NameHIST1302The Atlanta Compromise Speech.docx

Name
HIST1302
The Atlanta Compromise Speech
The Atlanta Compromise speech was given by Booker T.
Washington in 1895. In this speech, which Washington gave at
the Cotton States and International Exposition in Atlanta,
Georgia, Washington asks for blacks to be given equal
opportunities in terms of gaining economic rights. Washington,
however, does not ask for any civil rights for blacks, and does
not push the audience to accept blacks as their equals. Instead,
Washington says blacks and whites “can be as separate as the
fingers, yet one as the hand in all things essential to mutual
progress.” Washington acknowledges that blacks had initially
gotten rights after slavery but says that blacks did not know
how to handle these rights. This speech is important because it
shows Washington’s attitudes towards civil rights in the turn-
of-the-century. It proves that Washington believed that
economic progress was the best way for blacks to prove
themselves to whites, and it also is important because it shows
that Washington was concerned that the new immigrants, which
we discussed in class, would be taking jobs away from blacks.
This speech shows how bad conditions were for blacks during
the Jim Crow era and how the black leadership was trying to
make things better.
Of Mr. Booker T. Washington and Others
“Of Mr. Booker T. Washington and Others” was published as
part of W.E.B. Du Bois’s 1903 book The Souls of Black Folk.
In this essay, Du Bois comes out as extremely critical of Booker
T. Washington, especially Washington’s Atlanta Compromise
Speech. Instead of pushing only for economic rights, like

Washington suggests, Du Bois argues that American blacks
needed to have full citizenship. Du Bois suggests that
Washington is no different than black leaders during the time of
slavery and was willing to settle for less than what blacks
deserved. Du Bois was against Washington’s program of
industrial education and said “it startled the nation to hear a
Negro advocating such a programme after many decades of
bitter complaint; it startled and won the applause of the South,
it interested and won the admiration of the North; and after a
confused murmur of protest, it silenced if it did not convert the
Negroes themselves.” This highlights a key difference between
Washington and Du Bois because Du Bois did not believe
blacks needed to be limited to industrial education. Throughout
this document, Du Bois states why he thinks that Washington’s
ideas were so dangerous for blacks. This document is important
because it shows that not all blacks believed in Washington’s
ideas, and that there were different methods put forth for
helping blacks achieve their rights during the era of Jim Crow.
Du Bois’s background and education led him to believe that
blacks could- and should- do more than what Washington
expected.
Word Count: 465
Assignment Content PSYCH/665
Top of Form
Write a 500- to 750-word summary of the ethical issues that
affect your selected research question and methodology,
including the following:
THIS IS THE SELECTED RESERCH TOPIC BELOW

Estranged Relationships with Parents and Their Effects
· Write a brief statement of the research question.
· List the possible ethical issues, such as consideration of
characteristics of your sample, type of data collection, potential
for bias, and so forth.
· Identify and cite the APA ethical standard concerning the
issue.
· Respond to each issue, specifying how you, the researcher,
will minimize or eliminate it.
Format your summary consistent with APA guidelines.
Bottom of Form
Rubric Details
Close
Summarized the ethical issues that affected your selected
research question and methodology
20% of total grade
Exceeds Expectations
Summarized, analyzed, or evaluated the ethical issues that
affected the selected research question and methodology
18
Meets Expectations
Summarized the ethical issues that affected the selected
13.5
Approaches Expectations
Identified some ethical issues but did not explain the effect on
the selected research question and methodology
9
Does Not Meet Expectations

Did not summarize the ethical issues that affected the selected
4.5
·
Write a brief statement of the research question
10% of total grade
List the possible ethical issues (such as consideration of
characteristics of your sample, type of data collection, potential
for bias, and so forth)
10% of total grade
Identify and cite the APA ethical standard concerning the issue.
20% of total grade
Respond to each issue, specifying how you, the researcher, will
minimize or eliminate it
25% of total grade
Quality of written communication. Write a 500 to 750 word
summary
10% of total grade
Use of APA Format/Style
5% of total grade
President Barack Obama's Inaugural Address
JANUARY 21, 2009 AT 1:27 PM ET BY MACON PHILLIPS

