MILITARY AND DEMOCRACY
Military occupation is not the road to democracy.democracy is as much a social phenomenon as a political one.
It is not surprising that military occupation is not the royal road to democracy and the rule of law.
Government by unelected foreigners who have acceded to power by force is the reverse of democratic.
The use of force to impose order, involving detention without trial and other abnormal, though often necessary,
measures is the reverse of the rule of law. The most benevolent occupier therefore finds that they are obliged to operate on the principle of
"Do as I say and not as I do", which is usually the least convincing way to convert people.
https://www.nato.int/docu/speech/1998/s980702h.htm
"The Role of the Military in a Democracy"
Address by Major General H. Kujat, GEAF
Assistant Director Plans & Policy Division,
International Military Staff
http://press-files.anu.edu.au/downloads/press/p33231/mobile/ch01s02.html
Democracy and the Military-Introduction: Democracy and the Military in comparative perspective
http://cddrl.fsi.stanford.edu/sites/default/files/kohn_how_democracies_control_the_military.pdf
How Democracies Control the Military-Richard H. Kohn
http://voxeu.org/article/democracy-and-military
A theory of military dictatorships
Daron Acemoğlu, Davide Ticchi , Andrea Vindigni 16 June 2008
https://blogs.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/toi-edit-page
/in-a-democracy-the-military-should-be-under-political-control-but-doesnt-have-to-be-under-bureaucracys-thumb/
In a democracy the military should be under political control, but doesn’t
have to be under bureaucracy’s thumb
https://revista.drclas.harvard.edu/book/democracy-and-military
Democracy and the Military-By David Scott Palmer
http://www.osce.org/fsc/57836
The role of security forces in democratic societies
http://cco.ndu.edu/Portals/96/Documents/prism/prism_3-3/prism3-16_blair.pdf
Military Support for Democracy
https://www.newstatesman.com/node/159677
The document discusses key aspects of the nation-state model that emerged in the 20th century. It outlines four main points: 1) Sovereignty became the hallmark of nation-states, giving them supreme internal and external power over their territory and policies. 2) Nationalism strengthened nation-states by fostering citizens' identification and loyalty to their state. 3) Territorial integrity and impermeability became crucial to defining nation-states and protecting their sovereign borders. 4) International law recognized all nation-states as equally sovereign regardless of other attributes.
A nation-state is a country where the borders of the state encompass a territory inhabited by a group of people who share a common culture, language, religion, and history. In a nation-state, everyone typically speaks the same language and shares similar cultural values. Before the rise of nation-states in Europe in the 18th century, the dominant political entities were multi-ethnic empires that ruled over diverse populations but were dominated by a single ethnic group. A key characteristic of modern nation-states is that their territories are considered sacred and non-transferable between rulers.
This document provides an introduction to comparative government and politics. It discusses key concepts like government, politics, and comparative methods. It also outlines several topics that are typically analyzed for different countries, such as political institutions, sovereignty and power, political culture, and trends in political and economic change like democratization and the movement toward market economies. The document serves as an overview of the field and issues that are studied.
Federalism was introduced in the United States in 1787 and refers to a system of government where power is shared between a central federal government and state or regional governments. The Philippines has debated adopting federalism to decentralize power away from Metro Manila and give more autonomy to local regions to address local issues. Supporters argue this could boost local economies and reduce dependence on the capital, while critics warn it could increase costs and the power of political dynasties. Overall, there are reasonable arguments on both sides of the federalism debate in the Philippines.
This document provides an introduction to key concepts in comparative politics and political science. It defines comparative politics as the study of domestic politics, institutions, and conflicts across different countries using empirical and comparative methods. Some key terms discussed include nation, state, nation-state, types of political regimes, factors that cause democratization, and differences between liberal democracies and illiberal democracies. It also distinguishes between procedural and substantive definitions of democracy.
Ashim Turgunzhanov from International Relations Department of International Ataturk Alatoo University is talking about the Constructivism in IR .Subject: History and Theory of International Relations Lecturer: Dr. Ibrahim Koncak
The document discusses the foreign policy of the United States in three phases: before 1945, after 1945, and after 9/11. It outlines the major objectives and instruments of US foreign policy in each phase. Before 1945, the US pursued isolationism and focused on security, promoting ethical values, and individual liberty. After 1945, it abandoned isolationism due to the bipolar world, military developments, and ideological differences. It expanded alliances, provided foreign aid, used sanctions, pursued open markets and free trade. After 9/11, countering terrorism became a major focus, through objectives like bringing terrorists to justice and promoting democracy.
The document discusses key aspects of the nation-state model that emerged in the 20th century. It outlines four main points: 1) Sovereignty became the hallmark of nation-states, giving them supreme internal and external power over their territory and policies. 2) Nationalism strengthened nation-states by fostering citizens' identification and loyalty to their state. 3) Territorial integrity and impermeability became crucial to defining nation-states and protecting their sovereign borders. 4) International law recognized all nation-states as equally sovereign regardless of other attributes.
A nation-state is a country where the borders of the state encompass a territory inhabited by a group of people who share a common culture, language, religion, and history. In a nation-state, everyone typically speaks the same language and shares similar cultural values. Before the rise of nation-states in Europe in the 18th century, the dominant political entities were multi-ethnic empires that ruled over diverse populations but were dominated by a single ethnic group. A key characteristic of modern nation-states is that their territories are considered sacred and non-transferable between rulers.
This document provides an introduction to comparative government and politics. It discusses key concepts like government, politics, and comparative methods. It also outlines several topics that are typically analyzed for different countries, such as political institutions, sovereignty and power, political culture, and trends in political and economic change like democratization and the movement toward market economies. The document serves as an overview of the field and issues that are studied.
Federalism was introduced in the United States in 1787 and refers to a system of government where power is shared between a central federal government and state or regional governments. The Philippines has debated adopting federalism to decentralize power away from Metro Manila and give more autonomy to local regions to address local issues. Supporters argue this could boost local economies and reduce dependence on the capital, while critics warn it could increase costs and the power of political dynasties. Overall, there are reasonable arguments on both sides of the federalism debate in the Philippines.
This document provides an introduction to key concepts in comparative politics and political science. It defines comparative politics as the study of domestic politics, institutions, and conflicts across different countries using empirical and comparative methods. Some key terms discussed include nation, state, nation-state, types of political regimes, factors that cause democratization, and differences between liberal democracies and illiberal democracies. It also distinguishes between procedural and substantive definitions of democracy.
Ashim Turgunzhanov from International Relations Department of International Ataturk Alatoo University is talking about the Constructivism in IR .Subject: History and Theory of International Relations Lecturer: Dr. Ibrahim Koncak
The document discusses the foreign policy of the United States in three phases: before 1945, after 1945, and after 9/11. It outlines the major objectives and instruments of US foreign policy in each phase. Before 1945, the US pursued isolationism and focused on security, promoting ethical values, and individual liberty. After 1945, it abandoned isolationism due to the bipolar world, military developments, and ideological differences. It expanded alliances, provided foreign aid, used sanctions, pursued open markets and free trade. After 9/11, countering terrorism became a major focus, through objectives like bringing terrorists to justice and promoting democracy.
This document provides an overview of the key concepts of constitutionalism including:
- Constitutionalism involves limiting political power through rights provisions like free speech and structural provisions like separation of powers.
- Key aspects include respect for the rule of law, respect for human rights, checks on governmental discretionary powers, and responsible government through mechanisms like judicial review.
- The rule of law principles encompass legality, limits on executive discretion, an impartial justice system, and compliance with human rights values.
- Separation of powers means distributing the legislative, executive, and judicial powers across different government branches to prevent the concentration of full state power in one entity and promote accountability.
The document summarizes the formation and failures of the League of Nations after World War 1 and the rise of fascism in Germany and Italy in the 1930s. It then details the major events of World War 2 from the German invasion of Poland in 1939 to V-E Day in 1945, including the Axis victories across Europe in 1940-1941 and the Allied counteroffensive from 1942-1945 that led to the defeat of Germany and Japan.
1) A nation is a group of people united in some way, such as by a common culture or identity, while a state is a political structure that defines legal rights and obligations of citizens.
2) National identity develops from being raised in the same cultural environment as others in a nation, which fosters a sense of unity and allows for stereotyping of national groups.
3) Nationalism involves caring about one's nation and national identity, and pursuing political self-determination for the nation. However, some argue national sentiment can be irrational or imposed by political elites.
