There has been much academic debate over the relationship between race and gender as factors in social, political and economic inequality and oppression and whether a race or feminist gender-based framework is most effective for the study and analysis of inequality and oppression. Taking up feminist critiques of patriarchy, liberal feminism for failing to address the experiences and issues confronted by women of colour, anti-racist activism for failing to address the issue of gender, as well as the question of how racism and homophobia intersect we will examine the relationship between race and gender on several levels: Firstly, we will examine the role and significance of gender and sexuality within racist discourses. Secondly, we will examine how race and gender compare, complement one another, differ or conflict as sites of social-political identification, classification, division and struggle, as factors in inequality, as well as frameworks for analysis. Thirdly, we shall look at the ways in which sexualized stereotyping works in the ‘double discrimination’ of racialized women and/or LGBT people. We will engage with several academic debates on the issue and discuss whether gendered race issues could or should be subsumed under an anti-racist or feminist analysis or agenda or remain distinct in a third category, or alternately how the three frameworks and agendas could co-exist and compliment one another for the most effective analysis and fight against different forms of social-political inequality.
There has been much academic debate over the relationship between race and gender as factors in social, political and economic inequality and oppression. Firstly, we will examine the role and significance of gender and sexuality within racist discourses. Secondly, we will examine how race and gender compare, complement one another, differ or conflict as sites of social-political identification, classification, division and struggle, as factors in inequality, as well as frameworks for analysis. Thirdly, we shall look at the ways in which sexualized stereotyping works in the ‘intersectional’ discrimination of racialized women and/or LGBT people. Lastly, we shall examine some contemporary debates on the interrelationships between sexism, homophobia, and racism.
There has been much academic debate over the relationship between race and gender as factors in social, political and economic inequality and oppression. Firstly, we will examine the role and significance of gender and sexuality within racist discourses. Secondly, we will examine how race and gender compare, complement one another, differ or conflict as sites of social-political identification, classification, division and struggle, as factors in inequality, as well as frameworks for analysis. Thirdly, we shall look at the ways in which sexualized stereotyping works in the ‘intersectional’ discrimination of racialized women and/or LGBT people. Lastly, we shall examine some contemporary debates on the interrelationships between sexism, homophobia, and racism.
This presentation investigates sexism as a sociological issue. It focuses on five elements. Patriarchy & male dominance, misogyny, sexist jokes, objectification of women and minimising women's voice-the boys will be boys brigade. The objective for examining these issues is to comprehend how practicing counsellor, social workers and mental health support workers may address some of these issue in a professional manner.
As different systems and parts of the body send signals to the brain, they alert the hypothalamus to any
unbalanced factors that need addressing. The hypothalamus then responds by releasing the right hormones
into the bloodstream to balance the body.
One example of this is the remarkable ability of a human being to maintain an internal temperature of 98.6
°Fahrenheit (ºF).
Pituitary gland - The pituitary gland receives signals from the hypothalamus. This gland has two lobes, the
posterior and anterior lobes. The posterior lobe secretes hormones that are made by the hypothalamus. The
anterior lobe produces its own hormones, several of which act on
other endocrine glands.
Keynote delivered to Upper School and Middle School students at William Penn Charter School. How do we learn about our various group identities like female, African American, Buddhist, homosexual, middle class, etc.? From whom do we learn the meaning of these terms? What messages have we internalized about ourselves and others? What are the differences that result in one person having a healthy self identity and another person experiencing own-group shame and hatred? Learn how we co-author peers' identity as well as our own, how the cycle of oppression and cycle of bullying pressure us to reinforce stereotypes, and what we can do as allies to break these cycles and work toward inclusion of all.
This week we will look at the attempts made to fight against racism. Anti-racism has been a feature of both social movements in civil society, and governmental bodies such as the British Commission for Racial Equality. As such, anti-racism cannot be said to be a unitary phenomenon. The diverse range of discourses, practices and policies under the heading of anti-racism means that we can only talk about it in the plural. Broadly speaking, anti-racism can be seen as divided between those discourses and practices that are more closely allied with a state-based vision, focused on the rule of law and institutionalized measures, and those that, on the contrary, see the state as a source – rather than a solution – to racism. What is the difference between these two approaches and how have they developed. In Britain, what are some of the ways in which anti-racism has taken form, e.g. in the trade union movement, through the intersection with music, from different political standpoints, as ‘anti-fascist’, or as anti-colonialist in inspiration? Looking at anti-racism from the 1960s to the present day, we shall tease out the many guises of anti-racism and ask if it is enough merely to be ‘against’ racism?
Anatomy of an Outrage: Female Genital Cutting and the Challenge of Building M...lisawadephd
In response to requests from Somali immigrants to “circumcise” both their daughters and their sons, doctors at Harborview Medical Center in Seattle considered offering a procedure in local clinics. The “nick” would consist of a one-centimeter incision in the clitoral hood of girls. This lecture tells the story of this provocative idea and the battle between feminists and physicians that ensued. In addition to being fascinating in its own right, the tale has important lessons. In particular, it illuminates the power of and problems with politicizing “culture,” with important implications of interest to anyone who cares about building multicultural democracies.
This lecture critically analyses postcolonial thinking, decolonial thought and critical border thinking.
Reading
Decolonizing the Social
Core Readings
Rámon Grosfoguel (2008) ‘Transmodernity, border thinking, and global coloniality: Decolonizing political economy and postcolonial studies’, Eurozine.
Chakrabarty, Dipesh (2000) Provincialising Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference Princeton University Press Introduction and Chapter One (pp. 3-47). [Library]
Verges, Francoise (2004) 'Postcolonial Challenges', in Nicholas Gane (ed.) The Future of Social Theory. Continuum.
Bhambra, Gurminder K. (2007) 'Multiple Modernities or Global Interconnections: Understanding the global post the colonial', in N. Karagiannis and P. Wagner (eds.), Varieties of World-Making: Beyond Globalization. Liverpool UP.
Hesse, Barnor. 2007. ‘Racialized Modernity: An analytics of white mythologies,’ Ethnic and Racial Studies, Volume 30, Issue 4: pages 643 - 663.
Mignolo, Walter D (2006) 'Citizenship, Knowledge, and the Limits of Humanity'. American Literary History (Cary, NC; Oxford) (18:2): 312-321.
Further Readings
Susan Buck-Morss, 'Hegel and Haiti,' Critical Inquiry 26(4): 821-865.
bell hooks (1990) 'Postmodern blackness', Postmodern Culture 1(1).
Fanon, Frantz (1963) ‘Concerning Violence’, Chapter 1 of The Wretched of the Earth. New York: Grove Press.
Spivak, Gayatri Chakrabarty (1988) ‘Can the Subaltern Speak?’ in Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture University of Illinois Press, Chicago.
On Decolonial thought
Ann E. Reuman and Gloria E. Anzaldúa (2000) ‘Coming into Play: An Interview with Gloria Anzaldúa’, MELUS 25(2): 3-45.
Arturo Escobar (2010) ‘Latin America at a Crossroads’, Cultural Studies 24(1): 1 — 65.
Arturo Escobar (2007) ‘Worlds and Knowledges Otherwise', Cultural Studies 21(2): 179 —210.
Enrique Dussel (2009) ‘“Being-in-the-World-Hispanically”: A World on the “Border” of Many Worlds’, Comparative Literature 61(3): 256-273.
Walter D. Mignolo (2002) ‘The Zapatistas's Theoretical Revolution: Its Historical, Ethical, and Political Consequences’, Review 25(3): 245-275
Walter D. Mignolo (2011) ‘The communal and the decolonial’, Turbulence
For arguments bringing in the colonial relationship to general understandings see:
Appadurai, Arjun (1990) ‘Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy’ Public Culture Vol.2, No. 2, Spring pp1-23.
Said, Edward W. (1993) Culture and Imperialism Chatto and Windus, London.
Dirlik, Arif (1994) ‘The Postcolonial Aura: Third World Criticism in the Age of Global Capitalism’ Critical Inquiry Vol. 20, Winter pp. 328-35
Mohanty, Chandra Talpade (2002) ‘“Under Western Eyes” Revisited: Feminist solidarity through anticapitalist struggles’, Signs 28(2): 499-533.
Bar On, Bat-Ami (1993) ‘Marginality and Epistemic Privilege’
This presentation investigates sexism as a sociological issue. It focuses on five elements. Patriarchy & male dominance, misogyny, sexist jokes, objectification of women and minimising women's voice-the boys will be boys brigade. The objective for examining these issues is to comprehend how practicing counsellor, social workers and mental health support workers may address some of these issue in a professional manner.
As different systems and parts of the body send signals to the brain, they alert the hypothalamus to any
unbalanced factors that need addressing. The hypothalamus then responds by releasing the right hormones
into the bloodstream to balance the body.
One example of this is the remarkable ability of a human being to maintain an internal temperature of 98.6
°Fahrenheit (ºF).
Pituitary gland - The pituitary gland receives signals from the hypothalamus. This gland has two lobes, the
posterior and anterior lobes. The posterior lobe secretes hormones that are made by the hypothalamus. The
anterior lobe produces its own hormones, several of which act on
other endocrine glands.
Keynote delivered to Upper School and Middle School students at William Penn Charter School. How do we learn about our various group identities like female, African American, Buddhist, homosexual, middle class, etc.? From whom do we learn the meaning of these terms? What messages have we internalized about ourselves and others? What are the differences that result in one person having a healthy self identity and another person experiencing own-group shame and hatred? Learn how we co-author peers' identity as well as our own, how the cycle of oppression and cycle of bullying pressure us to reinforce stereotypes, and what we can do as allies to break these cycles and work toward inclusion of all.