Summary: Yesterday, President Obama delivered his Inaugural
Address, calling for
a "new era of responsibility."
Yesterday, President Obama delivered his Inaugural Address,
calling for a "new era of responsibility."
Watch the video here:
(download .mp4)
Inaugural Address
By President Barack Hussein Obama
My fellow citizens: I stand here today humbled by the task
before us, grateful for the trust you've
bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors.
I thank President Bush for his service to our nation --
(applause) -- as well as the generosity and
cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.
Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath.
The words have been spoken during rising
tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so
often, the oath is taken amidst gathering

clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has
carried on not simply because of the skill or
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vision of those in high office, but because we, the people, have
remained faithful to the ideals of our
forebears and true to our founding documents.
So it has been; so it must be with this generation of Americans.
That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our
nation is at war against a far-reaching

network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly
weakened, a consequence of greed and
irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective
failure to make hard choices and prepare the
nation for a new age. Homes have been lost, jobs shed,
businesses shuttered. Our health care is too
costly, our schools fail too many -- and each day brings further
evidence that the ways we use energy
strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.
These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics.
Less measurable, but no less profound,
is a sapping of confidence across our land; a nagging fear that
America's decline is inevitable, that the
next generation must lower its sights.
Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They
are serious and they are many. They will
not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this
America: They will be met. (Applause.)
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear,
unity of purpose over conflict and
discord. On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty
grievances and false promises, the

recriminations and worn-out dogmas that for far too long have
strangled our politics. We remain a
young nation. But in the words of Scripture, the time has come
to set aside childish things. The time
has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better
history; to carry forward that precious
gift, that noble idea passed on from generation to generation:
the God-given promise that all are equal,
all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full
measure of happiness. (Applause.)
In reaffirming the greatness of our nation we understand that
greatness is never a given. It must be
earned. Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling
for less. It has not been the path for
the faint-hearted, for those that prefer leisure over work, or seek
only the pleasures of riches and fame.
Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of
things -- some celebrated, but more often
men and women obscure in their labor -- who have carried us up
the long rugged path towards
prosperity and freedom.
For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and

traveled across oceans in search of a new life.
For us, they toiled in sweatshops, and settled the West, endured
the lash of the whip, and plowed the
hard earth. For us, they fought and died in places like Concord
and Gettysburg, Normandy and Khe
Sahn.
Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed
and worked till their hands were raw so
that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger
than the sum of our individual ambitions,
greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.
This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most
prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our
workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our
minds are no less inventive, our goods
and services no less needed than they were last week, or last
month, or last year. Our capacity remains
undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting
narrow interests and putting off unpleasant
decisions -- that time has surely passed. Starting today, we

must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off,
and begin again the work of remaking America. (Applause.)
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of
our economy calls for action, bold and
swift. And we will act, not only to create new jobs, but to lay a
new foundation for growth. We will
build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines
that feed our commerce and bind us
together. We'll restore science to its rightful place, and wield
technology's wonders to raise health
care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and
the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and
run our factories. And we will transform our schools and
colleges and universities to meet the demands
of a new age. All this we can do. All this we will do.
Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions,
who suggest that our system cannot
tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short, for they
have forgotten what this country has
already done, what free men and women can achieve when
imagination is joined to common purpose,
and necessity to courage. What the cynics fail to understand is

that the ground has shifted beneath
them, that the stale political arguments that have consumed us
for so long no longer apply.
The question we ask today is not whether our government is too
big or too small, but whether it works -
- whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they
can afford, a retirement that is
dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward.
Where the answer is no, programs will
end. And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be
held to account, to spend wisely, reform
bad habits, and do our business in the light of day, because only
then can we restore the vital trust
between a people and their government.
Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for
good or ill. Its power to generate wealth
and expand freedom is unmatched. But this crisis has reminded
us that without a watchful eye, the
market can spin out of control. The nation cannot prosper long
when it favors only the prosperous. The
success of our economy has always depended not just on the
size of our gross domestic product, but on

the reach of our prosperity, on the ability to extend opportunity
to every willing heart -- not out of
charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.
(Applause.)
As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice
between our safety and our ideals. Our
Founding Fathers -- (applause) -- our Founding Fathers, faced
with perils that we can scarcely imagine,
drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man
-- a charter expanded by the blood of
generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not
give them up for expedience sake.
(Applause.)
And so, to all the other peoples and governments who are
watching today, from the grandest capitals to
the small village where my father was born, know that America
is a friend of each nation, and every
man, woman and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity.
And we are ready to lead once more.
(Applause.)

Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and
communism not just with missiles and tanks,
but with the sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They
understood that our power alone cannot
protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead
they knew that our power grows through
its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our
cause, the force of our example, the
tempering qualities of humility and restraint.
We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles
once more we can meet those new
threats that demand even greater effort, even greater
cooperation and understanding between nations.
We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people and forge a
hard-earned peace in Afghanistan.
With old friends and former foes, we'll work tirelessly to lessen
the nuclear threat, and roll back the
specter of a warming planet.
We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in
its defense. And for those who seek to
advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering
innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is

stronger and cannot be broken -- you cannot outlast us, and we
will defeat you. (Applause.)
For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a
weakness. We are a nation of Christians
and Muslims, Jews and Hindus, and non-believers. We are
shaped by every language and culture,
drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted
the bitter swill of civil war and
segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and
more united, we cannot help but believe
that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe
shall soon dissolve; that as the world
grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and
that America must play its role in ushering
in a new era of peace.
To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on
mutual interest and mutual respect. To
those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or
blame their society's ills on the West, know
that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what
you destroy. (Applause.)

To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and
the silencing of dissent, know that you
are on the wrong side of history, but that we will extend a hand
if you are willing to unclench your fist.
(Applause.)
To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you
to make your farms flourish and let
clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry
minds. And to those nations like ours that
enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford
indifference to the suffering outside our borders,
nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to
effect. For the world has changed, and we
must change with it.
As we consider the role that unfolds before us, we remember
with humble gratitude those brave
Americans who at this very hour patrol far-off deserts and
distant mountains. They have something to
tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper
through the ages.
We honor them not only because they are the guardians of our

liberty, but because they embody the
spirit of service -- a willingness to find meaning in something
greater than themselves.
And yet at this moment, a moment that will define a generation,
it is precisely this spirit that must
inhabit us all. For as much as government can do, and must do,
it is ultimately the faith and
determination of the American people upon which this nation
relies. It is the kindness to take in a
stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who
would rather cut their hours than see a
friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It
is the firefighter's courage to storm a
stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to
nurture a child that finally decides our fate.
Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we
meet them may be new. But those values
upon which our success depends -- honesty and hard work,
courage and fair play, tolerance and
curiosity, loyalty and patriotism -- these things are old. These
things are true. They have been the quiet
force of progress throughout our history.

What is demanded, then, is a return to these truths. What is
required of us now is a new era of
responsibility -- a recognition on the part of every American
that we have duties to ourselves, our
nation and the world; duties that we do not grudgingly accept,
but rather seize gladly, firm in the
knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so
defining of our character than giving our all
to a difficult task.
This is the price and the promise of citizenship. This is the
source of our confidence -- the knowledge
that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny. This is the
meaning of our liberty and our creed,
why men and women and children of every race and every faith
can join in celebration across this
magnificent mall; and why a man whose father less than 60
years ago might not have been served in a
local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred
oath. (Applause.)
So let us mark this day with remembrance of who we are and
how far we have traveled. In the year of

America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of
patriots huddled by dying campfires on the
shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy
was advancing. The snow was stained
with blood. At the moment when the outcome of our revolution
was most in doubt, the father of our
nation ordered these words to be read to the people:
"Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter,
when nothing but hope and virtue could
survive... that the city and the country, alarmed at one common
danger, came forth to meet [it]."
America: In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of
our hardship, let us remember these
timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more
the icy currents, and endure what storms
may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when
we were tested we refused to let this
journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and
with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's
grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and
delivered it safely to future generations.
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of

America. (Applause.)
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TRANSCRIPT
Sept. 6, 2006
Following is the transcript of President Bush's speech on
terrorism from the White
House, as provided by CQ Transcriptions, Inc. Thank you.
Thanks for the warm

welcome. Welcome to the White House. Mr. Vice President,
Secretary Rice,
Attorney General Gonzales, Ambassador Negroponte, General
Hayden,
members of the United States Congress, families who lost loved
ones in the
terrorist attacks on our nation, my fellow citizens, thanks for
coming. On the
morning of September the 11th, 2001, our nation awoke to a
nightmare attack.
Nineteen men armed with box cutters took control of airplanes
and turned them
into missiles. They used them to kill nearly 3,000 innocent
people. We watched
the twin towers collapse before our eyes, and it became
instantly clear that we'd
entered a new world and a dangerous new war. The attacks of
September the
11th horrified our nation. And amid the grief came new fears
and urgent
questions. Who had attacked us? What did they want? And what
else were they
planning? Americans saw the destruction the terrorists had
caused in New York