Geopolitics and geostrategy dynamics in asia pacific region amidst covid 19Sampe Purba
this presentation showing how the BRI - Belt Road Initiative of PRC is a game changer in Asia Pacific major actors. Renaming of Pacific command to be Indo Pacific command by US reflecting the shifting of center of gravity in the region
The document discusses administration at the Union/central level in India. It describes the central administration as consisting of the President, Prime Minister, and Council of Ministers. It then explains the roles and functions of the Central Secretariat and Cabinet Secretariat. The Central Secretariat refers collectively to the secretariat offices of all central ministries and departments, excluding the Union Cabinet. It is headed by Secretaries and deals with policy implementation. The Cabinet Secretariat exclusively provides secretarial assistance to the Union Cabinet and is headed by the Cabinet Secretary, making it the most important institution for central administration in India.
A state is defined as a community of people occupying a defined territory, with its own government, and sovereignty over internal affairs. It is composed of people, a territory, a government, and sovereignty. A state differs from a nation as a state is a political concept based on these elements, while a nation refers more to a shared social identity of a group of people. Several theories were discussed on the origins of the state, including the divine right theory which argues the ruler is ordained by God; the necessity theory which sees states forming through conquest; the paternalistic theory which views the state evolving from the family unit; and the social contract theory which proposes states form through voluntary agreement between people to organize governance.
The document discusses dictatorship and oligarchy. Dictatorship is defined as a system where total power is vested in one individual or party, without restraint. An oligarchy is a social system under political control of a small elite. Robert Michels' theory is described, that social systems become oligarchical because people prefer others make decisions, systems are too complex for participation, and leaders consolidate power to maintain privileges. Dictatorships are characterized by one party, one leader, one program, absence of liberty, extreme nationalism, war glorification, and totalitarian control. Oligarchies are ruled by a small portion of people, controlled by powerful families, where people have few rights. Examples of each system are provided.
1) A nation's foreign policy is determined by both domestic and international factors. Domestically, factors include a country's culture, history, geography, economic strength, and political system.
2) Internationally, the structure of the international system, international laws and organizations, military alliances, and relative military powers all influence a country's foreign policy choices.
3) A country's foreign policy consists of defining its national interests and desired outcomes, and determining strategies and resources to pursue these interests in interactions with other states.
This document provides an introduction to the study guide for the course "Comparative Political Systems" for MA Political Science students at the University of Calicut School of Distance Education. It outlines the 7 modules that will be covered in the course, including the Nature, Evolution and Scope of Comparative Politics, Theories of Comparative Politics, Federalism and Constitutionalism, functions of government, interest groups and party systems, bureaucracy, and a comparative analysis of political systems in the UK, USA, France, Russia, and China. It also lists the authors who prepared and reviewed the material. The course uses a comparative approach to analyze different countries' political institutions and processes.
The document discusses the key elements that constitute a state. It describes a state as having four essential elements: a population living within a defined territory and organized under a government that exercises sovereignty. Population, territory, government, and sovereignty are the fundamental components of any political organization that can be considered a state.
This document compares and contrasts parliamentary and presidential systems of government. In a parliamentary system, the legislature controls the executive branch, with the prime minister chosen from parliament. By contrast, in a presidential system the executive and legislative branches are separate, with citizens electing each independently and providing checks on each other's power.
Role of bureaucracy in formulation of foreign policy.Tahir Farooq
Bureaucracies play an important role in foreign policy formulation according to the bureaucratic politics model. They generate the information and policy alternatives presented to policymakers. Bureaucracies also frame issues according to their interests and perspectives. Additionally, bureaucracies influence policy through negotiating their positions within the power structures of government. Allison applied this model to explain the Cuban Missile Crisis as the result of bargaining between government actors rather than a unified decision. However, critics argue it obscures the president's control over policy and implementation.
This document provides an overview of realism as a theoretical perspective in international relations and global politics. It discusses two main versions of realism - classical realism and structural realism. Classical realism sees the pursuit of power as an innate human tendency, while structural realism views it as a result of the anarchic nature of the international system.
The document then contrasts offensive and defensive structural realism. Offensive realism believes states should maximize their power and pursue hegemony whenever possible to ensure survival. Defensive realism argues this is strategically foolish and states should seek an "appropriate" amount of power to avoid triggering a balancing response from other states. The document concludes by outlining how offensive and defensive realists
1. International politics is the study of political relations and power struggles between nations. It examines topics like national interests, foreign policy, and conflict resolution.
2. International politics focuses on the struggle for power between states, while international relations takes a broader view of all interstate interactions and relationships.
3. The scope of international politics is expanding over time to include new issues like the environment, human rights, and globalization that increasingly involve relations between nations. It analyzes how states interact and pursue their interests on the world stage.
This document discusses different forms of authoritarian governments, including dictatorships, monarchies, oligarchies, and military juntas. It notes that authoritarian governments typically concentrate political power within a small elite group, often powerful families, and do not allow opposition parties. They use propaganda, controlled participation, and force including terror to maintain power and direct popular discontent.
Introduction to strategic studies & key concepts 2013 1bakri303
Strategic studies concerns the use of force as an instrument of state policy, deriving from Clausewitz's notion of strategy as "the use of engagement for the purpose of war." Traditionally, strategic studies focused on how wars start and are fought efficiently. However, recent thinkers argue that strategic studies embodies using military power to achieve political objectives and involves coordinating all national resources toward goals. Strategic studies is interdisciplinary and draws from fields like politics, economics, and social sciences. It remains important because war is still a serious matter and military power influences international politics, though critics argue it is too state-centric and does not consider ethical issues.
In a parliamentary system, the executive branch derives its legitimacy from and is accountable to the legislative branch. The head of state is usually different than the head of government. Legislation can pass more quickly since the executive includes members of the legislature. In a presidential system, the head of state is also the head of the executive branch, which is separate from the legislature. This can lead to stalemate if the branches are controlled by different parties. The president has a fixed term and cannot be removed by a no confidence vote like in a parliamentary system.
International Politics - International Relations - Chapter 1kkrassan
This document introduces some of the key concepts in world politics, including the complex and interconnected nature of the global system, the challenges of seeking security in an anarchic world, and the difficulties of cooperation between self-interested states. It discusses levels of analysis, theoretical paradigms for understanding international relations, and dilemmas like the Prisoner's Dilemma that illustrate obstacles to cooperation. The overall goal is to set the stage for examining patterns in world politics and issues around achieving security in a complicated global environment.
CIVILIAN CONTROL OF THE MILITARY AND MYANMAR ROLEMYO AUNG Myanmar
CIVILIAN CONTROL OF THE MILITARY AND MYANMAR ROLE
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stratocracy
Stratocracy Dictatorship https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dictatorship https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/55845/17_bg_dem_control_armed_forces.pdf Democratic Control of Armed Forces https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Civilian_control_of_the_military Civilian control of the military Ultimate responsibility for a country's strategic decision-making in the hands of the civilian political leadership, rather than professional military officers. The reverse situation, where professional military officers control national politics, is called a military dictatorship. A lack of control over the military may result in a state within a state. the People's Republic of China. Mao Zedong stated that "Our principle is that the Party commands the gun, and the gun must never be allowed to command the Party," reflecting the primacy of the Communist Party of China (and communist parties in general) as decision-makers in Marxist–Leninist and Maoist theories of democratic centralism.
This document discusses strategies for maintaining power as a dictator. It begins by asking the student to imagine themselves as a new dictator and how they would gain and maintain power, and whether their actions would change in the face of a populist uprising. It then provides information on different authoritarian regime types like monarchies, military regimes, and civilian regimes. It discusses challenges authoritarians face in consolidating power and countering challenges from citizens. It also analyzes strategies authoritarians use like relying on group support, elections, institutions, and repression.
This document provides an overview of the key concepts of constitutionalism including:
- Constitutionalism involves limiting political power through rights provisions like free speech and structural provisions like separation of powers.
- Key aspects include respect for the rule of law, respect for human rights, checks on governmental discretionary powers, and responsible government through mechanisms like judicial review.
- The rule of law principles encompass legality, limits on executive discretion, an impartial justice system, and compliance with human rights values.
- Separation of powers means distributing the legislative, executive, and judicial powers across different government branches to prevent the concentration of full state power in one entity and promote accountability.