This week we will look at the attempts made to fight against racism. Anti-racism has been a feature of both social movements in civil society, and governmental bodies such as the British Commission for Racial Equality. As such, anti-racism cannot be said to be a unitary phenomenon. The diverse range of discourses, practices and policies under the heading of anti-racism means that we can only talk about it in the plural. Broadly speaking, anti-racism can be seen as divided between those discourses and practices that are more closely allied with a state-based vision, focused on the rule of law and institutionalized measures, and those that, on the contrary, see the state as a source – rather than a solution – to racism. What is the difference between these two approaches and how have they developed. In Britain, what are some of the ways in which anti-racism has taken form, e.g. in the trade union movement, through the intersection with music, from different political standpoints, as ‘anti-fascist’, or as anti-colonialist in inspiration? Looking at anti-racism from the 1960s to the present day, we shall tease out the many guises of anti-racism and ask if it is enough merely to be ‘against’ racism?
Anatomy of an Outrage: Female Genital Cutting and the Challenge of Building M...lisawadephd
In response to requests from Somali immigrants to “circumcise” both their daughters and their sons, doctors at Harborview Medical Center in Seattle considered offering a procedure in local clinics. The “nick” would consist of a one-centimeter incision in the clitoral hood of girls. This lecture tells the story of this provocative idea and the battle between feminists and physicians that ensued. In addition to being fascinating in its own right, the tale has important lessons. In particular, it illuminates the power of and problems with politicizing “culture,” with important implications of interest to anyone who cares about building multicultural democracies.
This lecture critically analyses postcolonial thinking, decolonial thought and critical border thinking.
Reading
Decolonizing the Social
Core Readings
Rámon Grosfoguel (2008) ‘Transmodernity, border thinking, and global coloniality: Decolonizing political economy and postcolonial studies’, Eurozine.
Chakrabarty, Dipesh (2000) Provincialising Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference Princeton University Press Introduction and Chapter One (pp. 3-47). [Library]
Verges, Francoise (2004) 'Postcolonial Challenges', in Nicholas Gane (ed.) The Future of Social Theory. Continuum.
Bhambra, Gurminder K. (2007) 'Multiple Modernities or Global Interconnections: Understanding the global post the colonial', in N. Karagiannis and P. Wagner (eds.), Varieties of World-Making: Beyond Globalization. Liverpool UP.
Hesse, Barnor. 2007. ‘Racialized Modernity: An analytics of white mythologies,’ Ethnic and Racial Studies, Volume 30, Issue 4: pages 643 - 663.
Mignolo, Walter D (2006) 'Citizenship, Knowledge, and the Limits of Humanity'. American Literary History (Cary, NC; Oxford) (18:2): 312-321.
Further Readings
Susan Buck-Morss, 'Hegel and Haiti,' Critical Inquiry 26(4): 821-865.
bell hooks (1990) 'Postmodern blackness', Postmodern Culture 1(1).
Fanon, Frantz (1963) ‘Concerning Violence’, Chapter 1 of The Wretched of the Earth. New York: Grove Press.
Spivak, Gayatri Chakrabarty (1988) ‘Can the Subaltern Speak?’ in Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture University of Illinois Press, Chicago.
On Decolonial thought
Ann E. Reuman and Gloria E. Anzaldúa (2000) ‘Coming into Play: An Interview with Gloria Anzaldúa’, MELUS 25(2): 3-45.
Arturo Escobar (2010) ‘Latin America at a Crossroads’, Cultural Studies 24(1): 1 — 65.
Arturo Escobar (2007) ‘Worlds and Knowledges Otherwise', Cultural Studies 21(2): 179 —210.
Enrique Dussel (2009) ‘“Being-in-the-World-Hispanically”: A World on the “Border” of Many Worlds’, Comparative Literature 61(3): 256-273.
Walter D. Mignolo (2002) ‘The Zapatistas's Theoretical Revolution: Its Historical, Ethical, and Political Consequences’, Review 25(3): 245-275
Walter D. Mignolo (2011) ‘The communal and the decolonial’, Turbulence
For arguments bringing in the colonial relationship to general understandings see:
Appadurai, Arjun (1990) ‘Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Cultural Economy’ Public Culture Vol.2, No. 2, Spring pp1-23.
Said, Edward W. (1993) Culture and Imperialism Chatto and Windus, London.
Dirlik, Arif (1994) ‘The Postcolonial Aura: Third World Criticism in the Age of Global Capitalism’ Critical Inquiry Vol. 20, Winter pp. 328-35
Mohanty, Chandra Talpade (2002) ‘“Under Western Eyes” Revisited: Feminist solidarity through anticapitalist struggles’, Signs 28(2): 499-533.
Bar On, Bat-Ami (1993) ‘Marginality and Epistemic Privilege’
This session will look at the politics of knowledge production and discuss the ways in which the establishment of the dominant discourses of legitimate knowledge relied upon the concomitant marginalisation of ‘other’ sources of knowledge. Mainstream approaches to the philosophy of social science have not, for the most part, been particularly concerned with the effects of epistemology on the racialized/ethnicized and/or the non-Western and non-white. This is because the West, as the location from which the majority of these viewpoints have been constructed, has either implemented a universalistic image of the world which proposes that it can be all encompassing, or because it has more directly ignored the world beyond Europe and the West. This session will critically discuss the emergence of ‘postcolonial studies’ and its positioning of the subaltern as the vantage point from which to critique these dominant discourses, as well as attending to the various problems present in such an undertaking, as identified in the writings of Spivak. It will also look at the problems of doing social research with or on ‘Other’ (non-white, non-Western) groups. We shall examine the problems of paternalism, tokenism, objectivism, victimisation and the intended or unintended abuses of power that can arise out of sensitive and highly politicised research situations. We also ask what a philosophy of social science would look like if it was purposefully dedicated to acknowledging the injustices borne of racism and colonialism and redressing them.
Political Sociology Week 2: Theories of PowerAlana Lentin
his week we will be examining classical theories of political sociology examining the origins of political power. Marx and Weber have generally been seen as instigators of the two main currents in political sociological understandings of state power. Marx and Marxists have emphasised the role of capitalism in creating class divisions that stratify society. Max Weber has been credited with spawning both elitist and pluralist theories. While elitism argues that power is basically controlled by the same culturally reproduced group of power-mongers over generations, pluralists believe that power can be influenced by various groups in civil society exerting pressure on the centre of power.
Marxists tend to have a class-based explanation of the state, emphasising its determination by economic structural factors and the way in which states are driven by capitalist rather than democratic priorities. They see the state as subordinate to particular economic interests rather than as balanced between the interests of plural groups in society. There are, however, differences of emphasis amongst Marxists and within the writings of Marx himself on the question of precisely how and to what extent the state is subordinate to capitalist economic priorities. We shall look at these differences, in order to explain the complexities within Marxist thinking about the importance of the state for understanding society. This has been of crucial importance for the field of political sociology.
Weber was pessimistic about the possibility of mass participation in modern nation-states. He emphasised the role of parliament as a training ground for politicians rather than as a democratic arena. He suggested that parties tend to subvert parliaments and stressed the role of charismatic leadership. He also analysed processes of rationalisation and bureaucratisation, the distinctiveness of the modern nation-state, the importance of legitimacy and authority and the way in which classes and other sorts of groups struggle for power.
This week builds upon last week’s discussion of citizenship and whether everyone is included in so-called liberal democratic societies, such as those of Europe. Everyone (almost!) says they are a democrat but democracy has many different meanings: the popular, direct or participatory democracy of classical Athens, Rousseau, Marx and Lenin; the protective, representative and limited democracy of the Mills and many liberals; and ideas which see democracy as merely a means for revolving governing elites, ensuring efficient government or the means by which governing politicians are made accountable. There are many different ideas of democracy, some of which stress empowerment and others the minimising of, and protection against, power. What sorts of society do these different forms of democracy require for their success? Are some of these forms, or even democracy in general, only appropriate for some sorts of society – (e.g. is democracy specific to the west)? Are the types of democratic systems that we live in today really democracies? Some have argued that representative democracy, where a parliament is elected every number of years, is not as inclusive as a participatory democracy where there is an attempt to include the population in decision making. Still others argue that this is utopian and that it is impossible to run a country if everyone is involved. Moreover, elite theorists argue that this runs contrary to human nature! We will be contrasting representative, elitist and participatory democratic styles and relating these to theories about who governs. Is there a small elite that runs the country, or does everyone have an equal say in a truly pluralist manner?
Why the call for French 'context' in the aftermath of the attacks on Charlie Hebdo was steeped in a whiteness that denied the significance of a 'black analytics'.
The talk examined the persistence of race in purportedly postracial times. Why do racial logics continue to underpin disparities in social, economic, cultural and political opportunities despite official commitments to the eradication of racism, not only within individual states but across them? Alana Lentin built on Barnor Hesse’s invocation of a ‘raceocracy’ which rules performatively and as a system for the management of human life. Zoning in on the global laboratory for the ‘production of horror’ that is the Australian system of mandatory detention for asylum seekers, she examined the co-dependency between the maintenance of the racialized border and professed commitments to a postracial future, a division which entrenches a divide between purified inside and the contaminants that lurk outside the contemporary racial state.
Power and politics from a sociological perspectiveAlana Lentin
The aim of this first session is to introduce the general aims of the course, and to answer any queries you may have.
We will have an initial discussion about what the concerns of political sociology are. In particular, we will be focusing on the connection between politics and society and on the ways in which power, at both the local and the global levels, functions to produce inequalities.
Racism is a complex phenomenon rooted in the history of modern states and the histories of colonialism and slavery. However, racism is often thought of as individual prejudice, an approach which sees racism as a psychological state of mind rather than a political phenomenon. Everyday racism can be seen in acts of violence, exploitation, discrimination, etc. – but it is not always overt. Indeed, much racism is covert, embedded in institutions such as the education system, healthcare, the police, etc. How can we identify racism in everyday situations? What tools of understanding do we need to identify a situation as racist or non-racist? In which ways does everyday racism affect the health and well-being of racialised people? What do we need to know about racism in order to address our prejudices?