and Washington and Pennsylvania, and they wondered if there
were other
terrorist cells in our midst poised to strike. They wondered if
there was a second
wave of attacks still to come. With the twin towers and the
Pentagon still
smoldering, our country on edge, and a stream of intelligence
coming in about
potential new attacks, my administration faced immediate
challenges. We had to
respond to the attack on our country. We had to wage an
unprecedented war
against an enemy unlike any we had fought before. We had to
find the terrorists
hiding in America and across the world before they were able to
strike our
President Bush's Speech on Terrorism
https://www.nytimes.com/
country again. So in the early days and weeks after 9/11, I
directed our
government's senior national security officials to do everything
in their power,

within our laws, to prevent another attack. Nearly five years
have passed since
those initial days of shock and sadness. And we are thankful
that the terrorists
have not succeeded in launching another attack on our soil. This
is not for the
lack of desire or determination on the part of the enemy. As the
recently foiled
plot in London shows, the terrorists are still active, and they are
still trying to
strike America and they are still trying to kill our people. One
reason the
terrorists have not succeeded is because of the hard work of
thousands of
dedicated men and women in our government who have toiled
day and night,
along with our allies, to stop the enemy from carrying out their
plans. And we
are grateful for these hardworking citizens of ours. Another
reason the terrorists
have not succeeded is because our government has changed its
policies and
given our military, intelligence and law enforcement personnel
the tools they

need to fight this enemy and protect our people and preserve our
freedoms. The
terrorists who declared war on America represent no nation.
They defend no
territory. And they wear no uniform. They do not mass armies
on borders or
flotillas of warships on the high seas. They operate in the
shadows of society.
They send small teams of operatives to infiltrate free nations.
They live quietly
among their victims. They conspire in secret. And then they
strike without
warning. And in this new war, the most important source of
information on
where the terrorists are hiding and what they are planning is the
terrorists
themselves. Captured terrorists have unique knowledge about
how terrorist
networks operate. They have knowledge of where their
operatives are deployed
and knowledge about what plots are under way. This
intelligence -- this is
intelligence that cannot be found any other place. And our
security depends on

getting this kind of information. To win the war on terror, we
must be able to
detain, question and, when appropriate, prosecute terrorists
captured here in
America and on the battlefields around the world. After the 9/11
attacks, our
coalition launched operations across the world to remove
terrorist safehavens
and capture or kill terrorist operatives and leaders. Working
with our allies,
we've captured and detained thousands of terrorists and enemy
fighters in
Afghanistan, in Iraq and other fronts of this war on terror.
These enemy -- these
are enemy combatants who are waging war on our nation. We
have a right
under the laws of war, and we have an obligation to the
American people, to
detain these enemies and stop them from rejoining the battle.
Most of the enemy
combatants we capture are held in Afghanistan or in Iraq where
they're
questioned by our military personnel. Many are released after

questioning or
turned over to local authorities if we determine that they do not
pose a
continuing threat and no longer have significant intelligence
value. Others
remain in American custody near the battlefield, to ensure that
they don't return
to the fight. In some cases, we determined that individuals we
have captured
pose a significant threat or may have intelligence that we and
our allies need to
have to prevent new attacks. Many are Al Qaeda operatives or
Taliban fighters
trying to conceal their identities. And they withhold information
that could save
American lives. In these cases, it has been necessary to move
these individuals
to an environment where they can be held secretly, questioned
by experts and,
when appropriate, prosecuted for terrorist acts. Some of these
individuals are
taken to the United States naval base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba.
It's important
for Americans and others across the world to understand the

kind of people held
at Guantanamo. These aren't common criminals or bystanders
accidentally
swept up on the battlefield. We have in place a rigorous process
to ensure those
held at Guantanamo Bay belong at Guantanamo. Those held at
Guantanamo
include suspected bombmakers, terrorist trainers, recruiters and
facilitators,
and potential suicide bombers. They are in our custody so that
they cannot
murder our people. One detainee held at Guantanamo told a
questioner
questioning -- he said this: I'll never forget your face. I will kill
you, your brother,
your mother and your sisters. In addition to the terrorists held at
Guantanamo, a
small number of suspected terrorist leaders and operatives
captured during the
war have been held and questioned outside the United States, in
a separate
program operated by the Central Intelligence Agency. This
group includes