The document summarizes the formation and failures of the League of Nations after World War 1 and the rise of fascism in Germany and Italy in the 1930s. It then details the major events of World War 2 from the German invasion of Poland in 1939 to V-E Day in 1945, including the Axis victories across Europe in 1940-1941 and the Allied counteroffensive from 1942-1945 that led to the defeat of Germany and Japan.
1) A nation is a group of people united in some way, such as by a common culture or identity, while a state is a political structure that defines legal rights and obligations of citizens.
2) National identity develops from being raised in the same cultural environment as others in a nation, which fosters a sense of unity and allows for stereotyping of national groups.
3) Nationalism involves caring about one's nation and national identity, and pursuing political self-determination for the nation. However, some argue national sentiment can be irrational or imposed by political elites.
Geopolitics and geostrategy dynamics in asia pacific region amidst covid 19Sampe Purba
this presentation showing how the BRI - Belt Road Initiative of PRC is a game changer in Asia Pacific major actors. Renaming of Pacific command to be Indo Pacific command by US reflecting the shifting of center of gravity in the region
The document discusses administration at the Union/central level in India. It describes the central administration as consisting of the President, Prime Minister, and Council of Ministers. It then explains the roles and functions of the Central Secretariat and Cabinet Secretariat. The Central Secretariat refers collectively to the secretariat offices of all central ministries and departments, excluding the Union Cabinet. It is headed by Secretaries and deals with policy implementation. The Cabinet Secretariat exclusively provides secretarial assistance to the Union Cabinet and is headed by the Cabinet Secretary, making it the most important institution for central administration in India.
A state is defined as a community of people occupying a defined territory, with its own government, and sovereignty over internal affairs. It is composed of people, a territory, a government, and sovereignty. A state differs from a nation as a state is a political concept based on these elements, while a nation refers more to a shared social identity of a group of people. Several theories were discussed on the origins of the state, including the divine right theory which argues the ruler is ordained by God; the necessity theory which sees states forming through conquest; the paternalistic theory which views the state evolving from the family unit; and the social contract theory which proposes states form through voluntary agreement between people to organize governance.
The document discusses dictatorship and oligarchy. Dictatorship is defined as a system where total power is vested in one individual or party, without restraint. An oligarchy is a social system under political control of a small elite. Robert Michels' theory is described, that social systems become oligarchical because people prefer others make decisions, systems are too complex for participation, and leaders consolidate power to maintain privileges. Dictatorships are characterized by one party, one leader, one program, absence of liberty, extreme nationalism, war glorification, and totalitarian control. Oligarchies are ruled by a small portion of people, controlled by powerful families, where people have few rights. Examples of each system are provided.
1) A nation's foreign policy is determined by both domestic and international factors. Domestically, factors include a country's culture, history, geography, economic strength, and political system.
2) Internationally, the structure of the international system, international laws and organizations, military alliances, and relative military powers all influence a country's foreign policy choices.
3) A country's foreign policy consists of defining its national interests and desired outcomes, and determining strategies and resources to pursue these interests in interactions with other states.
This document provides an introduction to the study guide for the course "Comparative Political Systems" for MA Political Science students at the University of Calicut School of Distance Education. It outlines the 7 modules that will be covered in the course, including the Nature, Evolution and Scope of Comparative Politics, Theories of Comparative Politics, Federalism and Constitutionalism, functions of government, interest groups and party systems, bureaucracy, and a comparative analysis of political systems in the UK, USA, France, Russia, and China. It also lists the authors who prepared and reviewed the material. The course uses a comparative approach to analyze different countries' political institutions and processes.
The document discusses the key elements that constitute a state. It describes a state as having four essential elements: a population living within a defined territory and organized under a government that exercises sovereignty. Population, territory, government, and sovereignty are the fundamental components of any political organization that can be considered a state.
This document compares and contrasts parliamentary and presidential systems of government. In a parliamentary system, the legislature controls the executive branch, with the prime minister chosen from parliament. By contrast, in a presidential system the executive and legislative branches are separate, with citizens electing each independently and providing checks on each other's power.
Role of bureaucracy in formulation of foreign policy.Tahir Farooq
Bureaucracies play an important role in foreign policy formulation according to the bureaucratic politics model. They generate the information and policy alternatives presented to policymakers. Bureaucracies also frame issues according to their interests and perspectives. Additionally, bureaucracies influence policy through negotiating their positions within the power structures of government. Allison applied this model to explain the Cuban Missile Crisis as the result of bargaining between government actors rather than a unified decision. However, critics argue it obscures the president's control over policy and implementation.
This document provides an overview of realism as a theoretical perspective in international relations and global politics. It discusses two main versions of realism - classical realism and structural realism. Classical realism sees the pursuit of power as an innate human tendency, while structural realism views it as a result of the anarchic nature of the international system.
The document then contrasts offensive and defensive structural realism. Offensive realism believes states should maximize their power and pursue hegemony whenever possible to ensure survival. Defensive realism argues this is strategically foolish and states should seek an "appropriate" amount of power to avoid triggering a balancing response from other states. The document concludes by outlining how offensive and defensive realists
1. International politics is the study of political relations and power struggles between nations. It examines topics like national interests, foreign policy, and conflict resolution.
2. International politics focuses on the struggle for power between states, while international relations takes a broader view of all interstate interactions and relationships.
3. The scope of international politics is expanding over time to include new issues like the environment, human rights, and globalization that increasingly involve relations between nations. It analyzes how states interact and pursue their interests on the world stage.
This document discusses different forms of authoritarian governments, including dictatorships, monarchies, oligarchies, and military juntas. It notes that authoritarian governments typically concentrate political power within a small elite group, often powerful families, and do not allow opposition parties. They use propaganda, controlled participation, and force including terror to maintain power and direct popular discontent.
Introduction to strategic studies & key concepts 2013 1bakri303
Strategic studies concerns the use of force as an instrument of state policy, deriving from Clausewitz's notion of strategy as "the use of engagement for the purpose of war." Traditionally, strategic studies focused on how wars start and are fought efficiently. However, recent thinkers argue that strategic studies embodies using military power to achieve political objectives and involves coordinating all national resources toward goals. Strategic studies is interdisciplinary and draws from fields like politics, economics, and social sciences. It remains important because war is still a serious matter and military power influences international politics, though critics argue it is too state-centric and does not consider ethical issues.
In a parliamentary system, the executive branch derives its legitimacy from and is accountable to the legislative branch. The head of state is usually different than the head of government. Legislation can pass more quickly since the executive includes members of the legislature. In a presidential system, the head of state is also the head of the executive branch, which is separate from the legislature. This can lead to stalemate if the branches are controlled by different parties. The president has a fixed term and cannot be removed by a no confidence vote like in a parliamentary system.
International Politics - International Relations - Chapter 1kkrassan
This document introduces some of the key concepts in world politics, including the complex and interconnected nature of the global system, the challenges of seeking security in an anarchic world, and the difficulties of cooperation between self-interested states. It discusses levels of analysis, theoretical paradigms for understanding international relations, and dilemmas like the Prisoner's Dilemma that illustrate obstacles to cooperation. The overall goal is to set the stage for examining patterns in world politics and issues around achieving security in a complicated global environment.
CIVILIAN CONTROL OF THE MILITARY AND MYANMAR ROLEMYO AUNG Myanmar
CIVILIAN CONTROL OF THE MILITARY AND MYANMAR ROLE
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stratocracy
Stratocracy Dictatorship https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dictatorship https://www.files.ethz.ch/isn/55845/17_bg_dem_control_armed_forces.pdf Democratic Control of Armed Forces https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Civilian_control_of_the_military Civilian control of the military Ultimate responsibility for a country's strategic decision-making in the hands of the civilian political leadership, rather than professional military officers. The reverse situation, where professional military officers control national politics, is called a military dictatorship. A lack of control over the military may result in a state within a state. the People's Republic of China. Mao Zedong stated that "Our principle is that the Party commands the gun, and the gun must never be allowed to command the Party," reflecting the primacy of the Communist Party of China (and communist parties in general) as decision-makers in Marxist–Leninist and Maoist theories of democratic centralism.
This document discusses strategies for maintaining power as a dictator. It begins by asking the student to imagine themselves as a new dictator and how they would gain and maintain power, and whether their actions would change in the face of a populist uprising. It then provides information on different authoritarian regime types like monarchies, military regimes, and civilian regimes. It discusses challenges authoritarians face in consolidating power and countering challenges from citizens. It also analyzes strategies authoritarians use like relying on group support, elections, institutions, and repression.