The title of this week’s session is taken from the famous study of ‘mugging’ by Stuart Hall et al. in the 1970s in which the authors note the racialised nature of the crime of mugging and the instigation of a public ‘moral panic’ in the association of young black men and violent street crime. Taking this as a starting point, we shall look at the way in which racialised people have been seen as having a natural propensity to crime and deviance that justifies the use of ‘special measures’ against them. We shall pay particularly close attention to the cases of disproportionate incarceration, the ‘prison industrial complex’ and of the suspension of law in the case of the ‘Northern Territory Intervention’.
As a special topic, this week will look at the fine line between racism and ‘humour’. British film and television has long been a site for views of the other. Originally, these were represented by white actors and comedians whose interpretations of ethnic minority life were often perceived as insulting and patronising. More recently, British filmmakers, actors and comedians have introduced a new genre to the British cultural sphere, one that takes a playful look at minority ethnic communities from their own perspective. It has been suggested that these representation are non-racist because they come from those potentially affected by racism themselves. In light of the recent furore surrounding the Borat film by Sascha Baron Cohen and other examples, this session asks what counts as humour and what is merely racist. We will be examining this question through the use of clips from different films and television shows as well as classic jokes. We will be relying mainly on clips of various films and TV shows to be shown in the lecture.
Les 10 Tendances Webdesign de 2014 by VanksenVanksen
Découvrez les tendances webdesign de l'année 2014 selon Vanksen.
This presentation is also available IN ENGLISH, here : https://fr.slideshare.net/Vanksen/10-webdesign-trends-for-2014
48-110 (Foundations of Social Life) - Lesson Objectives
1. Distinguish between race, ethnicity and minority group;
2. Explain what is meant by race as a social construct;
3. Define and give examples of racism in real life and popular culture;
4. Discuss and give examples of White Privilege;
5. Define and discuss pluralism, multiculturalism, and assimilation;
6. Define and give examples of prejudice and discrimination;
7. Recognize and provide examples of racial and ethnic stereotypes;
8. Describe the various forms of ethnic conflict;
9. Discuss the role of race and ethnicity in crime, criminality and criminal justice
June 3, 2024 Anti-Semitism Letter Sent to MIT President Kornbluth and MIT Cor...Levi Shapiro
Letter from the Congress of the United States regarding Anti-Semitism sent June 3rd to MIT President Sally Kornbluth, MIT Corp Chair, Mark Gorenberg
Dear Dr. Kornbluth and Mr. Gorenberg,
The US House of Representatives is deeply concerned by ongoing and pervasive acts of antisemitic
harassment and intimidation at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). Failing to act decisively to ensure a safe learning environment for all students would be a grave dereliction of your responsibilities as President of MIT and Chair of the MIT Corporation.
This Congress will not stand idly by and allow an environment hostile to Jewish students to persist. The House believes that your institution is in violation of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act, and the inability or
unwillingness to rectify this violation through action requires accountability.
Postsecondary education is a unique opportunity for students to learn and have their ideas and beliefs challenged. However, universities receiving hundreds of millions of federal funds annually have denied
students that opportunity and have been hijacked to become venues for the promotion of terrorism, antisemitic harassment and intimidation, unlawful encampments, and in some cases, assaults and riots.
The House of Representatives will not countenance the use of federal funds to indoctrinate students into hateful, antisemitic, anti-American supporters of terrorism. Investigations into campus antisemitism by the Committee on Education and the Workforce and the Committee on Ways and Means have been expanded into a Congress-wide probe across all relevant jurisdictions to address this national crisis. The undersigned Committees will conduct oversight into the use of federal funds at MIT and its learning environment under authorities granted to each Committee.
• The Committee on Education and the Workforce has been investigating your institution since December 7, 2023. The Committee has broad jurisdiction over postsecondary education, including its compliance with Title VI of the Civil Rights Act, campus safety concerns over disruptions to the learning environment, and the awarding of federal student aid under the Higher Education Act.
• The Committee on Oversight and Accountability is investigating the sources of funding and other support flowing to groups espousing pro-Hamas propaganda and engaged in antisemitic harassment and intimidation of students. The Committee on Oversight and Accountability is the principal oversight committee of the US House of Representatives and has broad authority to investigate “any matter” at “any time” under House Rule X.
• The Committee on Ways and Means has been investigating several universities since November 15, 2023, when the Committee held a hearing entitled From Ivory Towers to Dark Corners: Investigating the Nexus Between Antisemitism, Tax-Exempt Universities, and Terror Financing. The Committee followed the hearing with letters to those institutions on January 10, 202
Read| The latest issue of The Challenger is here! We are thrilled to announce that our school paper has qualified for the NATIONAL SCHOOLS PRESS CONFERENCE (NSPC) 2024. Thank you for your unwavering support and trust. Dive into the stories that made us stand out!
Safalta Digital marketing institute in Noida, provide complete applications that encompass a huge range of virtual advertising and marketing additives, which includes search engine optimization, virtual communication advertising, pay-per-click on marketing, content material advertising, internet analytics, and greater. These university courses are designed for students who possess a comprehensive understanding of virtual marketing strategies and attributes.Safalta Digital Marketing Institute in Noida is a first choice for young individuals or students who are looking to start their careers in the field of digital advertising. The institute gives specialized courses designed and certification.
for beginners, providing thorough training in areas such as SEO, digital communication marketing, and PPC training in Noida. After finishing the program, students receive the certifications recognised by top different universitie, setting a strong foundation for a successful career in digital marketing.
Normal Labour/ Stages of Labour/ Mechanism of LabourWasim Ak
Normal labor is also termed spontaneous labor, defined as the natural physiological process through which the fetus, placenta, and membranes are expelled from the uterus through the birth canal at term (37 to 42 weeks
A Strategic Approach: GenAI in EducationPeter Windle
Artificial Intelligence (AI) technologies such as Generative AI, Image Generators and Large Language Models have had a dramatic impact on teaching, learning and assessment over the past 18 months. The most immediate threat AI posed was to Academic Integrity with Higher Education Institutes (HEIs) focusing their efforts on combating the use of GenAI in assessment. Guidelines were developed for staff and students, policies put in place too. Innovative educators have forged paths in the use of Generative AI for teaching, learning and assessments leading to pockets of transformation springing up across HEIs, often with little or no top-down guidance, support or direction.
This Gasta posits a strategic approach to integrating AI into HEIs to prepare staff, students and the curriculum for an evolving world and workplace. We will highlight the advantages of working with these technologies beyond the realm of teaching, learning and assessment by considering prompt engineering skills, industry impact, curriculum changes, and the need for staff upskilling. In contrast, not engaging strategically with Generative AI poses risks, including falling behind peers, missed opportunities and failing to ensure our graduates remain employable. The rapid evolution of AI technologies necessitates a proactive and strategic approach if we are to remain relevant.
2024.06.01 Introducing a competency framework for languag learning materials ...Sandy Millin
http://sandymillin.wordpress.com/iateflwebinar2024
Published classroom materials form the basis of syllabuses, drive teacher professional development, and have a potentially huge influence on learners, teachers and education systems. All teachers also create their own materials, whether a few sentences on a blackboard, a highly-structured fully-realised online course, or anything in between. Despite this, the knowledge and skills needed to create effective language learning materials are rarely part of teacher training, and are mostly learnt by trial and error.
Knowledge and skills frameworks, generally called competency frameworks, for ELT teachers, trainers and managers have existed for a few years now. However, until I created one for my MA dissertation, there wasn’t one drawing together what we need to know and do to be able to effectively produce language learning materials.
This webinar will introduce you to my framework, highlighting the key competencies I identified from my research. It will also show how anybody involved in language teaching (any language, not just English!), teacher training, managing schools or developing language learning materials can benefit from using the framework.
Macroeconomics- Movie Location
This will be used as part of your Personal Professional Portfolio once graded.
Objective:
Prepare a presentation or a paper using research, basic comparative analysis, data organization and application of economic information. You will make an informed assessment of an economic climate outside of the United States to accomplish an entertainment industry objective.
Biological screening of herbal drugs: Introduction and Need for
Phyto-Pharmacological Screening, New Strategies for evaluating
Natural Products, In vitro evaluation techniques for Antioxidants, Antimicrobial and Anticancer drugs. In vivo evaluation techniques
for Anti-inflammatory, Antiulcer, Anticancer, Wound healing, Antidiabetic, Hepatoprotective, Cardio protective, Diuretics and
Antifertility, Toxicity studies as per OECD guidelines
it describes the bony anatomy including the femoral head , acetabulum, labrum . also discusses the capsule , ligaments . muscle that act on the hip joint and the range of motion are outlined. factors affecting hip joint stability and weight transmission through the joint are summarized.
Acetabularia Information For Class 9 .docxvaibhavrinwa19
Acetabularia acetabulum is a single-celled green alga that in its vegetative state is morphologically differentiated into a basal rhizoid and an axially elongated stalk, which bears whorls of branching hairs. The single diploid nucleus resides in the rhizoid.
Introduction to AI for Nonprofits with Tapp NetworkTechSoup
Dive into the world of AI! Experts Jon Hill and Tareq Monaur will guide you through AI's role in enhancing nonprofit websites and basic marketing strategies, making it easy to understand and apply.
6. Constructing race & gender
• The body as visual
signifier.
• Power & ideology
fix meaning.
7. Constructing race & gender
• The body as visual
signifier.
• Power & ideology
fix meaning.
• Engendering race/
racing gender
8. Creating objects
Racialised women have been objectified and
stereotyped in many different ways:
•As sexually deviant
•As exotic
•As submissive
•As angry….
9. Icons of female sexuality
“By the 18th
century, the
sexuality of the
black, both male
and female,
becomes an icon
for deviant
17. Fair & Lovely?
•Whiteness as a
yardstick for
beauty.
•Skin whitening
products.
http://tinyurl.com/fairandlovely
18. Fair & Lovely?
•Whiteness as a
yardstick for
beauty.
•Skin whitening
products.
http://tinyurl.com/fairandlovely
19. Fair & Lovely?
•Whiteness as a
yardstick for
beauty.
