it was accompanied by inequality and conflict. The global development of economic and social relations has been paralleled by wide disparities between North and South.
Welcome to my presentation on dependency theoryOjhor Shrabon
1. Andre Gunder Frank's dependency theory argues that underdeveloped countries are kept in a state of underdevelopment due to their economic dependence on developed "metropolis" countries, which extract economic surplus from satellite underdeveloped countries through trade.
2. The theory posits that underdeveloped countries experience the most development when their ties to the metropolis are weakest, such as during wars or economic crises, or due to geographic isolation.
3. Regions with the closest past ties to metropolis countries, through the export of primary commodities, are now the most underdeveloped, while regions that were able to industrialize saw a decline in dependence on the metropolis.
This document summarizes Gunnar Myrdal's cumulative causation theory. It explains that Myrdal coined the term and used it to analyze race relations in the US. The theory rejects the idea of automatic socio-economic stabilization and instead proposes that changes beget further changes that reinforce the initial change. It was influential in theories of convergence and divergence of economic development between regions.
This document provides an overview and introduction to Dependency Theory. It discusses:
- The origins of Dependency Theory under Raul Prebisch in response to unequal economic growth between rich and poor countries.
- Core propositions of Dependency Theory including that underdevelopment results from external influences that favor rich countries over poor ones in a dependent relationship.
- Debates around whether dependency results more from capitalism or disparities in power between countries.
- The policy implications of Dependency Theory, which rejects growth models based on rich countries and favors self-reliance over greater integration into the global economy by poor states.
Politics of Corporate Investment, Trade and Global GovernanceJeffrey Harrod
Forty-eight slides used in the presentation of a 16 session course of the same name. Begins with and introduction to the global political economy as the setting for corporate foreign investment and trade. The slides enable to course to be followed and provide examples, critical analysis and new information..
The document discusses several key concepts related to levels of development:
1. It describes common terms used to describe levels of development such as developed, developing, underdeveloped, and categories like First, Second, Third World.
2. It outlines some common economic, social, and demographic indicators used to measure development, like GDP, literacy rates, and life expectancy.
3. It provides an overview of characteristics of developing countries like lower living standards, poverty, population growth, and dependence on agriculture.
The document also briefly summarizes several theories of development including modernization theory, dependency theory, and world systems theory. It notes that sustainable development involves partnerships, conservation, and programs like microcredit.
Raul Prebisch and Andre Gunder Frank developed dependency theory which argues that poorer countries' economies are negatively impacted by their relationships with richer countries. Dependency theory states that the wealth of rich nations increases at the expense of poor nations, as poor countries export raw materials to rich countries who manufacture goods and sell them back at higher prices. This creates underdevelopment in poor countries and enriches elites in both rich and poor countries who benefit from the unequal system. Dependency theory critics argue poor countries' internal markets cannot support industrialization and they lack political will and control over external forces to transform their economies. The document discusses dependency theory and provides context on its proponents and implications for development policies.
Dependent Economy and it's Attributes: An Analysis from Dependency PerspectiveZannatulFerdaushKeya
This document discusses dependency theory and dependent economies from the perspective of developing countries in the global south. It defines a dependent economy as one that primarily exports raw materials and imports finished goods from industrialized countries. Dependency theory argues this relationship promotes underdevelopment. The document outlines different schools of dependency theory, how dependence occurs, and its implications, such as unequal trade terms and the spread of outdated technology. It recommends policies for developing countries to pursue self-sufficiency and reduce exploitation by multinational corporations.
Dependency theory developed in the late 1950s led by Raul Prebisch to explain why economic growth in wealthy nations did not necessarily lead to growth in poorer countries. It argues that poorer nations are dependent on wealthy nations for resources, markets, and obsolete technology, which prevents self-sustaining development. Wealthy nations also actively maintain this state of dependence through economic, political, and cultural means. Dependency theory aimed to explain the persistent underdevelopment and inequality between nations as an intrinsic result of the patterns of interaction and trade within the global economic system.
Presentation on Background of dependency theorySharmin Sultana
Dependency theory argues that resources flow from poor, underdeveloped "periphery" states to enrich wealthy "core" states at the periphery's expense. It contends that poor states are impoverished and rich ones enriched by how the poor states are integrated into the global economic system. Some ways developing countries have attempted to alleviate effects of this system include promoting domestic industries over raw material exports, limiting imports of goods producible domestically, restricting foreign investment, and nationalizing foreign-owned companies.
Modernisation and Dependency theory 33 mark planSapphoWebb
Here is an interactive plan for lesson use borrowed from my teacher for here. It includes paragraphs and ideas to put in them.