This document discusses the Algerian Civil War from 1991-2002 through the theoretical framework presented by Guillermo O'Donnell and Philippe Schmitter on regime transitions. It analyzes the conflict in three periods: 1989-1992 when political liberalization began; 1992-1999 when violence escalated; and 1999-2000s when reconciliation efforts occurred. During the first period of liberalization, the Islamist opposition FIS employed varying strategies of accommodation and militancy in response to the regime's repression and concessions. Emerging rifts between hardliners and softliners within both the regime and opposition complicated the transition process. O'Donnell and Schmitter's framework is then evaluated based on how well it explains dynamics
CHALLENGE OF DEMOCRATIC LEADERSHIP: Continuity and Change in NigeriaKayode Fayemi
Kayode Fayemi discusses the challenges facing Nigerian democracy in the past two decades since the transition from military to civilian rule in 1999. Some key points made include:
- While elections marked an improvement over military dictatorship, the transition did not fully transform Nigeria's political culture or overhaul systems and structures. It mainly rearranged the political space.
- Expectations for democracy were inflated, setting the stage for disappointment. Democratic reforms are an ongoing process and progress has been incremental rather than through single dramatic shifts.
- Structural issues like overcentralization of power have undermined governance and democratic development. A fundamental restructuring of Nigeria's federal system is needed to address these challenges and create a more
From despotism to neo militarism - transition without transformation in niger...Kayode Fayemi
The document discusses Nigeria's transition from military to democratic rule that began in 1999. It argues that the transition may not represent a true democratic dawn due to the military's legacy of control over politics and the economy. Under past military regimes like those of Babangida and Abacha, the military consolidated power by gaining control of businesses and the financial sector. Many see the current transition as allowing the military to maintain influence behind a civilian facade. The transition may fail to establish true democracy and represent only a repackaging of controlled military politics.
This document discusses different types of authoritarian regimes and how authoritarian leaders maintain power. It begins by asking students to consider how they would gain and maintain power as a new dictator facing populist uprisings. It then covers various regime types including single-party states, military dictatorships, monarchies, and hybrid regimes. It analyzes strategies that authoritarian leaders use such as repression, co-opting institutions, and holding sham elections to favor the ruling party. The document aims to have students understand the challenges of authoritarian rule and how leaders consolidate control without democratic accountability.
This document discusses different types of authoritarian regimes and how dictators maintain power. It begins by asking students to imagine themselves as a new dictator and how they would gain and maintain power in the face of threats. It then covers several types of authoritarian regimes including monarchies, military regimes, and civilian regimes. For each type, it discusses who rules, how they rise to power, and strategies for maintaining control and legitimacy without democratic accountability.
Pol 252_SP15_ authoritarian_regimes_democratic_breakdownatrantham
The document discusses different types of authoritarian regimes. It defines authoritarianism as rule by a single individual or small elite without democratic accountability. Examples of authoritarian regimes mentioned include totalitarian states like the Soviet Union under Stalin, monarchies, and military dictatorships. Common features of authoritarian rule include the use of ideology to mobilize support, a dominant political party led by a strong leader, state control of media, and the use of terror against dissidents. The passage suggests that authoritarian models may become less sustainable over time as access to information on the internet and social media makes it harder for authoritarian rulers to rely on ignorance.
Reforming Civil Military Relations for Sustainable Democracy in Nigeria - Iss...Kayode Fayemi
This document discusses reforming civil-military relations in Nigeria for sustainable democracy. It identifies several obstacles to achieving stable civil-military relations, including the military's legacy from colonial rule, the civilian elite's lack of knowledge about the military, and the military's lack of a clear mission. The document compares experiences in other countries and discusses several options and issues to consider in reforming Nigeria's civil-military relations, including refocusing the military's mission, subordinating the military to civilian control, and addressing human rights abuses.
Political Science 7 – International Relations - Power Point #5John Paul Tabakian
This document provides an overview of several topics discussed in Dr. Tabakian's Political Science 7 course on modern world governments, including: liberal institutionalism and international regimes; collective security; the waning of war; peace studies; democratic peace theory; and feminist approaches to international relations. Key theorists discussed include Kant, Keohane, Nye, and Wendt. The document also summarizes perspectives on gender in war and peace, and the roles and impacts of women in international relations.
Authoritarian Regimes and Democratic Breakdownatrantham
This document discusses how a new dictator could gain and maintain power over a country. It suggests focusing on gaining group support through policies that benefit certain groups. The dictator should also allow multiparty elections but structure them to favor the ruling party. Formal institutions and repression can also help the dictator control opposition and consolidate power. However, maintaining power becomes difficult if faced with a populist uprising, requiring changing strategies to subdue citizens while keeping their submission.
The document provides an overview of non-state soldiers throughout history. It begins by defining key terms and noting that prior to modern nation-states, societies were ruled by various leaders other than democratic governments. It then discusses non-state soldiers in different historical periods from ancient times to the present. Common characteristics of non-state soldiers across periods include survivability, deception, terrain exploitation, and leveraging local populations. The main objective of non-state soldiers is typically to control the state by defeating or degrading the existing government.
14THE STATE,WAR, AND TERRORReutersNayer HaslamounMedia .docxfelicidaddinwoodie
This document provides an overview of theories of state power and citizenship rights within modern nation states. It discusses the functionalist perspective that views the government as a neutral body balancing competing interests in society. In contrast, the pluralist theory sees power as widely distributed among diverse interest groups that influence policymaking. The document also examines the evolution of citizenship rights, including civil, political and social rights, and how the modern welfare state emerged to guarantee social and economic security for citizens.
This document contains lecture notes on different types of authoritarian regimes for a political science class. It discusses how single individuals or small elites can gain and maintain power without democratic accountability through various strategies like controlling the court system and constitution. The notes cover historical examples like Mugabe and Castro, as well as totalitarian states led by Stalin, Hitler, and Mao. Other regimes discussed include monarchies, military dictatorships, and civilian authoritarian regimes that utilize dominant political parties, personalistic rule, or manipulated elections.
This document provides lecture highlights and summaries from Dr. Tabakian's Political Science 7 course on Modern World Governments. It covers several topics related to spheres of influence, communication between spheres, state interdependency, unilateralism vs multilateralism, transnational communication, rules-based regimes and organizations, types of wars, and causes of war. The document is divided into multiple sections with headings and bullet points summarizing key concepts for each topic.
Political institutions are stable structures that develop around basic social needs like government, political parties, and courts. Power is the ability to achieve goals despite resistance, while authority is power considered legitimate. There are three main types of authority - traditional based on longstanding customs, rational-legal based on rules and regulations, and charismatic based on extraordinary personalities. Political systems govern how power is exercised and distributed in a country, with the main types being monarchy which inherits power through families, democracy which gives power to people, and authoritarianism/totalitarianism which denies popular participation and represses dissent.
FULANI HERDSMEN OR BOKO HARAM
We call on the United Nations, its Security Council, and ICC, to carry out urgent and thorough investigations into the ravaging of Southern part of Nigeria, by Boko Haram and the sponsors, who have metamorphosed as Fulani herdsmen. The present Federal Government that came to power barely a year ago, is doing little or nothing to stop the destruction of villages, killings, rape, destruction of farmland and streams. Invaders!
Assignment On Comparative And Developmental Politics Role Of Military In Poli...Rick Vogel
1. The document discusses the role of the military in politics, focusing on reasons for military intervention in developing countries. It identifies political instability, the strength of the military, crises of leadership, and the decline of political institutions as key reasons.
2. It provides several examples of military interventions in Pakistan between 1958-2008 and discusses factors that have encouraged the military's role in politics, such as the lust for power among military leaders and the influence of superpowers.
3. While military intervention may temporarily resolve political crises, the document notes it often undermines long-term political development and democratic institutions. The legitimacy of civilian rule is emphasized as important for political stability.
Direct democracy allows all citizens to vote directly on policy initiatives. Representative democracy is a system where elected representatives make decisions on behalf of citizens. While democracies aim to give citizens a voice, dictatorships concentrate power in one ruler. Some controversies around democracies include violations of rights, debates around reforms like social security cuts, and tensions between secularism and theocracy in countries with religious laws. Globalization has increased access to information but also censorship in some non-democratic nations.
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma) AAPP report in Burmese The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), also known as AAPP,
is a non-profit human rights organization based in Mae Sot, Thailand. AAPP was founded in 2000
by former political prisoners living in exile on the Thai/Burma border.