•Skin whitening
products.
http://tinyurl.com/fairandlovely
20. Fair & Lovely?
•Whiteness as a
yardstick for
beauty.
•Skin whitening
products.
• Black is beautiful.
http://tinyurl.com/fairandlovely
21. Fair & Lovely?
•Whiteness as a
yardstick for
beauty.
•Skin whitening
products.
• Black is beautiful.
•“Mixed race” women?
http://tinyurl.com/fairandlovely
22. “Multiple oppression theory”
Racialised women & LGBT
suffer discrimination in:
• Employment
• Housing
• Education
• In the family
! ! ! etc…
24. Intersections
“We often find it difficult to
separate race from class from
sex oppression because in our
lives they are most often
experienced simultaneously.
We know that there is such a
thing as racial-sexual
oppression which is neither
solely racial nor solely
sexual.”
A Black Feminist Statement
(CRC, 1977)
34. Questions
• In what ways are identities of race and gender
interconnected? What influences these
interconnections (history of colonialism and
racism, the media, family and friends…)?
• How do ideals of beauty become facets of self-
identity for racialized people?
• What are the implications of this for
overcoming racism?
• Why is this a political issue, is it not just a
matter of personal choice?
Editor's Notes
\n
\n
We see both race and gender differences on the body.\nRecalling Hall’s work (week 2) on race as a floating signifier, we can seen how “reading the body as a language” is relevant also to the discussion of gender.\nThe body - the visual signifiers of race and gender - is read through our understandings of what each body is mean. This meaning is socially constructed.\n\n2. The social construction of the meaning we attach to the visual signifiers of race and gender are not dissociable from power.\n\nHall argues that the purpose of power and ideology are to fix meaning. So if we think of racism as an ideology, part of its function - if not its entire function - is to define racialised others as immutably so and reduce the racialised to their supposed race. This is seen as their essence. As we have seen, the same process applies to culture - new cultural racism reduces those who we seen as ‘other’ to their culture as if that is what wholly defines them.\n\nThe point, argues Hall, is that meaning is never completely fixed but can always be subverted and can change over time. So, just as race is a flexible signifier that attaches itself to different social and political circumstances over time, so too the meaning of gender is never completely fixed.\n\nHowever, there is a constant drive to fix gender which is very strong. We are all socially driven to work with clear definitions of man and woman with not much room for play in between.\n\nBecause of the need for power to define and classify, race and gender as ways of reading the body have undergone similar processes of fixing AND similar processes of resistance to being fixed. \n\n3. We could argue that, due to the similar ways in which they are socially constructed, it is important to look at race and gender together from a conceptual point of view.\n\nBut also, there are important points where racism and sexism, or racism, sexism and homophobia or transphobia collide. Women and gay, lesbian or trangender people (queers of colour) are often the targets of both racism and sexism. But there are also moments when the alliance between groups fighting sexism and those fighting racism has not been as easy or natural as one may assume.\n\nIn the lecture, we are going to explore some of the ways in which the worlds of race, gender and sexuality come together and pick out some examples of the difficulties raised by the co-existence of both racism and sexism or homophobia. \n\nThere are many many spheres which we could look at simply because almost all of the issues that are to do with racism also affect racialised women and LGBT people (as people generally). \n
We see both race and gender differences on the body.\nRecalling Hall’s work (week 2) on race as a floating signifier, we can seen how “reading the body as a language” is relevant also to the discussion of gender.\nThe body - the visual signifiers of race and gender - is read through our understandings of what each body is mean. This meaning is socially constructed.\n\n2. The social construction of the meaning we attach to the visual signifiers of race and gender are not dissociable from power.\n\nHall argues that the purpose of power and ideology are to fix meaning. So if we think of racism as an ideology, part of its function - if not its entire function - is to define racialised others as immutably so and reduce the racialised to their supposed race. This is seen as their essence. As we have seen, the same process applies to culture - new cultural racism reduces those who we seen as ‘other’ to their culture as if that is what wholly defines them.\n\nThe point, argues Hall, is that meaning is never completely fixed but can always be subverted and can change over time. So, just as race is a flexible signifier that attaches itself to different social and political circumstances over time, so too the meaning of gender is never completely fixed.\n\nHowever, there is a constant drive to fix gender which is very strong. We are all socially driven to work with clear definitions of man and woman with not much room for play in between.\n\nBecause of the need for power to define and classify, race and gender as ways of reading the body have undergone similar processes of fixing AND similar processes of resistance to being fixed. \n\n3. We could argue that, due to the similar ways in which they are socially constructed, it is important to look at race and gender together from a conceptual point of view.\n\nBut also, there are important points where racism and sexism, or racism, sexism and homophobia or transphobia collide. Women and gay, lesbian or trangender people (queers of colour) are often the targets of both racism and sexism. But there are also moments when the alliance between groups fighting sexism and those fighting racism has not been as easy or natural as one may assume.\n\nIn the lecture, we are going to explore some of the ways in which the worlds of race, gender and sexuality come together and pick out some examples of the difficulties raised by the co-existence of both racism and sexism or homophobia. \n\nThere are many many spheres which we could look at simply because almost all of the issues that are to do with racism also affect racialised women and LGBT people (as people generally). \n
We see both race and gender differences on the body.\nRecalling Hall’s work (week 2) on race as a floating signifier, we can seen how “reading the body as a language” is relevant also to the discussion of gender.\nThe body - the visual signifiers of race and gender - is read through our understandings of what each body is mean. This meaning is socially constructed.\n\n2. The social construction of the meaning we attach to the visual signifiers of race and gender are not dissociable from power.\n\nHall argues that the purpose of power and ideology are to fix meaning. So if we think of racism as an ideology, part of its function - if not its entire function - is to define racialised others as immutably so and reduce the racialised to their supposed race. This is seen as their essence. As we have seen, the same process applies to culture - new cultural racism reduces those who we seen as ‘other’ to their culture as if that is what wholly defines them.\n\nThe point, argues Hall, is that meaning is never completely fixed but can always be subverted and can change over time. So, just as race is a flexible signifier that attaches itself to different social and political circumstances over time, so too the meaning of gender is never completely fixed.\n\nHowever, there is a constant drive to fix gender which is very strong. We are all socially driven to work with clear definitions of man and woman with not much room for play in between.\n\nBecause of the need for power to define and classify, race and gender as ways of reading the body have undergone similar processes of fixing AND similar processes of resistance to being fixed. \n\n3. We could argue that, due to the similar ways in which they are socially constructed, it is important to look at race and gender together from a conceptual point of view.\n\nBut also, there are important points where racism and sexism, or racism, sexism and homophobia or transphobia collide. Women and gay, lesbian or trangender people (queers of colour) are often the targets of both racism and sexism. But there are also moments when the alliance between groups fighting sexism and those fighting racism has not been as easy or natural as one may assume.\n\nIn the lecture, we are going to explore some of the ways in which the worlds of race, gender and sexuality come together and pick out some examples of the difficulties raised by the co-existence of both racism and sexism or homophobia. \n\nThere are many many spheres which we could look at simply because almost all of the issues that are to do with racism also affect racialised women and LGBT people (as people generally). \n
We see both race and gender differences on the body.\nRecalling Hall’s work (week 2) on race as a floating signifier, we can seen how “reading the body as a language” is relevant also to the discussion of gender.\nThe body - the visual signifiers of race and gender - is read through our understandings of what each body is mean. This meaning is socially constructed.\n\n2. The social construction of the meaning we attach to the visual signifiers of race and gender are not dissociable from power.\n\nHall argues that the purpose of power and ideology are to fix meaning. So if we think of racism as an ideology, part of its function - if not its entire function - is to define racialised others as immutably so and reduce the racialised to their supposed race. This is seen as their essence. As we have seen, the same process applies to culture - new cultural racism reduces those who we seen as ‘other’ to their culture as if that is what wholly defines them.\n\nThe point, argues Hall, is that meaning is never completely fixed but can always be subverted and can change over time. So, just as race is a flexible signifier that attaches itself to different social and political circumstances over time, so too the meaning of gender is never completely fixed.\n\nHowever, there is a constant drive to fix gender which is very strong. We are all socially driven to work with clear definitions of man and woman with not much room for play in between.\n\nBecause of the need for power to define and classify, race and gender as ways of reading the body have undergone similar processes of fixing AND similar processes of resistance to being fixed. \n\n3. We could argue that, due to the similar ways in which they are socially constructed, it is important to look at race and gender together from a conceptual point of view.\n\nBut also, there are important points where racism and sexism, or racism, sexism and homophobia or transphobia collide. Women and gay, lesbian or trangender people (queers of colour) are often the targets of both racism and sexism. But there are also moments when the alliance between groups fighting sexism and those fighting racism has not been as easy or natural as one may assume.\n\nIn the lecture, we are going to explore some of the ways in which the worlds of race, gender and sexuality come together and pick out some examples of the difficulties raised by the co-existence of both racism and sexism or homophobia. \n\nThere are many many spheres which we could look at simply because almost all of the issues that are to do with racism also affect racialised women and LGBT people (as people generally). \n
Knowledge created about the “nature” of non-white women has been used to racialise and dominate them in a variety of contexts historically - colonialism, slavery, but also more recently as migrants. \n\nAlthough we might laugh at some of the ways in which African or Middle eastern women were thought about during colonialist times, a lot of these ideas have filtered through into public culture and discourse and remain strong to the present day.\n\nThey are also manipulated by the media - for example, think of the image of black single mothers, portrayed as being sexually promiscuous and irresponsible - having children from multiple fathers.\n\nSimilar stereotypes connect e. European migrant women to the sex industry.\n\nSo where do these ideas come from?\n