For more revision material visit revise-sociology-aqa.tumblr.com
This document defines neoliberalism and outlines its history and critical analysis. Neoliberalism promotes free market capitalism and limited government intervention. Key institutions like the IMF, World Bank and WTO were established post-WWII to promote neoliberal policies and open markets. However, critics argue these institutions primarily serve developed countries' interests and impose conditions that spread neoliberal ideology rather than balance global economic power. The WTO in particular maintains inequalities despite a democratic structure.
The State and the Market in the Building of African EconomiesDr Lendy Spires
1. The document discusses the relationship between the state and the market in building African economies from independence to present.
2. In the post-colonial period, African states adopted import substitution industrialization (ISI) policies that involved substantial public support and protectionism. This centralized the state's role in development.
3. By the 1980s, ISI policies had led to debt crises, inefficient public enterprises, and lost decades of development in Africa. Structural adjustment policies drastically reduced the state's role and advocated free markets.
This document discusses Wallerstein's world-systems analysis theory, which views the world economy as a single integrated system divided into core, semi-peripheral, and peripheral countries based on their role in the international division of labor. The theory aims to explain the development of one large world economy. It has strengths in describing historical changes that shaped the modern world and recognizing globalization and inequality. However, it also has weaknesses like oversimplifying dynamics as countries and relationships change over time.
Presentation on Dependency Theory for PS 212 Culture and Politics in the Third World at the University of Kentucky, Summer 2007. Dr. Christopher S. Rice, Instructor.
The third” united nationsc thomas g. weiss, tatiana caraojas18
This document introduces the concept of a "third United Nations" composed of non-state actors that closely engage with the UN but are not formally part of the organization. This third UN includes NGOs, academics, experts, commissions, and other individuals and groups. They help shape UN ideas, policies, priorities and practices through advocacy, research, and policy analysis. While the UN is traditionally viewed as composed of member states and the secretariat, recognizing this third sphere provides a more comprehensive understanding of the actors that influence the UN.
1976 amin s unequal development - an essay on the social formations of peri...Durlabh Pun
This document provides an overview of precapitalist social formations and modes of production. It distinguishes between five main modes of production: 1) primitive-communal, 2) tribute-paying, 3) feudal, 4) slaveowning, and 5) simple petty-commodity. Most precapitalist societies combined multiple modes of production, with one typically dominant. The tribute-paying mode was most common, occurring across Asia, Africa, Europe and pre-Columbian America. Feudal and slaveowning modes usually occurred peripherally to central tribute-paying formations. Long-distance trade linked independent social formations and allowed surplus transfers between them. Analysis of a social formation requires examining surplus generation,
This document provides an overview of modernization theory. It discusses:
1) The emergence of modernization theory in the late 1940s/1950s as a response to concerns about the spread of communism in developing countries. The theory promoted the adoption of Western capitalist and democratic models of development.
2) Modernization theory viewed developing countries as "traditionally" held back from development due to cultural barriers, and proposed they develop through industrialization and adopting Western values/institutions with assistance from Western countries.
3) Critics argue modernization theory promoted an overly simplistic view that did not account for diversity in development paths or historical/cultural contexts of different societies. The theory was also seen as ethn
Dependency theory views development and underdevelopment as relational between core wealthy nations that dominate the global economic system and poorer peripheral nations. It argues that peripheral nations mainly function to provide cheap labor and raw materials to core nations, with the benefits primarily accruing to the wealthy nations as they grow richer while poorer nations have their resources drained and do not advance economically. Dependency theorists believe underdeveloped nations must break ties with developed nations and pursue internal growth, such as through import substitution industrialization policies, in order to develop.
The dependency theory arose in reaction to modernization theory and held that poor nations are impoverished and rich ones enriched by how poor states are integrated into the world system. It rejects the view that underdeveloped countries are primitive versions of developed countries, but have unique features and are weaker members in the world market. The dependency perspective stresses that international political and economic forces shape demographic and environmental outcomes in developing countries.
This document provides a Marxist analysis of the costs and benefits of neoliberalism from a class perspective. It summarizes that neoliberalism arose from the structural crisis of the 1970s as the ideological expression of the financial fraction of ruling classes reasserting dominance after losing power during the Keynesian era. It analyzes the history of modern finance emerging in the late 19th century and its waxing and waning influence. While the costs of neoliberalism for other classes like slow growth and unemployment are acknowledged, the document aims to demonstrate the immense benefits reaped by the financial sector in the form of soaring profits and growth, facilitated by policies that transferred resources to finance.