Since then, the organization has been run by former political prisoners,
with two offices being opened inside Burma in 2012, one in Rangoon and the other in Mandalay.
AAPP advocates and lobbies for the release of remaining political prisoners and
for the improvement of the lives of political prisoners after their release.
The various assistance programs for political prisoners and their family members
are aimed at ensuring they have access to education, vocational trainings, mental
health counseling and healthcare.
Identity crisis ethnicity and conflict in myanmar crisis groupMYO AUNG Myanmar
REPORT 312 / ASIA 28 AUGUST 2020
Identity Crisis: Ethnicity and Conflict in Myanmar
Ethnicity and conflict are tightly linked in Myanmar, as communal groups take up arms to press grievances for which they have found no other recourse. The problem calls for dialogue and deep reform, but meanwhile authorities can take smaller steps to indicate their positive intent.
https://www.crisisgroup.org/asia/south-east-asia/myanmar/312-identity-crisis-ethnicity-and-conflict-myanmar?utm_source=Sign+Up+to+Crisis+Group%27s+Email+Updates&utm_campaign=1732944c02-EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2019_01_28_08_41_COPY_01&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_1dab8c11ea-1732944c02-359431769
Asia Foundation. Note that the data are from 2016, so this map does not represent the current situation on
CHINA IS PLAYING MYANMAR GROUND THE KYAUKPHYU SPECIAL ECONOMIC ZONE AND CHIN...MYO AUNG Myanmar
CHINA IS PLAYING MYANMAR GROUND THE KYAUKPHYU SPECIAL ECONOMIC ZONE AND CHINA STRATEGIC DEEP-SEA PORT PROJECT
https://www.irrawaddy.com/news/burma/chinas-strategic-port-project-moves-step-closer-reality-myanmar-oks-joint-venture.html
China’s Strategic Port Project Moves Step Closer to Reality as Myanmar OKs Joint Venture
https://www.irrawaddy.com/news/burma/construction-chinas-bri-deep-sea-port-start-soon-myanmars-rakhine-state-govt.html
Construction on China's BRI Deep Sea Port to Start Soon in Myanmar's Rakhine State: Govt
https://www.irrawaddy.com/news/minister-rejects-fears-debt-trap-chinese-backed-port.html
Minister Rejects Fears of Debt Trap Over Chinese-Backed Port
https://www.irrawaddy.com/opinion/editorial/kyaukphyu-danger-slipping-hands.html
Is Kyaukphyu in Danger of Slipping Out of Our Hands?
http://www.thaibizmyanmar.com/th/news/detail.php?ID=2948
An industrial zone project within the Kyaukphyu Special Economic Zone (SEZ) in Rakhine State will be developed for US$30 billion
4 มีนาคม 2563
https://elevenmyanmar.com/news/first-phase-of-kyaukphyu-deep-seaport-project-expected-to-cost-13-bln
First phase of Kyaukphyu Deep Seaport project expected to cost $ 1.3 bln
http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-01/18/c_138716099.htm
Xinhua Headlines: Kyaukpyu port to become model project in China-Myanmar BRI cooperation
Source: Xinhua| 2020-01-18 20:49:31|Editor: huaxia
http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-01/20/c_138720186.htm
Feature: How the development of Myanmar's Kyaukpyu port won the hearts of locals
Source: Xinhua| 2020-01-20 11:27:42|Editor: Wang Yamei
https://www.thestar.com.my/news/regional/2020/02/17/china039s-citic-to-build-myanmar039s-huge-kyaukphyu-deep-seaport-first-phase-to-cost-us13-bln
China's CITIC to build Myanmar's huge Kyaukphyu Deep Seaport, first phase to cost US$1.3 bln
ASEANPLUS NEWS
Monday, 17 Feb 2020
1:35 PM MYT
https://splash247.com/china-inks-kyaukphyu-development-deal-with-myanmar/#:~:text=China%20has%20signed%20an%20agreement,visit%20to%20Myanmar%20last%20weekend.
China inks Kyaukphyu development deal with Myanmar
Jason Jiang Jason JiangJanuary 20, 2020
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kyaukphyu
https://asiatimes.com/2019/07/china-led-port-project-inches-ahead-in-myanmar/
AT FINANCE, MYANMAR
China-led port project inches ahead in Myanmar
CITIC-led consortium this month started legally required impact assessments but the controversial $1.3 billion mega-project is still far from a done deal
By THOMPSON CHAU
JULY 15, 2019
The climate crisis and threats against land and environmental defendersMYO AUNG Myanmar
https://www.globalwitness.org/en/campaigns/environmental-activists/defending-tomorrow/
Report / July 29, 2020
DEFENDING TOMORROW
The climate crisis and threats against land and environmental defenders
The climate crisis is arguably the greatest global and existential threat we face. As it escalates, it serves to exacerbate many of the other serious problems in our world today – from economic inequality to racial injustice and the spread of zoonotic diseases.
For years, land and environmental defenders have been the first line of defence against the causes and impacts of climate breakdown. Time after time, they have challenged those companies operating recklessly, rampaging unhampered through forests, skies, wetlands, oceans and biodiversity hotspots.
https://youtu.be/FM7X1tnT4Sc
Download the full report Defending Tomorrow: The climate crisis and threats against land and environmental defenders (High resolution, 28.4MB, PDF)
Download the full report Defending Tomorrow: The climate crisis and threats against land and environmental defenders (Low resolution, 6.6MB, PDF)
User Privacy or Cyber Sovereignty Freedom House Special Report 2020MYO AUNG Myanmar
https://freedomhouse.org/report/special-report/2020/user-privacy-or-cyber-sovereignty?utm_source=Newsletter&utm_medium=Email&utm_campaign=SPOTLIGHTFRDM_072720
Special Report 2020
User Privacy or Cyber Sovereignty?
Assessing the human rights implications of data localization
WRITTEN BY-Adrian Shahbaz-Allie Funk-Andrea Hackl
https://freedomhouse.org/sites/default/files/2020-07/FINAL_Data_Localization_human_rights_07232020.pdf
USER PRIVACY OR CYBER SOVEREIGNTY?
Assessing the human rights implications of data localization
Freedom of Expression Active and Seeking Justice from MyanmarMYO AUNG Myanmar
Freedom of Expression Active and seeking justice from MYANMAR
https://progressivevoicemyanmar.org/2020/07/16/seeking-justice-an-analysis-of-obstacles-and-opportunities-for-civil-society-groups-pursuing-accountability-for-human-rights-violations-in-domestic-courts-in-kachin-and-northern-shan-states/
SEEKING JUSTICE: AN ANALYSIS OF OBSTACLES AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR CIVIL SOCIETY GROUPS PURSUING ACCOUNTABILITY FOR HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN DOMESTIC COURTS IN KACHIN AND NORTHERN SHAN STATES
Kachin Women’s Association – Thailand (KWAT) and Asia Justice and Rights (AJAR) are releasing a new report on access to justice in Burma, in which we identify strategies for local civil society groups, demand political and legal reforms, and call on donor agencies to better support assistance to victims of the most serious human rights violations.