individuals believed to be the key architects of the September
the 11th attacks
and attacks on the USS Cole; an operative involved in the
bombings of our
embassies in Kenya and Tanzania; and individuals involved in
other attacks that
have taken the lives of innocent civilians across the world.
These are dangerous
men, with unparalleled knowledge about terrorist networks and
their plans of
new attacks. The security of our nation and the lives of our
citizens depend on
our ability to learn what these terrorists know. Many specifics
of this program,
including where these detainees have been held and the details
of their
confinement, cannot be divulged. Doing so would provide our
enemies with
information they could use to take retribution against our allies
and harm our
country. I can say that questioning the detainees in this program
has given us
information that has saved innocent lives by helping us stop
new attacks, here in

the United States and across the world. Today I'm going to
share with you some
of the examples provided by our intelligence community of how
this program
has saved lives, why it remains vital to the security of the
United States and our
friends and allies, and why it deserves the support of the United
States Congress
and the American people. Within months of September 11,
2001, we captured a
man named Abu Zubaydah. We believed that Zubaydah was a
senior terrorist
leader and a trusted associate of Osama bin Laden. Our
intelligence community
believes he had run a terrorist camp in Afghanistan where some
of the 9/11
hijackers trained and that he helped smuggle Al Qaeda leaders
out of
Afghanistan after coalition forces arrived to liberate that
country. Zubaydah was
severely wounded during the firefight that brought him into
custody. And he
survived only because of the medical care arranged by the CIA.
After he

recovered, Zubaydah was defiant and evasive. He declared his
hatred of
America. During questioning, he, at first, disclosed what he
thought was nominal
information and then stopped all cooperation. Well, in fact, the
nominal
information he gave us turned out to be quite important. For
example, Zubaydah
disclosed Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, or KSM, was the
mastermind behind the
9/11 attacks and used the alias Mukhtar. This was a vital piece
of the puzzle that
helped our intelligence community pursue KSM. Zubaydah also
provided
information that helped stop a terrorist attack being planned for
inside the
United States, an attack about which we had no previous
information. Zubaydah
told us that Al Qaeda operatives were planning to launch an
attack in the United
States and provided physical descriptions of the operatives and
information on

their general location. Based on the information he provided,
the operatives
were detained; one, while traveling to the United States. We
knew that
Zubaydah had more information that could save innocent lives.
But he stopped
talking. BUSH: As his questioning proceeded, it became clear
that he had
received training on how to resist interrogation. And so, the
CIA used an
alternative set of procedures. These procedures were designed
to be safe, to
comply with our laws, our Constitution and our treaty
obligations. The
Department of Justice reviewed the authorized methods
extensively, and
determined them to be lawful. I cannot describe the specific
methods used. I
think you understand why. If I did, it would help the terrorists
learn how to resist
questioning and to keep information from us that we need to
prevent new
attacks on our country. But I can say the procedures were tough
and they were

safe and lawful and necessary. Zubaydah was questioned using
these
procedures, and soon he began to provide information on key Al
Qaeda
operatives, including information that helped us find and
capture more of those
responsible for the attacks on September the 11th. For example,
Zubaydah
identified one of KSM's accomplices in the 9/11 attacks, a
terrorist named Ramzi
Binalshibh. The information Zubaydah provided helped lead to
the capture of
Binalshibh. And together these two terrorists provided
information that helped
in the planning and execution of the operation that captured
Khalid Sheikh
Mohammed. Once in our custody, KSM was questioned by the
CIA using these
procedures. And he soon provided information that helped us
stop another
planned attack on the United States. During questioning, KSM
told us about
another Al Qaeda operative he knew was in CIA custody, a
terrorist named

Majid Khan (ph). KSM revealed that Khan (ph) had been told to
deliver $50,000
to individuals working for a suspected terrorist leader named
Hambali, the
leader of Al Qaeda's Southeast Asia affiliate known as J.I. CIA
officers
confronted Khan with this information. Khan confirmed that the
money had
been delivered to an operative named Zuber and provided both a
physical
description and contact number for this operative.
Based on that information, Zuber (sp) was captured in June of
2003, and he soon
provided information that helped lead to the capture of
Hambali. After Hambali's
arrest, KSM was questioned again. He identified Hambali's
brother as the leader
of a JI cell and Hambali's conduit for communications with al
Qaeda.
Hambali's brother was soon captured in Pakistan, and in turn led
us to a cell of 17
Southeast Asian JI operatives. When confronted with the news
that his terror