Global education and current trends from social abstract for the paperAmarwaha
The last century intense with a dream and aspirations and major social experiments has ended with general collapse of initiative for social transformation and total disillusionment with efforts of ‘development’ of the so called ‘developing’ nations. The so called victorious ideology-capitalism- has sought to consolidate its triumph with a call for ‘globalization’ for freeing of market, for unchecked hunting by private capital within and across nations with total disregard for the sovereignty rights of nations across the world. Globalization did not develop evenly: indeed, it was accompanied by inequality and conflict. The global development of economic and social relations has been paralleled by wide disparities between North and South.
GLOBAL EDUCATION AND CURRENT TRENDS FROM SOCIAL-abstract for the paperamita marwaha
Globalization is an economic, social, cultural, and environmental process that has led to increasing global integration and interdependence. It has driven major changes through technological innovations, broader political changes, and economic policies over the past decades. However, globalization has also been accompanied by inequality and conflicts between nations. Education can help address some of the controversies around globalization by promoting global awareness, sustainable development, human rights, democracy, and peace. Global education aims to develop attitudes and skills to avoid indifference, consider interdependencies among nations, and encourage responsible action to address global challenges.
Developmental state and africa elly series 2013.Should Africa Learn from Asia...Elly Twineyo Kamugisha
Is Africa currently in the developmental stage? Is it on its way to economic success and ultimately development and liberal democracy?
Does the role of the state in the development of East Asian countries offer good examples for Africa?
Is the state in developed countries supporting or subsiding key private companies in their economies?
GLOBALIZATION and The Globalization Paradox: Why Global Markets, States, and ...tesfa7
is the process of interaction and integration among people, companies, and governments worldwide (en.m.Wikipedia.org). The authors of the articles discussed that;
Impacts of Globalization on developing and developed countries
Faire economic distribution and employment opportunities
National government demands to frame their policy aligned with international environmental laws and regulations
The document discusses the debate around whether states still matter in an era of globalization. It summarizes the arguments on both sides of the debate. While some argue that globalization has reduced states' powers over policies like taxes and unemployment, others maintain that states still play an important role in regulating economic globalization within their borders. The document also notes that theorists disagree on how to define and conceptualize globalization itself. Overall, it concludes that states continue to exercise autonomy and power through policies that protect citizens and ensure multinational corporations respect the sovereignty of nation-states.
This document discusses the concepts of neo-liberal globalization and its effects. It defines neo-liberalism as an economic ideology based on free markets with minimal government intervention. Globalization refers to the increasing integration of economies and flow of goods, services, and capital across borders enabled by technology. The document examines how globalization has impacted markets, labor, democracy, communication, culture, and localized rivalries. While globalization creates new opportunities, it can also exacerbate inequality and poverty. Overall the impacts of globalization remain controversial with both supporters and critics.
Globalization has both benefits and costs for economic growth. It allows for greater specialization and trade between countries, improving productivity and GDP. However, it can also increase inequality as lower-skilled workers face more competition. While globalization has helped reduce poverty in some nations, it has also caused economic hardship for domestic industries unable to compete with imports. Overall, whether a country benefits depends on how well it adapts its infrastructure and workforce to the new global economic system.
Africa in contemporary world politics the dynamics and effects of dominationAlexander Decker
This document summarizes a paper that examines Africa's place in contemporary world politics and the dynamics of its domination. It discusses how politics has been used as an instrument of domination over Africa throughout history, from the colonial era to today. The paper analyzes Africa's domination through three epochs - colonial, post-colonial, and contemporary. During the colonial era, European powers totally dominated Africa for economic and political control. In the post-colonial era after independence, domination continued through neo-colonialism as the new states remained dependent. Today, domination persists through Africa's peripheral incorporation into the global capitalist system, maintaining a dynamic of domination and crisis.
The document discusses the differences between internationalism and globalization. Internationalism refers to increasing importance of relations between nations, with the basic unit remaining the nation. Globalization refers to the integration of formerly national economies into a single global economy through free trade and capital mobility, effectively erasing national boundaries for economic purposes. It implies the disintegration of national economies and their reintegration into the global whole. While classical economists viewed national communities of labor and capital competing internationally, in today's globally integrated world capital and goods can move freely between countries, undercutting the premise of comparative advantage and replacing national teams with global capitalists competing globally.
Globalization refers to the increasing integration and interdependence of economies, technologies, and cultures around the world. It involves the free movement of goods, services, capital, and people between countries. While globalization offers opportunities through increased trade and cultural exchange, critics argue it favors wealthy nations and corporations over poorer countries and local communities. There are differing views on whether globalization should be altered, ended, or embraced for its opportunities.