Gilman talks about how a fascination with black sexuality came to determine how 18th and 19th century Europe viewed sexuality.\n\nFor Stuart Hall, the way in which black and “oriental” females in particular were represented in iconography (pictures, painting etc.) of the time is crucial to understanding how the objectification of non-white women works.\n\nIn week 2, we saw how racialisation works through a variety of process including dehumanisation. It was necessary for early race thinkers to construct racial inferiors as “less human” than Europeans in order to justify their domination. \n\nWomen were an object of particular fascination, especially in relation to their sexuality.\n\nGilman shows how a fascination with female Hottentots is exemplary of Victorian obsession with sexual deviancy.\n\nRacial “scientists” like Buffon in France focused on the apparent “apelike sexual appetite” of black women. The icon of the black woman came to stand for black sexuality in general.\n\nThe fascination with black sexuality is linked to the function that the racialised other fulfilled for Europeans - as an object both of disgust and desire. The whole relationship that white Europeans constructed with this other is a double edged sword that both wants and rejects the other. \n\nOn the one hand, they were curious and desirous of that which is different and strange - representing something untasted and therefore, exciting. On the other hand, they are repelled by the difference which is seen as deviant.\n\nSex is the most crucial taboo because it is linked to procreation. The biggest fear promulgated by race scientists was the dilution of the “race’ through mixing - so heterosexual sex with black women or men is dangerous because it was thought it could lead to the weakening of the race.\n\nThe term for this was miscegenation - the pollution of the race through mixing.\n\nGilman argues that by the 18th century, sex with non-whites was thought of in the same way as sex with prostitutes - I.e. as deviant and wrong, leading to both physical disease and moral degeneration.\n
The example of Saartje Baartman is used. Saartje (pictured) was a Hottentot woman who was brought to Europe to be shown at various exhibitions which were popular in the 19th and early 20th centuries.\n\nAs Gilman argues, the Hottentot was seen by race thinkers as the “lowest rung on the great chain of being”. \n\nIf black female sexuality was seen as the antithesis of European sexual ideas and morals, the Hottentot was the most extreme example of everything that white women were said NOT to be.\n\nEuropeans were facinated with the protruding buttocks of the Hottentot woman (greatly exaggerated by the drawing). This was seen to be a sign of their primitive sexual appetite. \n\nSaartje Baartman - the Hottentot Venus as she was called - was reduced to her sexual parts. Her buttocks and genitalia were the only facets of her being that were of interest to those scientists and members of the public who viewed her.\n\nOn her death, her various body parts were dissected and conserved in the Musee de l’Homme in Paris. \n\nThe image of Lil Kim and Saartje Baartman were joined together by a blogger who was making the point that the way The Hottentot Venus was looked at in the early 19th C. is not that different from the icons of black female sexuality today especially in commodified images (I.e. images used to sell things).\n\nThe blogger, Larry Lyons, says: \n\n“so, i can't look at that picture without seeing Saartjie_Baartman aka "Hottentot Venus". i can't shake it. with each glance, i see the disarming contortions of kim's diminutive form as a (failed) approximation of the curves and the boldness of her similarly exploited ancestor.”\n
Let us look at how stereotypes around race and gender have impacted on racialised women’s lives…\n
Hijab:\nOutward visible signs of cultural or religious identity have also been important in processes of racialisation around naturalisation.\nLike skin colour, the Muslim veil can be understood as a racial signification. This is because in the current political climate Muslims are the targets of a particular type of racism, that some people have labelled islamophobia.\n\nRather than being an objection to islam as a religion, Islamophobia (like antisemitism) is based on the association of all Muslims with negative characteristics that are associated with people who are perceived to be Muslim. In other words, you may not have to actually be Muslim to be a victim of this type of racism because when visible signs (such as skin colour) is used to identify people, often brown-skinned people who are not Muslim are also targeted.\n\nThe hijab has been taken to be the symbol par excellence of Islam as a culture. In France, it has been made illegal to wear the hijab in public spaces such as schools and government offices. This has led to girls being excluded from school for refusing to take off their hijab.\n\nIn Britain, last year Jack Straw famously made the remark that the niqab (full face) veil was a visible sign of separation and that women who came to see him should take it off. He associated wearing the veil with a refusal to integrate into British society. In other words, the veil is being given much more importance as a cultural and political symbol than as a religious dress code (such as the Jewish kippa).\n\nThe issue of the veil has united integrationists and those on the left such as some feminists. There is a belief that wearing the hijab is a sign of the oppression of women. It is felt that women are forced to wear the veil by their husbands of fathers.\n\nThis is part of the Orientalist discourse (Said) about “Eastern” women as completely dominated by the men in their lives. The colonialist idea about women from the Middle east in particular as totally powerless has pervaded into our culture aided by stereotypical views of veiled and other “oriental” women as docile and lacking in independence.\n\nIf African and black women were seen as overly sexualised, Indian, Pakistani and Middle eastern women were seen as tantalisingly hiding their sexuality away from western men under their veils.\n\nTody, the rise in the number of women wearing the hijab has to be seen in light of the political context and the growth in Islamophobia.\n\nMany women who grew up in families where the veil is not enforced are choosing to wear hijab as an outward sign of their religious affiliation and as a protest against the culture that - in their view - denigrates the Muslim religion and Muslims as people.\n
The film Provoked relates to the case of Kiranjit Ahluwalia, an Asian woman, set fire to her husband Deepak in May 1989 after suffering his brutality for 10 years. She was charged with murder and imprisoned for life.\nSouthall Black Sisters, an organisation based in London, successfully campaigned for Kiranjit’s release.\n\nThe British State and its immigration policy has always had a relationship with women from the Indian sub-continent which is mediated by a view of them as docile and as dominated by men. \n\nPolicy reflects the view of Asian women as totally dependent on their husbands. \n\nFor example, women who come to the UK to join their husbands are not allowed to separate from their husbands for a 2 year probationary period. It has to be proved that marriage is the reason for the woman immigrating. However, as Asian feminists have pointed out, this means that women who are in a situation of danger (e.g. domestic violence0 risk being deported if they try to get out of an abusive relationship.\n\nThere appears to be a double-standard built into immigration policy.\n\nThis is ironic because there is also a prevalent belief that Asian women are more likely to be victims of violent abuse at the hands of their husbands or fathers. There are many well-publicised cases of honour killings where girls who have not been deemed to be acting morally have been murdered by the their fathers or brothers.\n\nAs Amrit Wilson argues, the focus on culture (as we saw last week) means that “oppressive gender relations” were seen as part of Asian culture. Asian women were not seen as being able to resist oppression because it was understood to be against their culture to be feminist.\n\nIn fact…\n\nIt is not that honour killings and other abuses do not occur. However, it is a fallacy to think that domestic violence does not exist in the wider society. \n\n150 women die as a result of domestic violence in the UK every year. \n\nAccepting that domestic violence is a problem among some minority ethnic groups, many Asian women have set up refuges and organisations to help women who are facing abuse. \n\nHowever, their funding has been cut back drastically in recent years. As Amrit Wilson points out, this means that there are no spaces for these women to receive help in a safe environment where they do not also run the risk of facing racism.\n\n Secondly, the government appears to be operating double standards, particular with regards to the issue of forced marriages. Multicultural policies, as we saw last week, meant that funding was given per ethnic minority community often leading to a particularly patriarchal approach being taken by community leaders.\n \nThe British state often therefore colluded with religiously conservative Hindu and Muslim organisations.\n\nWhen Asian feminists brought issues such as domestic violence, forced marriages and honour killings onto the agenda, the British state was forced to confront the fact that the community leaders it had been funding for so long were responsible for the silence around these issues.\n\nIn response, the Home office launched an initiative on forced marriages.\nBut instead of looking at the case of women brought to the UK to be married, they focused on cases where British Asian girls (mainly Muslims) were sent abroad to be married. \n\nAs Amrit Wilson remarks, the forced marriage initiative acted to “protect civilised British South Asian women from violence and prevent their exploitation by men from South Asia. This latter group of women ‘belonged’ to Britain - they were seen by the state as ‘our women’ as opposed to the former group who were those ‘others’ from Pakistan, India and Bangladesh.”\n(Case of Molly/Misbah).\n\nThe point is that Asian women’s organisations have been campaigning on these issues for many years. Bu suddenly taking interest in the welfare of Asian women, the government is denying the significance of the work done by these organisations in challenging the patriarchy of Asian community leaders. \n\nIn essence, the system remains the same but migrant women in abusive marriages are being criminalised (by being deported) while British Asian women in abusive marriages in primitive countries abroad (the minority) are being ‘saved’ by the civilised British state!\n