cell had been broken up, Hambali admitted that the operatives
were being
groomed at KSM's request for attacks inside the United States,
probably using
airplanes. During questioning, KSM also provided many details
of other plots to
kill innocent Americans.
For example, he described the design of planned attacks on
buildings inside the
United States and how operatives were directed to carry them
out. He told us the
operatives had been instructed to ensure that the explosives
went off at a point
that was high enough to prevent the people trapped above from
escaping out the
windows. KSM also provided vital information on al Qaeda's
efforts to obtain
biological weapons. During questioning, KSM admitted that he
had met three
individuals involved in al Qaeda's efforts to produce anthrax, a
deadly biological
agent, and he identified one of the individuals as a terrorist
named Yazeed. KSM

apparently believed we already had this information because
Yazeed had been
captured and taken into foreign custody before KSM's arrest.
In fact, we did not know about Yazid's role in al Qaeda's
anthrax program.
Information from Yazid then helped lead to the capture of his
two principal
assistants in the anthrax program. Without the information
provided by KSM
and Yazid, we might not have uncovered this al Qaeda
biological weapons
program or stopped this al Qaeda cell from developing anthrax
for attacks
against the United States.
These are some of the plots that have been stopped because of
the information of
this vital program.
Terrorists held in CIA custody have also provided information
that helped stop
the planned strike on U.S. Marines at Camp Lemonier in
Djibouti. They were
going to use an explosive-laden water tanker. They've helped

stop a planned
attack on U.S. -- on the U.S. consulate in Karachi using car
bombs and motorcycle
bombs. And they helped stop a plot to hijack passenger planes
and fly them into
Heathrow or the Canary Wharf in London.
We're getting vital information necessary to do our jobs, and
that's protect the
American people and our allies.
Information from the terrorists in this program has helped us to
identify
individuals that al Qaeda deemed suitable for Western
operations, many of
whom we had never heard about before. They include terrorists
who were sent
to case targets inside the United States, including financial
buildings in major
cities on the East Coast. Information from terrorists in CIA
custody has played a
role in the capture or questioning of nearly every senior al
Qaeda member or
associate detained by the U.S. and its allies since this program
began.

By providing everything from initial leads to photo
identifications, to precise
locations of where terrorists were hiding, this program has
helped us to take
potential mass murderers off the streets before they were able to
kill.
This program has also played a critical role in helping us
understand the enemy
we face in this war. Terrorists in this program have painted a
picture of al
Qaeda's structure and financing and communications and
logistics.
They have identified al Qaeda's travel routes and safe havens,
and explained
how al Qaeda's senior leadership communications with its
operatives in places
like Iraq. They provide information that allows us -- that has
allowed us to make
sense of documents and computer records that we have seized in
terrorist raids.
They've identified voices in recordings of intercepted calls and
helped us
understand the meaning of potentially critical terrorist

communications.
The information we get from these detainees is corroborated by
intelligence, and
we receive -- that we have received from other sources. And
together this
intelligence has helped us connect the dots and stop attacks
before they occur.
Information from the terrorists questioned in this program
helped unravel plots
in terrorist cells in Europe and in other places. It's helped our
allies protect their
people from deadly enemies.
This program has been and remains one of the most vital tools
in our war
against the terrorists. It is invaluable to America and to our
allies.
Were it not for this program, our intelligence community
believes that al Qaeda
and its allies would have succeeded in launching another attack
against the
American homeland. By giving us information about terrorist
plans we could not
get anywhere else, this program has saved innocent lives.

This program has been subject to multiple legal reviews by the
Department of
Justice and CIA lawyers. They've determined it complied with
our laws. This
program has received strict oversight by the CIA's inspector
general. A small
number of key leaders from both political parties on Capitol
Hill were briefed
about this program. All those involved in the questioning of the
terrorists are
carefully chosen, and they're screened from a pool of
experienced CIA officers.
Those selected to conduct the most sensitive questioning had to
complete more
than 250 additional hours of specialized training before they are
allowed to have
contact with a -- captured terrorists. I want to be absolutely
clear with our
people and the world. The United States does not torture. It's
against our laws,
and it's against our values. I have not authorized it, and I will
not authorize it.
Last year, my administration worked with Senator John McCain,

and I signed
into law the Detainee Treatment Act, which established the
legal standards for
treatment of detainees wherever they are held. I support this act.
And as we
implement this law, our government will continue to use every
lawful method to
obtain intelligence that can protect innocent people and stop
another attack like
the one we experienced on September the 11th, 2001.
The CIA program has detained only a limited number of
terrorist at any given
time. And once we have determined that the terrorists held by
the CIA have little
or no additional intelligence value, many of them have been
returned to their
home countries for prosecution or detention by their
governments. Others have
been accused of terrible crimes against the American people,
and we have a
duty to bring those responsible for these crimes to justice. So
we intend to
prosecute these men, as appropriate, for their crimes.