https://progressivevoicemyanmar.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/EngA-Chance-to-Fix-in-Time.pdf
“A Chance to Fix in Time”
Analysis of Freedom of Expression in
Four Years Under the Current Government
https://progressivevoicemyanmar.org/2020/07/16/%e1%80%a1%e1%80%81%e1%80%bb%e1%80%ad%e1%80%94%e1%80%ba%e1%80%99%e1%80%ae%e1%80%95%e1%80%bc%e1%80%84%e1%80%ba%e1%80%86%e1%80%84%e1%80%ba%e1%80%81%e1%80%bd%e1%80%84%e1%80%ba%e1%80%b7-%e1%80%a1-2/
အချိန်မီပြင်ဆင်ခွင့် – အစိုးရသက်တမ်း ၄နှစ်အတွင်း လွတ်လပ်စွာထုတ်ဖော်ပြောဆိုခွင့်ကို ဆန်းစစ်ခြင်းအစီရင်ခံစာ
SHWE KOKKO BORDER KAYIN STATE PROJECT COLLECTIONMYO AUNG Myanmar
ALL ABOUT SHWE KOKKO PROJECT KAYIN STATE COLLECTIONS https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shwe_Kokko Shwe Kokko https://www.frontiermyanmar.net/en/shwe-kokko-a-paradise-for-chinese-investment/ Shwe Kokko: A paradise for Chinese investment SEPTEMBER 5, 2019 http://karennews.org/2020/03/shwe-koko-big-winners-burma-army-and-international-crime-syndicates-at-expense-of-karen-people-knu-community-groups-want-it-stopped/ Shwe Koko: Big Winners – Burma Army and international Crime Syndicates at Expense of Karen People – KNU, Community Groups Want it Stopped Karen News Send an emailMarch 26, 2020 https://asiatimes.com/2019/03/a-chinatown-mysteriously-emerges-in-backwoods-myanmar/ A Chinatown mysteriously emerges in backwoods Myanmar Shwe Kokko, a remote town along Myanmar's Moei River, is the latest odd and bold outpost of China's Belt and Road Initiative By BERTIL LINTNER MARCH 1, 2019 https://www.crisisgroup.org/asia/south-east-asia/myanmar/305-commerce-and-conflict-navigating-myanmars-china-relationship https://d2071andvip0wj.cloudfront.net/305-commerce-and-conflict-myanmar-china%20(1)_0.pdf Commerce and Conflict: Navigating Myanmar’s China Relationship Asia Report N°305 | 30 March 2020 https://www.bnionline.net/en/news/chinas-thai-myanmar-border-investment-shwe-kokko-chinatown-mega-project CHINA’S THAI-MYANMAR BORDER INVESTMENT: Shwe Kokko Chinatown mega-project http://monnews.org/2020/03/28/gambling-away-our-land-kpsn-report-raises-questions-about-shwe-kokko-extension-project/ ‘Gambling Away Our Land’; KPSN report raises questions about Shwe Kokko Extension project https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=900Fzrn8DzY https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Etlg2eYn7HM https://www.frontiermyanmar.net/en/the-mystery-man-behind-the-shwe-kokko-project/?f
Myanmar language version of the UN Charter.Yangon charter myanmarMYO AUNG Myanmar
Myanmar language version of the UN Charter.
Source: https://unic.un.org/aroundworld/unics/common/documents/publications/uncharter/yangon_charter_myanmar.pdf
https://unic.un.org/aroundworld/unics/common/documents/publications/uncharter/yangon_charter_myanmar.pdf?fbclid=IwAR3tttG9XprzHH4_yCQNOg8_u8g6z23fqYLqeCUvvIkHAqzTLKjSnB1OT3g
WORLD INVESTMENT REPORT 2020 BY UNITED NATIONS CONFERENCE ON TRADE AND DEVELO...MYO AUNG Myanmar
WORLD INVESTMENT REPORT 2020
UNITED NATIONS CONFERENCE ON TRADE AND DEVELOPMENT UNCTAD
ttps://unctad.org/en/pages/newsdetails.aspx?OriginalVersionID=2396&utm_source=CIO+-+General+public&utm_campaign=5e26d15771-EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_2019_05_17_11_42_COPY_01&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_3d334fa428-5e26d15771-70594621
Global foreign direct investment projected to plunge 40% in 202016 June 2020
COVID-19 causes steep drop in investment flows, hitting developing countries hardest. Recovery is not expected before 2022, says new UNCTAD report.
Myanmar Amber traps scientists in ethical dilemma over funding warMYO AUNG Myanmar
Myanmar is a major producer of amber, a fossilized tree resin. Amber is valued for jewelry, and also serves as a sort of time capsule that provides scientific clues to prehistoric life with fossilized inclusions such as insects, birds and dinosaur footprints.
Meanwhile, the main amber-mining areas in the country are located in an internal conflict zone where an ethnic minority is fighting against the national armed forces, and the amber also comes with problems of human rights violations and smuggling.
https://asia.nikkei.com/Location/Southeast-Asia/Myanmar-amber-traps-scientists-in-ethical-dilemma-over-funding-war
Myanmar amber traps scientists in ethical dilemma over funding war
Fossils like those in 'Jurassic Park' draw scrutiny as Kachin conflict drags on
https://www.facebook.com/MYOAUNGNAYPYIDAW/posts/2839212596177214
သယံဇာတစစ်ပွဲ
မြန်မာ့ပယင်းရဲ့ သိပ္ပံပညာရှင်တွေကို စွဲဆောင်နိုင်မှုက ကျင့်ဝတ်ဆိုင်ရာ အကျပ်ရိုက်မှုဖြစ်စေပြီး စစ်ပွဲတွေအတွက် ငွေကြေးထောက်ပံ့ရာလမ်းကြောင်းဖြစ်နေ
SITUATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS OVERVIEW IN BURMA (JANUARY – APRIL 2020)MYO AUNG Myanmar
The document provides an overview of the human rights situation in Burma from January to April 2020. It discusses concerns around the militarized COVID-19 response, censorship of free press and ongoing conflicts in Rakhine, Shan and Karen states that are displacing civilians and restricting access to aid. Human rights abuses documented included killings, torture, arrests and restrictions on media that were primarily committed by the Burma Army across the ethnic states. Civil society groups are working to address humanitarian needs but fighting continues despite calls for ceasefires.
2019 country reports on human rights practices burma united state of america ...MYO AUNG Myanmar
Myanmar Aung
21 mins ·
https://burmese.voanews.com/a/us-state-depart…/5325155.html…
ကမ္ဘာလုံးဆိုင်ရာ ကန်အစီရင်ခံစာထဲက မြန်မာလူ့အခွင့်အရေး အခြေအနေ
https://www.state.gov/…/…/BURMA-2019-HUMAN-RIGHTS-REPORT.pdf
https://www.state.gov/…/2019-country-reports-on-human-righ…/
2019 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
The annual Country Reports on Human Rights Practices – the Human Rights Reports – cover internationally recognized individual, civil, political, and worker rights, as set forth in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international agreements. The U.S. Department of State submits reports on all countries receiving assistance and all United Nations member states to the U.S. Congress in accordance with the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 and the Trade Act of 1974.
MARCH 11, 2020
https://www.state.gov/assistant-secretary-for-democracy-hu…/
Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor Robert A. Destro On the Release of the 2019 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices
SPECIAL BRIEFING
ROBERT A. DESTRO, ASSISTANT SECRETARY
BUREAU OF DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND LABOR
PRESS BRIEFING ROOM
WASHINGTON, D.C.
MARCH 11, 2020
Executive Summary of Independent Commission of Enquiry "ICOE" Final Report En...MYO AUNG Myanmar
Executive Summary Of Independent Commission of Enquiry-ICOE' Final Report ENGLISH-BURMESE
https://www.facebook.com/myanmarpresidentoffice.gov.mm/posts/2632138836833836
ENGLISH VERSION
Independent Commission of Enquiry (ICOE)
https://www.icoe-myanmar.org/
Executive Summary Of Independent Commission of Enquiry-ICOE' Final Report
https://www.facebook.com/myanmarpresidentoffice.gov.mm/posts/2632129370168116
BURMESE VERSION
လွတ်လပ်သောစုံစမ်းစစ်ဆေးရေးကော်မရှင် (Independent Commission of Enquiry-ICOE) ၏ အပြီးသတ်အစီရင်ခံစာ အကျဉ်းချုပ်\
2019 ANNI Report on the Performance and Establishment of National Human Right...MYO AUNG Myanmar
https://www.forum-asia.org/?p=29979&nhri=1
2019 ANNI Report on the Performance and Establishment of National Human Rights Institutions in Asia
7 October 2019 2:36 pm
https://www.forum-asia.org/uploads/wp/2019/10/3.0-Online-ANNI-Report-2019.pdf
https://www.forum-asia.org/?p=29931
Myanmar: Promote press freedom, and end reprisals against Development Media Group
3 October 2019 3:58 pm
https://www.forum-asia.org/uploads/wp/2019/10/Press-release-Myanmar-DMG.pdf
ALL ABOUT INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE (ICJ) AND MYANMARMYO AUNG Myanmar
ALL ABOUT INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE (ICJ) AND MYANMAR
The International Court of Justice (ICJ) is the principal judicial organ of the United Nations (UN). It was established in June 1945 by the Charter of the United Nations and began work in April 1946.
The seat of the Court is at the Peace Palace in The Hague (Netherlands). Of the six principal organs of the United Nations, it is the only one not located in New York (United States of America).
The Court’s role is to settle, in accordance with international law, legal disputes submitted to it by States and to give advisory opinions on legal questions referred to it by authorized United Nations organs and specialized agencies.