In Caribbean slave societies, “mulatto” women were seen as more beautiful. Light skinned women were encouraged to marry white men in order to improve their racial and aesthetic “quality”. The beauty of women was seen as a key to social and economic advancement (described by Fanon in BSWM).\n\nThis has not gone away - light skinned and straight haired women are still more desirable in Caribbean culture according to Shirley Tate (2007).\n\nThink of Wilhelmina in Ugly Betty!\n\nShirley Tate argues that beyond skin, the discussion around hair quality is important for defining black women’s beauty. For example, it may be said about a woman that “she is light skinned but her hair is tough/afro/natty/kinky/peppercorn.” Here, says Tate, “her skin saves her from the ugliness of non-straight hair.”\n\nOver 2,400,000 hits for “skin whitening” on Google. Simply a huge market for pills, creams and other treatments including surgery to reduce skin pigmentation. \n\nShow film: this ad from India reveals how ingrained the idea of fair skin being desirable is in the culture. Both men and women are targeted by products like Fair and Lovely.\n\n3. In the 1960s, with the rise of black power, the slogan “black is beautiful” was intended to re-empower black people through valuing their own bodies, hair and skin which for so long had been associated with ugliness and primitiveness in the logic of race thinking. \n\nThis movement brought the afro on both women and men into style. \n\nAfro or cornrows etc. are said to be authentic black styles\n\n4. Shirly Tate’s article “Black beauty: shade, hair and anti-racist aesthetics” discusses the ambivalent position of mixed-race women with regards to the “black is beautiful” agenda. She analyses the discourse of mixed race (lighter skinned) women who see themselves as part of the black anti-racist movement. Their discourse creates a binary between natural and non-natural beauty and style. Therefore, black women who straighten their hair or lighten their skin are seen as unnatural. \n\nAs Tate remarks, although anti-racist black aesthetics are liberating in terms of the hegemony of white beauty, they can also produce their own “normalised racialising standards”. The two mixed-race women interviewed in Tate’s article talk about how other black women can reduce their self-confidence by implying that they are not black looking enough.\n\nAs Tate remarks, although mixed-race seems to be very much in fashion in Britain today (Britain has the highest numbers of mixed marriages in Europe), mixed-race is still interpreted as an absence - never either white or black enough.\n\nTate talks about the need to challenge this so that values of beauty - both white and black - can be reassessed. There is a need to combat the essentialism that determines that there are certain types of looks for certain women and not others. This is ultimately a challenge to a wholly racialised way of looking at standards of physical appearance.\n
In Caribbean slave societies, “mulatto” women were seen as more beautiful. Light skinned women were encouraged to marry white men in order to improve their racial and aesthetic “quality”. The beauty of women was seen as a key to social and economic advancement (described by Fanon in BSWM).\n\nThis has not gone away - light skinned and straight haired women are still more desirable in Caribbean culture according to Shirley Tate (2007).\n\nThink of Wilhelmina in Ugly Betty!\n\nShirley Tate argues that beyond skin, the discussion around hair quality is important for defining black women’s beauty. For example, it may be said about a woman that “she is light skinned but her hair is tough/afro/natty/kinky/peppercorn.” Here, says Tate, “her skin saves her from the ugliness of non-straight hair.”\n\nOver 2,400,000 hits for “skin whitening” on Google. Simply a huge market for pills, creams and other treatments including surgery to reduce skin pigmentation. \n\nShow film: this ad from India reveals how ingrained the idea of fair skin being desirable is in the culture. Both men and women are targeted by products like Fair and Lovely.\n\n3. In the 1960s, with the rise of black power, the slogan “black is beautiful” was intended to re-empower black people through valuing their own bodies, hair and skin which for so long had been associated with ugliness and primitiveness in the logic of race thinking. \n\nThis movement brought the afro on both women and men into style. \n\nAfro or cornrows etc. are said to be authentic black styles\n\n4. Shirly Tate’s article “Black beauty: shade, hair and anti-racist aesthetics” discusses the ambivalent position of mixed-race women with regards to the “black is beautiful” agenda. She analyses the discourse of mixed race (lighter skinned) women who see themselves as part of the black anti-racist movement. Their discourse creates a binary between natural and non-natural beauty and style. Therefore, black women who straighten their hair or lighten their skin are seen as unnatural. \n\nAs Tate remarks, although anti-racist black aesthetics are liberating in terms of the hegemony of white beauty, they can also produce their own “normalised racialising standards”. The two mixed-race women interviewed in Tate’s article talk about how other black women can reduce their self-confidence by implying that they are not black looking enough.\n\nAs Tate remarks, although mixed-race seems to be very much in fashion in Britain today (Britain has the highest numbers of mixed marriages in Europe), mixed-race is still interpreted as an absence - never either white or black enough.\n\nTate talks about the need to challenge this so that values of beauty - both white and black - can be reassessed. There is a need to combat the essentialism that determines that there are certain types of looks for certain women and not others. This is ultimately a challenge to a wholly racialised way of looking at standards of physical appearance.\n
In Caribbean slave societies, “mulatto” women were seen as more beautiful. Light skinned women were encouraged to marry white men in order to improve their racial and aesthetic “quality”. The beauty of women was seen as a key to social and economic advancement (described by Fanon in BSWM).\n\nThis has not gone away - light skinned and straight haired women are still more desirable in Caribbean culture according to Shirley Tate (2007).\n\nThink of Wilhelmina in Ugly Betty!\n\nShirley Tate argues that beyond skin, the discussion around hair quality is important for defining black women’s beauty. For example, it may be said about a woman that “she is light skinned but her hair is tough/afro/natty/kinky/peppercorn.” Here, says Tate, “her skin saves her from the ugliness of non-straight hair.”\n\nOver 2,400,000 hits for “skin whitening” on Google. Simply a huge market for pills, creams and other treatments including surgery to reduce skin pigmentation. \n\nShow film: this ad from India reveals how ingrained the idea of fair skin being desirable is in the culture. Both men and women are targeted by products like Fair and Lovely.\n\n3. In the 1960s, with the rise of black power, the slogan “black is beautiful” was intended to re-empower black people through valuing their own bodies, hair and skin which for so long had been associated with ugliness and primitiveness in the logic of race thinking. \n\nThis movement brought the afro on both women and men into style. \n\nAfro or cornrows etc. are said to be authentic black styles\n\n4. Shirly Tate’s article “Black beauty: shade, hair and anti-racist aesthetics” discusses the ambivalent position of mixed-race women with regards to the “black is beautiful” agenda. She analyses the discourse of mixed race (lighter skinned) women who see themselves as part of the black anti-racist movement. Their discourse creates a binary between natural and non-natural beauty and style. Therefore, black women who straighten their hair or lighten their skin are seen as unnatural. \n\nAs Tate remarks, although anti-racist black aesthetics are liberating in terms of the hegemony of white beauty, they can also produce their own “normalised racialising standards”. The two mixed-race women interviewed in Tate’s article talk about how other black women can reduce their self-confidence by implying that they are not black looking enough.\n\nAs Tate remarks, although mixed-race seems to be very much in fashion in Britain today (Britain has the highest numbers of mixed marriages in Europe), mixed-race is still interpreted as an absence - never either white or black enough.\n\nTate talks about the need to challenge this so that values of beauty - both white and black - can be reassessed. There is a need to combat the essentialism that determines that there are certain types of looks for certain women and not others. This is ultimately a challenge to a wholly racialised way of looking at standards of physical appearance.\n
In Caribbean slave societies, “mulatto” women were seen as more beautiful. Light skinned women were encouraged to marry white men in order to improve their racial and aesthetic “quality”. The beauty of women was seen as a key to social and economic advancement (described by Fanon in BSWM).\n\nThis has not gone away - light skinned and straight haired women are still more desirable in Caribbean culture according to Shirley Tate (2007).\n\nThink of Wilhelmina in Ugly Betty!\n\nShirley Tate argues that beyond skin, the discussion around hair quality is important for defining black women’s beauty. For example, it may be said about a woman that “she is light skinned but her hair is tough/afro/natty/kinky/peppercorn.” Here, says Tate, “her skin saves her from the ugliness of non-straight hair.”\n\nOver 2,400,000 hits for “skin whitening” on Google. Simply a huge market for pills, creams and other treatments including surgery to reduce skin pigmentation. \n\nShow film: this ad from India reveals how ingrained the idea of fair skin being desirable is in the culture. Both men and women are targeted by products like Fair and Lovely.\n\n3. In the 1960s, with the rise of black power, the slogan “black is beautiful” was intended to re-empower black people through valuing their own bodies, hair and skin which for so long had been associated with ugliness and primitiveness in the logic of race thinking. \n\nThis movement brought the afro on both women and men into style. \n\nAfro or cornrows etc. are said to be authentic black styles\n\n4. Shirly Tate’s article “Black beauty: shade, hair and anti-racist aesthetics” discusses the ambivalent position of mixed-race women with regards to the “black is beautiful” agenda. She analyses the discourse of mixed race (lighter skinned) women who see themselves as part of the black anti-racist movement. Their discourse creates a binary between natural and non-natural beauty and style. Therefore, black women who straighten their hair or lighten their skin are seen as unnatural. \n\nAs Tate remarks, although anti-racist black aesthetics are liberating in terms of the hegemony of white beauty, they can also produce their own “normalised racialising standards”. The two mixed-race women interviewed in Tate’s article talk about how other black women can reduce their self-confidence by implying that they are not black looking enough.\n\nAs Tate remarks, although mixed-race seems to be very much in fashion in Britain today (Britain has the highest numbers of mixed marriages in Europe), mixed-race is still interpreted as an absence - never either white or black enough.\n\nTate talks about the need to challenge this so that values of beauty - both white and black - can be reassessed. There is a need to combat the essentialism that determines that there are certain types of looks for certain women and not others. This is ultimately a challenge to a wholly racialised way of looking at standards of physical appearance.\n
In Caribbean slave societies, “mulatto” women were seen as more beautiful. Light skinned women were encouraged to marry white men in order to improve their racial and aesthetic “quality”. The beauty of women was seen as a key to social and economic advancement (described by Fanon in BSWM).\n\nThis has not gone away - light skinned and straight haired women are still more desirable in Caribbean culture according to Shirley Tate (2007).\n\nThink of Wilhelmina in Ugly Betty!\n\nShirley Tate argues that beyond skin, the discussion around hair quality is important for defining black women’s beauty. For example, it may be said about a woman that “she is light skinned but her hair is tough/afro/natty/kinky/peppercorn.” Here, says Tate, “her skin saves her from the ugliness of non-straight hair.”\n\nOver 2,400,000 hits for “skin whitening” on Google. Simply a huge market for pills, creams and other treatments including surgery to reduce skin pigmentation. \n\nShow film: this ad from India reveals how ingrained the idea of fair skin being desirable is in the culture. Both men and women are targeted by products like Fair and Lovely.\n\n3. In the 1960s, with the rise of black power, the slogan “black is beautiful” was intended to re-empower black people through valuing their own bodies, hair and skin which for so long had been associated with ugliness and primitiveness in the logic of race thinking. \n\nThis movement brought the afro on both women and men into style. \n\nAfro or cornrows etc. are said to be authentic black styles\n\n4. Shirly Tate’s article “Black beauty: shade, hair and anti-racist aesthetics” discusses the ambivalent position of mixed-race women with regards to the “black is beautiful” agenda. She analyses the discourse of mixed race (lighter skinned) women who see themselves as part of the black anti-racist movement. Their discourse creates a binary between natural and non-natural beauty and style. Therefore, black women who straighten their hair or lighten their skin are seen as unnatural. \n\nAs Tate remarks, although anti-racist black aesthetics are liberating in terms of the hegemony of white beauty, they can also produce their own “normalised racialising standards”. The two mixed-race women interviewed in Tate’s article talk about how other black women can reduce their self-confidence by implying that they are not black looking enough.\n\nAs Tate remarks, although mixed-race seems to be very much in fashion in Britain today (Britain has the highest numbers of mixed marriages in Europe), mixed-race is still interpreted as an absence - never either white or black enough.\n\nTate talks about the need to challenge this so that values of beauty - both white and black - can be reassessed. There is a need to combat the essentialism that determines that there are certain types of looks for certain women and not others. This is ultimately a challenge to a wholly racialised way of looking at standards of physical appearance.\n