Soon after the war on terror began, I authorized a system of
military
commissions to try foreign terrorists accused of war crimes.
Military
commissions have been used by presidents from George
Washington to Franklin
Roosevelt to prosecute war criminals because the rules for
trying enemy
combatants in a time of conflict must be different from those for
trying common
criminals or members of our own military.
One of the first suspected terrorists to be put on trial by military
commission
was one of Osama bin Laden's bodyguards, a man named
Hamdan. His lawyers
challenged the legality of the military commission system. It
took more than two
years for this case to make its way through the courts. The
Court of Appeals for
the District of Columbia Circuit upheld the military
commissions we had
designed, but this past June, the Supreme Court overturned that
decision. The

Supreme Court determined that military commissions are an
appropriate venue
for trying terrorists, but ruled that military commissions needed
to be explicitly
authorized by the United States Congress.
So today I'm sending Congress legislation to specifically
authorize the creation
of military commissions to try terrorists for war crimes. My
administration has
been working with members of both parties in the House and
Senate on this
legislation. We've put forward a bill that ensures these
commissions are
established in a way that protects our national security and
ensures a full and
fair trial for those accused. The procedures in the bill I am
sending to Congress
today reflect the reality that we are a nation at war and that it is
essential for us
to use all reliable evidence to bring these people to justice.
We're now approaching the five-year anniversary of the 9/11
attacks, and the
families of those murdered that day have waited patiently for

justice. Some of
the families are with us today. They should have to wait no
longer.
So I'm announcing today that Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, Abu
Zubaydah, Ramzi
bin al-Shibh, and 11 other terrorists in CIA custody have been
transferred to the
United States Naval Base at Guantanamo Bay.
They are being held in the custody of the Department of
Defense.
As soon as Congress acts to authorize the military commissions
I have proposed,
the men our intelligence officials believe orchestrated the
deaths of nearly 3,000
Americans on September the 11th, 2001, can face justice.
(Cheers, applause.)
We will also seek to prosecute those believed to be responsible
for the attack on
the USS Cole, and an operative believed to be involved in the
bombings of the
American embassies in Kenya and Tanzania.
With these prosecutions, we will send a clear message to those

who kill
Americans: No longer (sic.25matter) how long it takes, we will
find you and we
will bring you to justice. (Applause.)
These men will be held in a high-security facility at
Guantanamo. The
International Committee of the Red Cross is being advised of
their detention and
will have the opportunity to meet with them. Those charged
with crimes will be
given access to attorneys who will help them prepare their
defense, and they will
be presumed innocent. While at Guantanamo, they will have
access to the same
food, clothing, medical care and opportunities for worship as
other detainees.
They will be questioned subject to the new U.S. Army Field
Manual, which the
Department of Defense is issuing today. And they will continue
to be treated
with the humanity that they denied others. As we move forward
with the
prosecutions, we will continue to urge nations across the world
to take back their

nationals at Guantanamo, who will not be prosecuted by our
military
commissions. America has no interest in being the world's
jailer.
But one of the reasons we have not been able to close
Guantanamo is that many
countries have refused to take back their nationals held at the
facility. Other
countries have not provided adequate assurances that their
nationals will not be
mistreated or they will not return to the battlefield, as more than
a dozen people
released from Guantanamo already have.
We will continue working to transfer individuals held at
Guantanamo and ask
other countries to work with us in this process. And we will
move toward the day
when we can eventually close the detention facility at
Guantanamo Bay. I know
Americans have heard conflicting information about
Guantanamo. Let me give
you some facts. Of the thousands of terrorists captured across
the world, only

about 770 have ever been sent to Guantanamo. Of these, about
315 have been
returned to other countries so far, and about 455 remain in our
custody. They are
provided the same quality of medical care as the American
service members
who guard them. The International Committee of the Red Cross
has the
opportunity to meet privately with all who are held there.
The facility has been visited by government officials from more
than 30
countries, and delegations from international or organizations,
as well. After the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe came to
visit, one of its
delegation members called Guantanamo a model prison, where
people are
treated better than in prisons in his own country.
Our troops can take great pride in the work they do at
Guantanamo Bay, and so
can the American people.
As we prosecute suspected terrorist leaders and operatives who