Economic liberalism and the management of the recent global crisisAlexander Decker
This document discusses economic liberalism and lessons from the recent global financial crisis. It begins by outlining Adam Smith's theory of free market economics and the role of limited government intervention. It then discusses how governments have historically intervened more than envisioned in the theories, such as to regulate large corporations. The global financial crisis prompted massive government bailouts and stimulus packages in nations like the US and Europe to rescue their economies, demonstrating that responsible governments must intervene when free markets fail to sustain economic health. The crisis showed that traditional policy tools were insufficient, requiring robust non-routine government action to prevent economic collapse.
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Reimposing imperial domination in the global south through the mechanism of public policy the example of nigeria
1. Journal of Education and Practice www.iiste.org
ISSN 2222-1735 (Paper) ISSN 2222-288X (Online)
Vol.5, No.24, 2014
Reimposing Imperial Domination in the Global South through the
Mechanism of Public Policy: The Example of Nigeria
David Aondoakaa Utume PhD
Department of Political Science, Benue State University, P M B 102119 Makurdi
E-mail: aondoakaautume@bsum.edu.ng aondoakaautume@yahoo.com.au
Abstract
The empire has not yet ended. It persists in different forms and expressions, (such as globalization.) The new
imperial domination, however, does not always employ overt means, such as coercion to achieve its ends. It is
more subtle in approach. The result is the same, however-expropriating benefits at the expense of the dominated.
Wallerstein provides a suitable theoretical frame of analysis: ‘the world economy system’ where there is no need
for a central authority, but market forces. To ensure that the market ideology takes hold in the South, Western
agencies, especially the international financial institutions (IFIs) are unleashed to impose policies. Nigeria,
continuing in the dependency syndrome that has pervaded her history, easily succumbed to the IMF imposed
SAP under globalization. She reaped the unsalutary economic conditions of deepening and spreading poverty as
well as decline in growth. Nigerian leaders, therefore, need to be wary of the international do-gooders who
always transmit ‘crisis of authority’ to the South by their policy recommendations. Our leaders must realize that
Nigeria is more important, to the black world and humanity at large, than Nigerians might think. Project Nigeria
cannot afford to fail. The misappropriation and misapplication of her resources must stop, with development
pursued in a more sustainable manner.
Keywords: Imperial domination, Global South, Public policy, Market forces
1. Introduction
Domination of the global South has been a topic of concern over a fairly long period. Since the emergence of the
dependency school, so much has been said about the impact of this domination on the global South, otherwise
known as the Third World. With the demise of the bi-polar world defined in ideological terms, the global South
becomes an alternative term referring to the same Third World. The issue of the domination and the concomitant
underdevelopment of the South remains topical however. The dependencists, since Dudley Seers, seem to have
dominated this discourse, however later joined by neoMarxists and structuralists. Thus, the likes of Immanuel
Wallerstein, and Johan Galtung can be listed together with Andre Gunder Frank, Enzo Faletto and Henrique
Cardoso. Samir Amin remains the leading African proponent of dependency in explaining the North-South
dichotomy and the explanation of the dynamics of underdevelopment of the South. In Nigeria, Daniel Offiong is
prominent in the discussion of dependency.
The common thread that runs through these authorities has been that asymmetrical exchanges between
countries of the South (Third World) and the advanced ones (the metropolises) have been responsible for
underdevelopment of the former. This is a definition of domination of the South by the North. While colonialism
lasted, it was not difficult to imagine how this could work out. Programmes and projects were in the hands of the
agents of the metropolitan powers — from colonial secretaries to governors-general, prefects and commissioners
to district officers. To some extent trading companies got involved at different stages, especially where they
needed labour and facilities such as roads and rails to connect them to the ports. The purpose was to ensure an
export oriented economy in such a colony. When political authority was withdrawn (at flag independence) neo-colonial
control worked for a brief moment, when the receding colonial powers planted leaders of their choosing
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to take charge of the erstwhile imperial estates.
The point of departure in this write up is attempting to explain how this imposition works more than
generations after the first bunch of stooges have been dislodged by time. It is our submission that public policy is
critical in the contemporary working of the North-South dominance. The mechanism of public policy is handy to
the North and its agents. By properly locating where the main interests of the countries of the South lie, their
institutional provisions are directed to take care by proposing what the South countries can do to reach their
intended goals. In Africa, like most parts of the South, development has been identified as the goal, indeed an
ideology, (Ake, 2001). Perkins, (2006) has been eloquent and illustrative on this. The International Monetary
Fund (IMF), and the World Bank, have been quick at positioning themselves as having the expertise to bring
development to the South. Since they have money, they sold this value as the only panacea for development. By
convincing leaders of these South countries they take charge of policy indirectly. This is what Khor (2001)
describes as the ‘globalization of national policies and policymaking mechanisms.’ As seen by Soederberg (2004)
everything appears to be reduced to financial manipulation. The policy support instruments (PSIs), which alone
qualify the South countries for development’ loans from these institutions, are commitments on the part o the
recipients that they would not deviate from programmes affirmed by the donors. Moreover, as shown by Perkins
2. Journal of Education and Practice www.iiste.org
ISSN 2222-1735 (Paper) ISSN 2222-288X (Online)
Vol.5, No.24, 2014
(2006), development is packaged, parceled and delivered to multinational companies (MNCs).