In Caribbean slave societies, “mulatto” women were seen as more beautiful. Light skinned women were encouraged to marry white men in order to improve their racial and aesthetic “quality”. The beauty of women was seen as a key to social and economic advancement (described by Fanon in BSWM).\n\nThis has not gone away - light skinned and straight haired women are still more desirable in Caribbean culture according to Shirley Tate (2007).\n\nThink of Wilhelmina in Ugly Betty!\n\nShirley Tate argues that beyond skin, the discussion around hair quality is important for defining black women’s beauty. For example, it may be said about a woman that “she is light skinned but her hair is tough/afro/natty/kinky/peppercorn.” Here, says Tate, “her skin saves her from the ugliness of non-straight hair.”\n\nOver 2,400,000 hits for “skin whitening” on Google. Simply a huge market for pills, creams and other treatments including surgery to reduce skin pigmentation. \n\nShow film: this ad from India reveals how ingrained the idea of fair skin being desirable is in the culture. Both men and women are targeted by products like Fair and Lovely.\n\n3. In the 1960s, with the rise of black power, the slogan “black is beautiful” was intended to re-empower black people through valuing their own bodies, hair and skin which for so long had been associated with ugliness and primitiveness in the logic of race thinking. \n\nThis movement brought the afro on both women and men into style. \n\nAfro or cornrows etc. are said to be authentic black styles\n\n4. Shirly Tate’s article “Black beauty: shade, hair and anti-racist aesthetics” discusses the ambivalent position of mixed-race women with regards to the “black is beautiful” agenda. She analyses the discourse of mixed race (lighter skinned) women who see themselves as part of the black anti-racist movement. Their discourse creates a binary between natural and non-natural beauty and style. Therefore, black women who straighten their hair or lighten their skin are seen as unnatural. \n\nAs Tate remarks, although anti-racist black aesthetics are liberating in terms of the hegemony of white beauty, they can also produce their own “normalised racialising standards”. The two mixed-race women interviewed in Tate’s article talk about how other black women can reduce their self-confidence by implying that they are not black looking enough.\n\nAs Tate remarks, although mixed-race seems to be very much in fashion in Britain today (Britain has the highest numbers of mixed marriages in Europe), mixed-race is still interpreted as an absence - never either white or black enough.\n\nTate talks about the need to challenge this so that values of beauty - both white and black - can be reassessed. There is a need to combat the essentialism that determines that there are certain types of looks for certain women and not others. This is ultimately a challenge to a wholly racialised way of looking at standards of physical appearance.\n
In Caribbean slave societies, “mulatto” women were seen as more beautiful. Light skinned women were encouraged to marry white men in order to improve their racial and aesthetic “quality”. The beauty of women was seen as a key to social and economic advancement (described by Fanon in BSWM).\n\nThis has not gone away - light skinned and straight haired women are still more desirable in Caribbean culture according to Shirley Tate (2007).\n\nThink of Wilhelmina in Ugly Betty!\n\nShirley Tate argues that beyond skin, the discussion around hair quality is important for defining black women’s beauty. For example, it may be said about a woman that “she is light skinned but her hair is tough/afro/natty/kinky/peppercorn.” Here, says Tate, “her skin saves her from the ugliness of non-straight hair.”\n\nOver 2,400,000 hits for “skin whitening” on Google. Simply a huge market for pills, creams and other treatments including surgery to reduce skin pigmentation. \n\nShow film: this ad from India reveals how ingrained the idea of fair skin being desirable is in the culture. Both men and women are targeted by products like Fair and Lovely.\n\n3. In the 1960s, with the rise of black power, the slogan “black is beautiful” was intended to re-empower black people through valuing their own bodies, hair and skin which for so long had been associated with ugliness and primitiveness in the logic of race thinking. \n\nThis movement brought the afro on both women and men into style. \n\nAfro or cornrows etc. are said to be authentic black styles\n\n4. Shirly Tate’s article “Black beauty: shade, hair and anti-racist aesthetics” discusses the ambivalent position of mixed-race women with regards to the “black is beautiful” agenda. She analyses the discourse of mixed race (lighter skinned) women who see themselves as part of the black anti-racist movement. Their discourse creates a binary between natural and non-natural beauty and style. Therefore, black women who straighten their hair or lighten their skin are seen as unnatural. \n\nAs Tate remarks, although anti-racist black aesthetics are liberating in terms of the hegemony of white beauty, they can also produce their own “normalised racialising standards”. The two mixed-race women interviewed in Tate’s article talk about how other black women can reduce their self-confidence by implying that they are not black looking enough.\n\nAs Tate remarks, although mixed-race seems to be very much in fashion in Britain today (Britain has the highest numbers of mixed marriages in Europe), mixed-race is still interpreted as an absence - never either white or black enough.\n\nTate talks about the need to challenge this so that values of beauty - both white and black - can be reassessed. There is a need to combat the essentialism that determines that there are certain types of looks for certain women and not others. This is ultimately a challenge to a wholly racialised way of looking at standards of physical appearance.\n
Theories of multiple domination emerge out of Marxist and socialist feminist analyses.\n\nThese rely on dual systems theory to examine the interrelationship between capitalism and patriarchy. \n\nRace was merely added into the mix - therefore, women of colour were said to be oppressed triply - by capitalist, patriarchal and racist structures.\n\nBut, the triple discrimination approach has been criticised for failing to look at the particular identities and problems related to coming from certain positions.\nIn other words, the particular ethnic, religious, national or class background should also be taken into account when seekin to address the specific problems faced by different groups of women.\n
In the 1970s black feminists, majority worls feminists and lesbian feminists like bell hooks, Audrey Lorde, Angela Davis and Chandra Mohanty started to question the add-on ideas behind Marxist-inspired triple oppression theory.\n\nThe idea of intersectionality emerges out of critical race studies. It seeks to analyse the way in which multiple forms of power (race, sex, class) interrelate with each other, each having an effect on the other continuously and in many different ways.\n\nIntersectionality is based on the belief that you can never really look at the processes of racialisation, sexism or classism as separate.\n\nRather each of these processes of domination constitute each other - they hold each other up and rely on one another in order to function.\n
In the 1970s black feminists, majority worls feminists and lesbian feminists like bell hooks, Audrey Lorde, Angela Davis and Chandra Mohanty started to question the add-on ideas behind Marxist-inspired triple oppression theory.\n\nThe idea of intersectionality emerges out of critical race studies. It seeks to analyse the way in which multiple forms of power (race, sex, class) interrelate with each other, each having an effect on the other continuously and in many different ways.\n\nIntersectionality is based on the belief that you can never really look at the processes of racialisation, sexism or classism as separate.\n\nRather each of these processes of domination constitute each other - they hold each other up and rely on one another in order to function.\n
Intersectionality as a concept has been critiqued by people who identify themselves as ‘queer of colour’ - that is gays, lesbians, bisexuals, transgender people who are also racialised as black, brown, Muslim, etc.\n\nThis is because the question of sexuality has generally been omitted by the feminist critical race theorists who introduced the idea of intersectionality.\n\nThis has been rectified more recently, but critics claim that transgender issues for example have been left out of the equation.\n\n2. Erel et al. in their paper on “The Depoliticisation of Intersectionality Talk” argue that activism based on intersectionality often only pays lip service to the complexity of these intersections.\n\nSo, for example, activism may be based on white gay men and heterosexual migrant women working together, bur rarely are the more complex realities of gays, lesbians and transgender people who are also racialised brought to the fore.\n\nAs Erel and all say in the paper, class too is taken off of the agenda. So, conversations about intersectionality tend to remain among relatively privileged people.\n\n3. Thirdly, Erel et al. argue that both queer activists and black and anti-racist activists generally ignore each other’s issues.\n\nAt one extreme, racialised trans people have been seen as victims of a “white disease” among certain black organisations.\n\nAt the other extreme, trans activism is notoriously white. Rather than working together WITH anti-racists, queer activists often compete with them for minority status!\n
Intersectionality as a concept has been critiqued by people who identify themselves as ‘queer of colour’ - that is gays, lesbians, bisexuals, transgender people who are also racialised as black, brown, Muslim, etc.\n\nThis is because the question of sexuality has generally been omitted by the feminist critical race theorists who introduced the idea of intersectionality.\n\nThis has been rectified more recently, but critics claim that transgender issues for example have been left out of the equation.\n\n2. Erel et al. in their paper on “The Depoliticisation of Intersectionality Talk” argue that activism based on intersectionality often only pays lip service to the complexity of these intersections.\n\nSo, for example, activism may be based on white gay men and heterosexual migrant women working together, bur rarely are the more complex realities of gays, lesbians and transgender people who are also racialised brought to the fore.\n\nAs Erel and all say in the paper, class too is taken off of the agenda. So, conversations about intersectionality tend to remain among relatively privileged people.\n\n3. Thirdly, Erel et al. argue that both queer activists and black and anti-racist activists generally ignore each other’s issues.\n\nAt one extreme, racialised trans people have been seen as victims of a “white disease” among certain black organisations.\n\nAt the other extreme, trans activism is notoriously white. Rather than working together WITH anti-racists, queer activists often compete with them for minority status!\n