The Court is composed of 15 judges, who are elected for terms of office of nine years by the United Nations General Assembly and the Security Council. It is assisted by a Registry, its administrative organ. Its official languages are English and French.
https://www.icj-cij.org/en/court
https://www.icj-cij.org/en-basic-toolkit
INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE ICJ
Information Department
information@icj-cij.org
https://opiniojuris.org/2019/11/13/the-gambia-v-myanmar-at-the-international-court-of-justice-points-of-interest-in-the-application/
https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/11/cases-brought-myanmar-deliver-justice-rohingya-191117174800430.html
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/nov/14/war-crimes-judges-approve-investigation-violence-against-rohingya-icc-myammar
https://www.ejiltalk.org/the-situation-of-the-rohingya-is-there-a-role-for-the-international-court-of-justice/
https://reliefweb.int/report/myanmar/gambia-files-lawsuit-against-myanmar-international-court-justice
STIMSON INNOVATIVE IDEAS CHANGING THE WORLD AND CHINA-MEKONG RIVER AND MYANMARMYO AUNG Myanmar
STIMSON INNOVATIVE IDEAS CHANGING THE WORLD AND CHINA-MEKONG RIVER AND MYANMAR
The Stimson Center is a nonpartisan policy research center working to protect people, preserve the planet, and promote security & prosperity. Stimson’s award-winning research serves as a roadmap to address borderless threats through concerted action. Our formula is simple: we gather the brightest people to think beyond soundbites, create solutions, and make those solutions a reality. We follow the credo of one of history’s leading statesmen, Henry L. Stimson, in taking “pragmatic steps toward ideal objectives.” We are practical in our approach and independent in our analysis. Our innovative ideas change the world.
https://www.stimson.org/sites/default/files/file-attachments/Cronin-China%20Supply%20Chain%20Shift.pdf
https://www.stimson.org/sites/default/files/file-attachments/SC_EnergyPublication.FINAL_.pdf
https://www.stimson.org/content/powering-mekong-basin-connect
https://www.stimson.org/sites/default/files/file-attachments/WEB-FEB_Cambodia%20Report.pdf
https://www.frontiermyanmar.net/en/slower-smaller-cheaper-the-reality-of-the-china-myanmar-economic-corridor
Slower, smaller, cheaper: the reality of the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor
https://www.frontiermyanmar.net/en/peace-through-development-chinas-experiment-in-myanmar
Peace through development: China’s experiment in Myanmar
https://asia.nikkei.com/Opinion/China-walks-political-tightrope-in-Myanmar
China walks political tightrope in Myanmar
Beijing should leverage its influence with military
https://www.frontiermyanmar.net/en/why-china-is-sceptical-about-the-peace-process
Why China is sceptical about the peace process
https://www.stimson.org/content/%E2%80%98loose-end%E2%80%99-peace-process
The ‘loose end’ of the peace process
The Stimson Center
communications@stimson.org
THE ASSIATANCE ASSOCIATION FOR POLITICAL PRISONERS (BURMA)MYO AUNG Myanmar
The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma),
https://aappb.org/background/about-aapp/
The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), otherwise known as AAPP, is a human rights organization based in Mae Sot, Thailand and Rangoon, Burma. AAPP advocates for the release of all remaining political prisoners in Burma and for the improvement of their quality of life during and after incarceration. AAPP has developed rehabilitation and assistance programs for those political activists who have been released while continuing to document the ongoing imprisonment of political activists in Burma.
As long as political prisoners exist inside Burma, Burma will not be free. They represent the struggle for democracy, human rights, equality and freedom for the people of Burma. This makes the immediate and unconditional release of all political prisoners an integral part of Burma’s drive for national reconciliation.
THE HUMAN RIGHT TO WATER A GUIDE FOR FIRST NATIONS COMUNITIES AND ADVOCATES MYO AUNG Myanmar
https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/water1019_brochure_web.pdf
THE HUMAN RIGHT TO WATER A GUIDE FOR FIRST NATIONS COMUNITIES AND ADVOCATES
https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/canada0616web.pdf
Make it Safe
Canada’s Obligation to End the First Nations Water Crisis
https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/canada0616_brochure_web.pdf
SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Natural Resource Governance Reform and the Peace Process in MyanmarMYO AUNG Myanmar
NATURAL RESOURCE GOVERNANCE REFORM AND THE PEACE PROCESS IN MYANMAR
KEVIN M. WOODS
https://www.forest-trends.org/publications/natural-resource-governance-reform-and-the-peace-process-in-myanmar/
FORESTS OCT 18, 2019
Natural Resource Governance Reform and the Peace Process in Myanmar
By Kevin M. Woods
https://www.forest-trends.org/publications/executive-summary-of-natural-resource-governance-and-the-peace-process-in-myanmar/
https://www.forest-trends.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/Forest-Trends_NRG_Peace_Myanmar_Final_ES.pdf
https://www.forest-trends.org/publications/forest-trends-comments-on-myanmar-draft-forest-rules-2019-regarding-land-rights/
Forest Trends Comments on Myanmar Draft Forest Rules (2019) Regarding Land Rights
https://www.forest-trends.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/Forest-Rules-Brief-2019-FINAL-Letter.pdf
https://www.forest-trends.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/Forest_Rules_Brief_2019_FINAL_A4_BURMESE-FINAL.pdf
https://www.forest-trends.org/publications/what-is-in-myanmars-first-eiti-forestry-reports/
This presentation by Professor Alex Robson, Deputy Chair of Australia’s Productivity Commission, was made during the discussion “Competition and Regulation in Professions and Occupations” held at the 77th meeting of the OECD Working Party No. 2 on Competition and Regulation on 10 June 2024. More papers and presentations on the topic can be found at oe.cd/crps.
This presentation was uploaded with the author’s consent.
Collapsing Narratives: Exploring Non-Linearity • a micro report by Rosie WellsRosie Wells
Insight: In a landscape where traditional narrative structures are giving way to fragmented and non-linear forms of storytelling, there lies immense potential for creativity and exploration.
'Collapsing Narratives: Exploring Non-Linearity' is a micro report from Rosie Wells.
Rosie Wells is an Arts & Cultural Strategist uniquely positioned at the intersection of grassroots and mainstream storytelling.
Their work is focused on developing meaningful and lasting connections that can drive social change.
Please download this presentation to enjoy the hyperlinks!
Mastering the Concepts Tested in the Databricks Certified Data Engineer Assoc...SkillCertProExams
• For a full set of 760+ questions. Go to
https://skillcertpro.com/product/databricks-certified-data-engineer-associate-exam-questions/
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• It is recommended to score above 85% in SkillCertPro exams before attempting a real exam.
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This presentation by OECD, OECD Secretariat, was made during the discussion “Competition and Regulation in Professions and Occupations” held at the 77th meeting of the OECD Working Party No. 2 on Competition and Regulation on 10 June 2024. More papers and presentations on the topic can be found at oe.cd/crps.
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This presentation by Yong Lim, Professor of Economic Law at Seoul National University School of Law, was made during the discussion “Artificial Intelligence, Data and Competition” held at the 143rd meeting of the OECD Competition Committee on 12 June 2024. More papers and presentations on the topic can be found at oe.cd/aicomp.
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This presentation by Nathaniel Lane, Associate Professor in Economics at Oxford University, was made during the discussion “Pro-competitive Industrial Policy” held at the 143rd meeting of the OECD Competition Committee on 12 June 2024. More papers and presentations on the topic can be found at oe.cd/pcip.
This presentation was uploaded with the author’s consent.
This presentation by Juraj Čorba, Chair of OECD Working Party on Artificial Intelligence Governance (AIGO), was made during the discussion “Artificial Intelligence, Data and Competition” held at the 143rd meeting of the OECD Competition Committee on 12 June 2024. More papers and presentations on the topic can be found at oe.cd/aicomp.
This presentation was uploaded with the author’s consent.
This presentation by OECD, OECD Secretariat, was made during the discussion “Artificial Intelligence, Data and Competition” held at the 143rd meeting of the OECD Competition Committee on 12 June 2024. More papers and presentations on the topic can be found at oe.cd/aicomp.
This presentation was uploaded with the author’s consent.
This presentation by OECD, OECD Secretariat, was made during the discussion “Pro-competitive Industrial Policy” held at the 143rd meeting of the OECD Competition Committee on 12 June 2024. More papers and presentations on the topic can be found at oe.cd/pcip.