This essay sets out to demonstrate the critical place of public policy in the manipulation of these
asymmetrical relations in the present dispensation; Nigeria is used to demonstrate how it works. The structural
adjustment programme (SAP) which she faithfully implemented did not lead to the benefits of development, but
instead led to the burden of debt with increased poverty.
2. The Nature of the New International System
A brief statement needs to be made of how the new international system operates, even against the countries of
the South. It is new in the sense of nomenclature and its mode of operation. It is globalization, and it operates
without any political authority accepting responsibility for outcomes of its process. It fits what Wallerstein (1979)
describes as ‘world economy system.’ What contrasts the world economy system from the ‘world empire
system’ is the absence of a central political authority. Market forces determine how resources are produced and
distributed. There is a shared market where producers or sellers meet with consumers or buyers. But at the world
stage efficiency of production and pricing are not the sole driving forces of operation. The social structures this
system produces accounts also for the division of labour that results. First it produces the bourgeois and the
proletarian classes. But on the larger spatial scale, it produces a hierarchy of economy specialization. Thus there
are low-wage, low-profit, low- capital intensive areas from where surplus is appropriated by high-wage, high-profit
and high-capital intensive areas. This is done through how the social categories gain ‘access to decisions
about the nature and quantity of production of goods’ (Wallerstein, 1979). Force or coercive means are thus not
necessary. Indeed it can be said that dying by the sword, which is the lot of those who resist in the ‘world empire
system’ becomes unnecessary in the ‘world economy system’, where the resisters are permitted to starve.
Some of the arguments of this theoretical abstraction can be empirically demonstrated. That some
sections of the world community cannot access how decisions are made about production and distribution of
resources around the world is demonstrable. The three international institutions of governance, the IMF, the
World Bank and the WTO, between them, virtually monopolize policy on world finances and material items of
trade. Given their undemocratic nature, not only are countries of the South poorly represented in them, but do not
meaningfully contribute to how they operate. Often, therefore, this ‘unholy trinity’ (apologies, Peet) ensures that
only policies meant to protect and advanced the neo-liberal economic preferences are prescribed for countries of
the South. Thus, as asserted by Aluko (2003). “A country that does not conform to the IMF/World Bank
performance targets as prescribed by the Triad, is blacklisted and have (sic) its debt noose tighted.”
In order to allow the market forces to take charge (for so do the advanced industrial economies want us
to believe) no country of the North would like to be responsible for what happens — the damage done to the
economies of the South. They distance themselves from the policy outcomes, sometimes claiming, like the
World Bank claims in respect of the SAPs, that it is improper implementation of the prescribed policies. It is
what leads Stiglitz to the conclusion that modern economic management has become comparable with modem
warfare, where bombs are dropped from 50,000 feet in order to avoid the pilot having physical contact with the
people he destroys. And similarly, in one’s luxury hotel, one can afford the callousness with which decisions are
taken resulting to the destruction of lives, (Stiglitz, 2002).
Despite that, when it is convenient, the North may openly impose conditions to ensure that neo-liberalism
is allowed room to operate. The USA, for this reason would act “votron”, ‘defender of the universe’.
The US presence in the Middle-East, but especially Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan, and currently her support of
uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, Syria and Libya conforms with this argument. The North countries, individually or
collectively, may avoid expanding their political authority to cover this system — the world economy system
called globalization — because it makes better economic sense avoiding the costs of such an empire at this late
stage of human history. The imperial design, a recolonization of the South, according to Adesina (2002), is,
however, only thinly veiled. It is what countries of the South need to know, especially their leaders.
3. Political Leadership and Public Policy in Nigeria
There is an adage that says, “the mentally enslaved need no chains.” Like in most countries of the global South,
leadership in Nigeria has been critical to how the agencies of the global North have been able to manipulate
things to achieve dominance. According to Ajene (1987) the Nigerian leadership has been subservient to
Western influence and so cannot pursue a vibrant and effective foreign policy. The origin of such subservience is
the intellectual deficiency of the leadership. Given that, the leaders become gullible and would jump at every
suggestion that comes from the advanced world, even if only through the agents.