Intersectionality as a concept has been critiqued by people who identify themselves as ‘queer of colour’ - that is gays, lesbians, bisexuals, transgender people who are also racialised as black, brown, Muslim, etc.\n\nThis is because the question of sexuality has generally been omitted by the feminist critical race theorists who introduced the idea of intersectionality.\n\nThis has been rectified more recently, but critics claim that transgender issues for example have been left out of the equation.\n\n2. Erel et al. in their paper on “The Depoliticisation of Intersectionality Talk” argue that activism based on intersectionality often only pays lip service to the complexity of these intersections.\n\nSo, for example, activism may be based on white gay men and heterosexual migrant women working together, bur rarely are the more complex realities of gays, lesbians and transgender people who are also racialised brought to the fore.\n\nAs Erel and all say in the paper, class too is taken off of the agenda. So, conversations about intersectionality tend to remain among relatively privileged people.\n\n3. Thirdly, Erel et al. argue that both queer activists and black and anti-racist activists generally ignore each other’s issues.\n\nAt one extreme, racialised trans people have been seen as victims of a “white disease” among certain black organisations.\n\nAt the other extreme, trans activism is notoriously white. Rather than working together WITH anti-racists, queer activists often compete with them for minority status!\n
Intro:\nJin Haritaworn, Tamsila Tauqir and Esra Erdem are three Queers of Colour who have recently written a paper condemining the lack of alliance between queer and black or minority activists.\n\nThey can be understood as claiming for intersectionality to be really put into practice by engaging deeply with the situation of queers of colour as subversive both of heteronormative models of sexuality and racialised concepts that divide between human beings.\n\nIn a paper entitled “Gay Imperialism” the 3 authors look at anti-Muslim sentiment among some prominent queer activists.\n\nFor example. Peter Tatchell, a prominent gay and human rights activist and leader of the group Outrage has been highly outspoken in his condemnation of Islam as homophobic.\n\nHe regularly refers to Muslims as “Islamofascists” who are against all gay people.\n\nTatchell, through his foundation, “The Peter Tatchell Human Rights Fund”, sees it as his job to save gay Muslims from the homophobia of their community. He uses language which is reminiscent of the civilising mission which was prevalent in colonial times.\n\nAccording to Haritawon and his colleagues in their paper, gay Muslims are the “ideological token victim who must be liberated from its ‘barabaric, backward’ society, by means that include political and military violence.” \n\nSome gay Muslims have also played this role by speaking out against the Muslim community and condemning it for being homophobic, thus giving weight to the idea that gay Muslims need saving rather than placing the emphasis on the work being done by gay Muslims themselves, often from within the community.\n\n2. The critique that the authors put forward is that this type of discourse - coming from queer activists - is actually deeply similar to that which promoted the war in Iraq and which is used to criminalise all Muslims as potential threats to our security.\n\nWhat is happening is that countries, such as the UK, where equal rights for gay and queer people is actually a very recent phenomenon are rushing to support gay Muslims who are oppressed by homophobic regimes in the Middle east.\n\nThis is quite hypocritical because it assumes that homophobia is a thing of the past in the West.\n\nPart of the way in which the ‘war on terror’ works is to draw a line between liberal and anti-liberal value systems. The idea is that we have to protect OUR liberal values from Muslim extremists including the protection of gay rights. However, if we look at the facts equal rights for gay, lesbian and transgender people are from being universally ensured in the UK.\n\n3. Lastly, the writers of the paper argue that Muslims and queers should not be portrayed as being in competition with each other. This would assume that there are no queers who are also Muslims for example. \n\nJust like black and majority world feminists in the 1970s and 1980s argued against white feminists who saw all black men, for example, as oppressive, queer of colour activists today are looking for solutions within their communities.\n\nThere are several organisations set up in Britain such as Al Fatiha UK and the Safra Project which were established by queer or colour activists.\n\nThey aim to look at the issue of homophobia within their communities as well as tackling racism in the general society. \n\nThey are based on the idea that queer Muslims or other racialised people do not need anyone to speak on their behalf and mis-represent them.\n\nThey are also committed to the idea that racism, sexism and homophobia have to be struggled against together rather than in opposition to each other.\n
Intro:\nJin Haritaworn, Tamsila Tauqir and Esra Erdem are three Queers of Colour who have recently written a paper condemining the lack of alliance between queer and black or minority activists.\n\nThey can be understood as claiming for intersectionality to be really put into practice by engaging deeply with the situation of queers of colour as subversive both of heteronormative models of sexuality and racialised concepts that divide between human beings.\n\nIn a paper entitled “Gay Imperialism” the 3 authors look at anti-Muslim sentiment among some prominent queer activists.\n\nFor example. Peter Tatchell, a prominent gay and human rights activist and leader of the group Outrage has been highly outspoken in his condemnation of Islam as homophobic.\n\nHe regularly refers to Muslims as “Islamofascists” who are against all gay people.\n\nTatchell, through his foundation, “The Peter Tatchell Human Rights Fund”, sees it as his job to save gay Muslims from the homophobia of their community. He uses language which is reminiscent of the civilising mission which was prevalent in colonial times.\n\nAccording to Haritawon and his colleagues in their paper, gay Muslims are the “ideological token victim who must be liberated from its ‘barabaric, backward’ society, by means that include political and military violence.” \n\nSome gay Muslims have also played this role by speaking out against the Muslim community and condemning it for being homophobic, thus giving weight to the idea that gay Muslims need saving rather than placing the emphasis on the work being done by gay Muslims themselves, often from within the community.\n\n2. The critique that the authors put forward is that this type of discourse - coming from queer activists - is actually deeply similar to that which promoted the war in Iraq and which is used to criminalise all Muslims as potential threats to our security.\n\nWhat is happening is that countries, such as the UK, where equal rights for gay and queer people is actually a very recent phenomenon are rushing to support gay Muslims who are oppressed by homophobic regimes in the Middle east.\n\nThis is quite hypocritical because it assumes that homophobia is a thing of the past in the West.\n\nPart of the way in which the ‘war on terror’ works is to draw a line between liberal and anti-liberal value systems. The idea is that we have to protect OUR liberal values from Muslim extremists including the protection of gay rights. However, if we look at the facts equal rights for gay, lesbian and transgender people are from being universally ensured in the UK.\n\n3. Lastly, the writers of the paper argue that Muslims and queers should not be portrayed as being in competition with each other. This would assume that there are no queers who are also Muslims for example. \n\nJust like black and majority world feminists in the 1970s and 1980s argued against white feminists who saw all black men, for example, as oppressive, queer of colour activists today are looking for solutions within their communities.\n\nThere are several organisations set up in Britain such as Al Fatiha UK and the Safra Project which were established by queer or colour activists.\n\nThey aim to look at the issue of homophobia within their communities as well as tackling racism in the general society. \n\nThey are based on the idea that queer Muslims or other racialised people do not need anyone to speak on their behalf and mis-represent them.\n\nThey are also committed to the idea that racism, sexism and homophobia have to be struggled against together rather than in opposition to each other.\n
Intro:\nJin Haritaworn, Tamsila Tauqir and Esra Erdem are three Queers of Colour who have recently written a paper condemining the lack of alliance between queer and black or minority activists.\n\nThey can be understood as claiming for intersectionality to be really put into practice by engaging deeply with the situation of queers of colour as subversive both of heteronormative models of sexuality and racialised concepts that divide between human beings.\n\nIn a paper entitled “Gay Imperialism” the 3 authors look at anti-Muslim sentiment among some prominent queer activists.\n\nFor example. Peter Tatchell, a prominent gay and human rights activist and leader of the group Outrage has been highly outspoken in his condemnation of Islam as homophobic.\n\nHe regularly refers to Muslims as “Islamofascists” who are against all gay people.\n\nTatchell, through his foundation, “The Peter Tatchell Human Rights Fund”, sees it as his job to save gay Muslims from the homophobia of their community. He uses language which is reminiscent of the civilising mission which was prevalent in colonial times.\n\nAccording to Haritawon and his colleagues in their paper, gay Muslims are the “ideological token victim who must be liberated from its ‘barabaric, backward’ society, by means that include political and military violence.” \n\nSome gay Muslims have also played this role by speaking out against the Muslim community and condemning it for being homophobic, thus giving weight to the idea that gay Muslims need saving rather than placing the emphasis on the work being done by gay Muslims themselves, often from within the community.\n\n2. The critique that the authors put forward is that this type of discourse - coming from queer activists - is actually deeply similar to that which promoted the war in Iraq and which is used to criminalise all Muslims as potential threats to our security.\n\nWhat is happening is that countries, such as the UK, where equal rights for gay and queer people is actually a very recent phenomenon are rushing to support gay Muslims who are oppressed by homophobic regimes in the Middle east.\n\nThis is quite hypocritical because it assumes that homophobia is a thing of the past in the West.\n\nPart of the way in which the ‘war on terror’ works is to draw a line between liberal and anti-liberal value systems. The idea is that we have to protect OUR liberal values from Muslim extremists including the protection of gay rights. However, if we look at the facts equal rights for gay, lesbian and transgender people are from being universally ensured in the UK.\n\n3. Lastly, the writers of the paper argue that Muslims and queers should not be portrayed as being in competition with each other. This would assume that there are no queers who are also Muslims for example. \n\nJust like black and majority world feminists in the 1970s and 1980s argued against white feminists who saw all black men, for example, as oppressive, queer of colour activists today are looking for solutions within their communities.\n\nThere are several organisations set up in Britain such as Al Fatiha UK and the Safra Project which were established by queer or colour activists.\n\nThey aim to look at the issue of homophobia within their communities as well as tackling racism in the general society. \n\nThey are based on the idea that queer Muslims or other racialised people do not need anyone to speak on their behalf and mis-represent them.\n\nThey are also committed to the idea that racism, sexism and homophobia have to be struggled against together rather than in opposition to each other.\n