have now been
transferred to Guantanamo, we'll continue searching for those
who have
stepped forward to take their places. This nation's going to stay
on the offense to
protect the American people. We will continue to bring the
world's most
dangerous terrorists to justice, and we will continue working to
collect the vital
intelligence we need to protect our country.
The current transfers mean that there are now no terrorists in
the CIA program.
But as more high-ranking terrorists are captured, the need to
obtain intelligence
from them will remain critical, and having a CIA program for
questioning
terrorists will continue to be crucial to getting lifesaving
information.
Some ask, why are you acknowledging this program now? There
are two
reasons why I'm making these limited disclosures today.
First, we have largely completed our questioning of the men,
and to start the

process for bringing them to trial, we must bring them into the
open.
Second, the Supreme Court's recent decision has impaired our
ability to
prosecute terrorists through military commissions and has put in
question the
future of the CIA program. In its ruling on military
commissions, the court
determined that a provision of the Geneva Conventions known
as Common
Article 3 applies to our war with al Qaeda. This article includes
provisions that
prohibit outrageous upon personal dignity and humiliating and
degrading
treatment. The problem is that these and other provisions of
Common Article 3
are vague and undefined, and each could be interpreted in
different ways by an
American or foreign judges.
And some believe our military and intelligence personnel
involved in capturing
and questioning terrorists could now be at risk of prosecution
under the War

Crimes Act simply for doing their jobs in a thorough and
professional way.
This is unacceptable. Our military and intelligence personnel go
face to face with
the world's most dangerous men every day. They have risked
their lives to
capture some of the most brutal terrorists on earth, and they
have worked day
and night to find out what the terrorists know so we can stop
new attacks.
America owes our brave men and women some things in return;
we owe them
their (sic) thanks for saving lives and keeping America safe, and
we owe them
clear rules so they can continue to do their jobs and protect our
people.
So I'm -- today I'm asking Congress to pass legislation that will
clarify the rules
for our personnel fighting the war on terror. First, I am asking
Congress to list
the specific recognizable offenses that would be considered
crimes under the
War Crimes Act so our personnel can know clearly what is
prohibited in the

handling of terrorist enemies.
Second, I'm asking that Congress make explicit that by
following the standards
of the Detainee Treatment Act, our personnel are fulfilling
America's obligations
under Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions.
Third, I'm asking that Congress make it clear that captured
terrorists cannot use
the Geneva Conventions as a basis to sue our personnel in
courts, in U.S. courts.
The men and women who protect us should not have to fear
lawsuits filed by
terrorists because they're doing their jobs.
The need for this legislation is urgent. We need to ensure that
those questioning
terrorists can continue to do everything within the limits of the
law to get
information that can save American lives.
My administration will continue to work with the Congress to
get this legislation
enacted, but time is of the essence. Congress is in session just

for a few more
weeks, and passing this legislation ought to be the top priority.
(Applause.)
As we work with Congress to pass a good bill, we will also
consult with
congressional leaders on how to ensure that the CIA program
goes forward in a
way that follows the law, that meets the national security needs
of our country,
and protects the brave men and women we ask to obtain
information that will
save innocent lives.
For the sake of our security, Congress needs to act and update
our laws to meet
the threats of this new era, and I know they will.
We're engaged in a global struggle, and the entire civilized
world has a stake in
its outcome. America is a nation of law, and as I work with
Congress to
strengthen and clarify our laws here at home, I will continue to
work with
members of the international community who have been our
partners in this

struggle. I've spoken with leaders of foreign governments and
worked with them
to address their concerns about Guantanamo and our detention
policies. I'll
continue to work with the international community to construct
a common
foundation to defend our nations and protect our freedoms.
Free nations have faced new enemies and adjusted to new
threats before, and
we have prevailed. Like the struggles of the last century, today's
war on terror is,
above all, a struggle for freedom and liberty. The adversaries
are different, but
the stakes in this war are the same. We're fighting for our way
of life and our
ability to live in freedom. We're fighting for the cause of
humanity against those
who seek to impose the darkness of tyranny and terror upon the
entire world.
And we're fighting for a peaceful future for our children and our
grandchildren.
May God bless you all.

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