By political leadership, and consistent with our historical experience in Nigeria, we include the
military elite that seized political power for several years and directed public affairs in conjunction with some
civilians, co-opted into government by the same military. Under a military regime, this group is made of “the
military leaders at the helm of affairs and their limited circle of friends co-opted into the corridors of power,
either on formal or informal basis” (Sani, 1999). Unlike Ayida (1971), who insists on a distinction, we equate
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3. Journal of Education and Practice www.iiste.org
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Vol.5, No.24, 2014
this leadership with his ‘political class’, which incorporates the ‘professional politician.’ Regarding policy
formulation or direction, Sani (1999) emphasizes the role of the executive council.
In the Nigerian context, public policy may be defined as the collective decision of
the Executive Council of Government on matters which derive their primacy from
the constitution as provided for in the chapter on fundamental objectives and
directive principles of state policy. (Sani, 1999, p.14).
This statement is significant to this essay in two ways. First it helps to define political leadership which
should not be seen as excluding the military. Two, that it not only points to where public policy derives, but also
links up to the fundamental objectives and directive principles of state policy. We shall return to this later.
What is of immediate concern is identifying the locus of public policy. Our members of the executive
councils are the persons who are in charge of government, whether military or civilian, but who are not only so
very gullible but who act in a subservient manner towards their erstwhile colonial masters. They do this so much
that they lose control over public policy.
We have to further reiterate that the method by which the global North imposes its value preferences is
not only through the IMF and the World Bank. Peet (2000) includes the World Trade Organization (WTO) in the
combination of what he calls “unholy trinity.” We need to add some organizations which, along with the “unholy
trinity” have succeeded in seizing public policy from the hands of the leaders of the South countries.
These include the G-8, the Paris Club, the London Club, the G-20 that is fast coming into limelight, the
global and regional organizations, such as the African Union, (AU) and the New Economic Partnership for
African Development (NEPAD), for African countries the United Nations Organization (UNO) and its agencies
and programmes, such as the millennium development goals (MDGs). All these agencies and organizations put
constraints on public policy choice among countries of the South.
Nigeria’s adoption of SAP is the best illustration of policy choice under the arrangement. When one
considers that Nigerian leaders had resisted adopting SAP as recommended by the IMF, Babangida’s acceptance
of SAP cannot be said to be done without intensified persuasion from the international agencies. If anything,
Babangida’s government can only be blamed for not seeing through the dangers inherent in adopting SAP, more
so that the debate threw up many perspectives that tended to reject SAP, especially its conditionalities.
But it must be appreciated that North-South domination has been a long sustained scheme to ensure
that countries of the South do not get to a point of disarray in policy. The ultimate goal has been to ensure
conformity with the neo-liberal or market ideology. It is why at every stage Nigerian leaders have been
encouraged to look up to policy recommendations and assistance from the North.
In the early 1960s, soon after independence, our first National Development Plan, 1962 -1968, was
initiated. There was every indication of dependence on foreign powers. For example, while the six years
development plan was to cost Nigeria £676.5 million, £300 million were expected from foreign sources.
According to the Nigerian Prime Minister: “We are looking forward to the help of the World Bank and other
United Nations agencies, as well as to those countries which have signified their willingness to assist Nigeria in
carrying through this Plan” (Balewa and Epelle, 1964). It is significant that this very important speech was
elaborated in Britain, and not Nigeria According to Ayida (1971).
Both the World Bank in Washington and the United States Agency for International Development
through an Appraisal Mission led by the late Arnold Rivkin, were given the facilities and the confidential
information which enabled them to finalize their assessment of the new National Plan before the data were made
available to the public in Nigeria, (Ayida, 1971)
The phenomenal manifestation of the dependency syndrome can be placed in the Jumbo loan of 1978.
This is because what was started in the 1960s was truncated by the oil boom of the late 1960s and early 1970s.
But the same oil boom at the global level had piled up capital in the financial institutions of the west. It became
wise business to invest such idle capital in some countries that needed it, for profit. The Nigerian government
under General Obasanjo became a good candidate for a Jumbo Loan, and the IMF successfully persuaded,
virtually begged, Nigeria to take the loan. It was a trap (Ayagi, 1990). No South country, Nigeria inclusive, was
expected to pay back the loan. With the unfavourable terms of trade that obtained at the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade (GATT) now the World Trade Organization (WTO) the South countries could hardly realize
anything to pay back the loans. This is because, as posited by Amin (1976) “... prices for raw materials are
determined neither by inexorable economic laws... in the form of supply and demand, but purely by political
power relations.” This was the Nigerian situation, because she lacked political power. And under Shagari, even
petroleum had joined the other raw materials that had suffered decline in prices. Rather than pay back, several
rounds of negotiation for debt rescheduling were undertaken. Often, only the interest was paid, while the
principal was retained to attract more interest. So entrapped, Nigeria was reduced to beggar status despite her oil
wealth. But her creditworthiness now depended on economic policies to be approved by the international
financial institutions (IFIs). They no longer waited for autonomous policy choice by the South countries, but
adopted policy recommendation if not imposition on these countries. Muhammadu Buhari regime’s rejection of
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Vol.5, No.24, 2014
currency devaluation which the IMF recommended disqualified Nigeria from taking any loan from the
international capital market.
The coming of Babangida to power in August 1985 changed things. The IMF led the World Bank in
selling the conditionalities for SAP to Nigeria. Typical of the kind of leadership we have referred to,
Babangida’s had more confidence in the foreign advisers than what Nigerians said in the public debate called by
his government. Thus, Nigerian leadership was once again manifesting the kind of gullibility that results from
intellectual deficiency, a poor sense of mission, and of governance vision.
Obasanjo’s leadership in the fourth republic did not diminish this factor. The manner in which he
appeared to embrace the neo-liberal agenda sometimes sets one thinking whether or not he regretted his
economic nationalism which he had shown in his first coming, after the death of Murtala Mohammed. In order to
‘reintegrate’ Nigeria into the world community, Nigeria now did not only accept privatization and
commercialization, but also advocated it, as if it was an indigenous programme.
The result of this dependency has been unsalutary on the Nigerian economy. Though there is no place
for every detail, Nigeria has declined in every respect of economic life since SAP. This has also affected her
social outlook. Industries have declined pitiably, unemployment has heightened, and poverty has deepened as
well as spread, in Nigeria. For example, between 1986 and 2001, Nigerian industries operated below 50% of
capacity utilization rate. The official exchange rate between the Naira and the US dollar has crashed, moving
from 2.020 naira in 1986 to 132.147 to the dollar in 2005. In the twenty (post-SAP) years, 1986 to 2005, only
five years, registered inflation rate of below 10%, that is 1986, 1990, 1997, 1999 and 2000. Yet, none of these
fell below 5%. In the twenty years between 1986 and 2005, only six years posted a GDP growth rate of 5% and
above. There could be no better recipe for generating poverty than this. Nigeria has registered above 70%
poverty rating incidence among the people. It is what our dependency policy orientation could produce.
The social implication of all that we have pointed out is that a massive under-class has been produced
in Nigeria. Members of this under-class have moved from high-way and urban robbery to be political thugs and
mercenary militia. They operate on the orders of their master of the moment. And every social value has been
destroyed to make way for materialism. Nobody questions how wealth is made, by whomsoever. With such
developments energies are not directed at production; and the economy suffers.
So far, Nigeria has done nothing by way of liberating herself from the entanglement with the international
institutions of domination. There is every indication that our leaders want to be good boys of the prevailing
international system. Meanwhile Nigeria sinks deeper and deeper into economic recession and poverty.
4. Whom Does Nigeria Live For?
Let us quickly reframe the poser by asking whether Nigeria lives for her citizens or for others? We shall still
make better sense if we pose: can others love Nigeria more than she loves herself? In any way that these posers
are answered, the bottom line is that only Nigeria or Nigerians can tell what is best for them. There is no honest
supposition that others love Nigeria so much that they can help her to get out of her socio-economic difficulties.
For too long has the Nigerian leaderships assumed that salvation comes from abroad. So far this assumption has
proved to be wrong. Time has now run out for the ruling classes or leadership for laying claim to legitimacy in
ruling over the subordinate classes, which include the urban underclass and the poor peasants. It approximates
what Soederberg (2004) likens to Gramsci’s notion of ‘crisis of authority.’
As this crisis erodes the legitimacy of the ruling classes among the subordinate classes, and therefore
the former are no longer considered as ‘leading’ through consensus, they are forced to rely increasingly on
coercion and reinvention of political domination in the form of neoliberalism (Soederberg, 2004).
It goes without saying, that if Nigeria must avoid the transmission of this crisis of authority from the
international capitalist system, she must be circumspect about policy advice from the advanced world. Nigeria’s
fourth republic is a live example of this problem. Civilian, but not democratic, in nature, the government of
Nigeria in the fourth republic failed completely to make a difference from the military one that preceded it, but
was thoroughly undermined by policy imposition through SAP. That Obasanjo’s government made privatization
and commercialization its pet project, and in the process destroyed the socio-economic life of the people, so fits
the foregoing argument. Indeed his government was seen as autocratic because, in order to impress the
international community, he suppressed other arms of government and non-governmental groups in the public
arena.
The current situation in the international arena is comparable to war — a war of all against all; a state
of nature among nations. Nations must act cautiously: meaning that they must be strategic in the manner they
engage the international system. If we appreciate that strategic thinking has moved more in the direction of
social order than the armed battle (Atkinson, 1981) then we shall also appreciate policy as a strategic weapon. In
other words, policy can achieve what armed battle achieved for empire builders. Policy manipulation brings
about the winning of minds and subsequently the creation of a social order desired by the international forces.
This is what the Nigerian leaders seem not to know, and thereby are failing to pursue project Nigeria with the
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requisite verve.
The success or otherwise of the Nigerian state is of strategic importance to the political economy of
racialism. The Nigeria project is the Blackman’s project. The production, distribution and consumption in the
world economy leave the Blackman at the lowest rungs of things. There are powerful voices in the West, the hub
of international capitalist system, which desire that the arrangement be perpetuated. Cronje (1971) warned us of
the abiding faith and desire of the French that Nigeria shall one day be dismembered, despite British
“foolishness” of keeping Nigeria one at independence. Nigeria’s threat to European interest in Africa lies in
Nigeria upholding the hope for the ultimate emancipation of the black race. Such emancipation represents a
disruption in the international racial division of labour which places the Blackman at the bottom. For this,
Nigeria and its leadership owes the Blackman an obligation, not to fail. If Nigeria cannot lead the global South in
interrogating neoliberal discourse, she must render support to dismantling the institutions of domination which
the North mounts. The Nigerian leadership certainly has a role to play, by adopting policy choices less dependent
on the international capital.
Nigeria also has a duty to humanity. By extension, the emancipation of the black race is equally
service to humanity. So long as we operate the global economy as to have a large population of the world on the
fringe, so long shall we be postponing the final resolution of the human fate. To suggest that man, at this stage of
his development, still eulogizes partial civilization creates a scenario of the consummate tragedy. By resisting
some of its policies, the neoliberal agenda can be reframed to help itself and to help humanity. With this last
project of emancipation yet undone, Fukuyama (2006) only seems hasty to suggest ‘the end of history’.
5. Conclusion
The contemporary international system works by avoidance of physical contact which saves the imperial powers
the ethical responsibility for the problems they cause in the global South. Public policy is manipulated as the safe
mechanism of achieving domination without responsibility. In Nigeria, while the neo-colonial arrangement
lasted, her leaders learnt to be compliant with the demands of the West. Indeed they so submitted themselves to
the will of their erstwhile masters, they could be said to be subservient. Under the neo-colonial arrangement each
country in the North was assigned a specific sphere of interest and responsibility. But the North soon reinvented
domination by means other than neo-colonial control. The North now uses the international agencies to run the
global economy. These include the IMF, the World Bank and the WTO. When the G-8, the Paris Club and the
London Club are added, a multilateral arrangement is achieved of imposing control on the South. A neo-liberal
agenda is now in operation, which compels the countries of the South to implement SAP.
But Nigeria is a living example of how keeping faith with the neoliberal agenda can destroy an
economy, leaving in its wake a mass of impoverished Nigerians. But Nigerian leaders seem not to appreciate the
importance of the country, not only to the largest black population on earth, but also to the entire black race.
Nigerian leaders should rethink how they relate with the international do-gooders who, in every bargain with us,
end up with the longer end of the stick.
Aluko (2003) recommends a form of economic nationalism for Africa. Nigeria is a major player in
Africa. And economic nationalism, unlike de-linking, does not necessarily create the fear of autarky. Economic
nationalism does not preclude operating within the global economic system. It only suggests that countries of the
South, such as Nigeria, can select how they engage with the international system. Moreover, under such a
principle, collaborative action in the South can be used to counter global assault on the economic interests of the
South. Thus, if the North can challenge the South ‘investment strikes and capital flight’ (Soederberg, 2004),
there is no moral constraint for the South withdrawing some of their strategic commodities such as oil, uranium,
diamond and gold. History has suggested that man has resisted living under bondage to achieve the present level
of freedom, where history is ending (Fukuyama, 2006). For most parts of the global South, but especially Africa,
history might only be starting, talk less of ending. We are far from seeing the last man.’ Here, the last stop for
history is at engaging and overthrowing domination. Nigeria is critical to that fight; and her leaders must
understand that true liberty is never won by begging.
References
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