This presentation was uploaded with the author’s consent.
Carrer goals.pptx and their importance in real lifeartemacademy2
Career goals serve as a roadmap for individuals, guiding them toward achieving long-term professional aspirations and personal fulfillment. Establishing clear career goals enables professionals to focus their efforts on developing specific skills, gaining relevant experience, and making strategic decisions that align with their desired career trajectory. By setting both short-term and long-term objectives, individuals can systematically track their progress, make necessary adjustments, and stay motivated. Short-term goals often include acquiring new qualifications, mastering particular competencies, or securing a specific role, while long-term goals might encompass reaching executive positions, becoming industry experts, or launching entrepreneurial ventures.
Moreover, having well-defined career goals fosters a sense of purpose and direction, enhancing job satisfaction and overall productivity. It encourages continuous learning and adaptation, as professionals remain attuned to industry trends and evolving job market demands. Career goals also facilitate better time management and resource allocation, as individuals prioritize tasks and opportunities that advance their professional growth. In addition, articulating career goals can aid in networking and mentorship, as it allows individuals to communicate their aspirations clearly to potential mentors, colleagues, and employers, thereby opening doors to valuable guidance and support. Ultimately, career goals are integral to personal and professional development, driving individuals toward sustained success and fulfillment in their chosen fields.
This presentation by Thibault Schrepel, Associate Professor of Law at Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam University, was made during the discussion “Artificial Intelligence, Data and Competition” held at the 143rd meeting of the OECD Competition Committee on 12 June 2024. More papers and presentations on the topic can be found at oe.cd/aicomp.
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Suzanne Lagerweij - Influence Without Power - Why Empathy is Your Best Friend...Suzanne Lagerweij
This is a workshop about communication and collaboration. We will experience how we can analyze the reasons for resistance to change (exercise 1) and practice how to improve our conversation style and be more in control and effective in the way we communicate (exercise 2).
This session will use Dave Gray’s Empathy Mapping, Argyris’ Ladder of Inference and The Four Rs from Agile Conversations (Squirrel and Fredrick).
Abstract:
Let’s talk about powerful conversations! We all know how to lead a constructive conversation, right? Then why is it so difficult to have those conversations with people at work, especially those in powerful positions that show resistance to change?
Learning to control and direct conversations takes understanding and practice.
We can combine our innate empathy with our analytical skills to gain a deeper understanding of complex situations at work. Join this session to learn how to prepare for difficult conversations and how to improve our agile conversations in order to be more influential without power. We will use Dave Gray’s Empathy Mapping, Argyris’ Ladder of Inference and The Four Rs from Agile Conversations (Squirrel and Fredrick).
In the session you will experience how preparing and reflecting on your conversation can help you be more influential at work. You will learn how to communicate more effectively with the people needed to achieve positive change. You will leave with a self-revised version of a difficult conversation and a practical model to use when you get back to work.
Come learn more on how to become a real influencer!
Suzanne Lagerweij - Influence Without Power - Why Empathy is Your Best Friend...
MILITARY AND DEMOCRACY
1. PRISM 3, no. 3 Features | 3
I
n the past year three dictatorships with strong military support ended peacefully—in
Tunisia, Egypt, and Burma. The armed forces of all three countries played a decisive role.
Having for years supported autocratic regimes in which they enjoyed privileged positions,
the army leaders in Tunisia and Egypt turned away from the very dictators who made them
generals years before. In Burma a younger generation of officers took off their uniforms and set
up the rudiments of a more democratic form of government. The outcome of the events in all
three countries is not yet clear; what is clear is that military leaders in autocratic countries are
not blind followers of the dictators who appointed them. They can turn against the regime or
reform themselves in surprising ways.
Why do some military leaders step down as dictators, and why do others withdraw support
from civilian autocrats who are often ex-military officers themselves, in favor of democratic
elections? It has happened often. The Argentine junta handed over power in disgrace in 1983;
the Turkish army has taken power several times but has then relinquished it; Thai General and
then President Prem Tinnasulanond scheduled an election in 1989 and did not run in it; at
about the same time in the Philippines, General and then President Fidel Ramos declined to
change the constitutional term limit and retired; in Nigeria in 1999, a series of military coups
ended in flawed but adequate elections that were followed by a decade of relative stability. This
article examines the dynamics and causes of transitions from military-supported dictatorships
to more democratic governments.
If military-supported dictatorships are susceptible to change, what can the developed democra-
cies—the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia, Japan, France, Germany, India, and the
many smaller mature and established democracies—do to encourage the armed forces of autocratic
countries to support these transitions? This article proposes ways in which the developed democracies
Admiral Dennis C. Blair, USN (Ret.), is the former United States Director of National
Intelligence and was Commander of U.S. Pacific Command.
By Dennis C. Blair
Military Support
for Democracy
4. 6 | Features PRISM 3, no. 3
BLAIR
can use their military-military relations to
encourage and assist democratic development
around the world.
The Worldwide Democratic Trend
Democracy has been on the move for
years. It has taken different shapes in differ-
ent parts of the world and in different coun-
tries. However, John Locke and James Madison
would recognize it in many locations. The
fundamental components are accountability
of the government to an electorate; an elec-
torate that can give a government another
term or vote it out of office; freedom of that
electorate to organize itself for political activ-
ity; protection of the rights of all citizens,
including minorities, by a system of laws that
are fairly enforced by competent police and
an independent judiciary; a low level of cor-
ruption with laws and institutions to contain
it both in government and in business; and a
free press. With the defeat of the two major
antidemocratic ideologies of the last century—
fascism and communism—and with the spread
of information around the world, the univer-
sal appeal of democratic principles is having
an ever stronger influence. Even the world’s
two largest dictatorships in China and Russia
find they must use the language of democracy
and pretend they embrace it. Strong govern-
ments that are not fully democratic nonethe-
less adopt some democratic practices to satisfy
their people’s aspirations, providing a basis
from which further gains can be made.
There are also defining characteristics of
the armed forces in a democracy. Their alle-
giance is to the people of their country, not
to an individual, party, tribe, or ethnic or reli-
gious faction; they follow the orders of a freely
and fairly elected government that represents
the people; they do not support political par-
ties or factions; and their primary mission is
the defense of their country against external
threats. When they are used within the coun-
try, whether it is to suppress an armed revolt,
enforce a border, or provide relief following a
natural disaster, it is for a limited time in sup-
port of domestic government organizations
under special authorities and strict controls.
They are established under provisions of a con-
stitution or set of laws approved by a legisla-
ture, there is a means to determine the legality
of orders they are given and actions they carry
out, their budgets are provided by the legisla-
ture, and there is an established and fair system
for promotion of officers and in the ranks based
on performance.
Presidents Hosni Mubarak and Zine el-
Abidine Ben Ali were unpleasantly surprised
when the generals they had moved into lead-
ership positions and cultivated for many years
turned on them. They should not have been
surprised. Generals around the world learned
long ago that military dictatorships were los-
ing propositions. Even when there was sig-
nificant popular support for coups, as there
was in Argentina in 1976 and in Turkey in
1971, generals and admirals found that they
did not have the mandate or the skills to
govern successfully for extended periods.
In 2006, the Thai army found it difficult to
solve the problems that motivated it to take
power, and it quickly set up elections to
return the country to a representative gov-
ernment. Burma was in fact the only purely
even the world’s two largest
dictatorships find they must use the
language of democracy and pretend they
embrace it
5. PRISM 3, no. 3 Features | 7
military support for democracy
military dictatorship on the planet until
last year. However, although military lead-
ers are loath to govern through martial law
themselves, in many countries they support
authoritarian leaders. In these countries the
generals seek to maintain a privileged posi-
tion for themselves and their services while
avoiding the risks of actually governing. They
have learned that they know little about the
economic management of their countries and
that the top-down approach they have used
in running military services is often ineffec-
tive and can excite widespread resentment
when applied to national problems. They
therefore stay out of direct involvement in
internal governance and maintain a separate
identity from the police, who handle inter-
nal security. However, they make it clear that
they support the regime, and if necessary they
will bring armed force to bear against those
who oppose the regime and seek to change it.
On a day-to-day basis, they often protect the
regime through military intelligence services
that operate domestically with the full range
of military technical intelligence systems,
and with unchecked arrest, intimidation,
and incarceration capabilities. In the case of
large-scale protests such as those in Iran in
2009 and in Syria at present, they use military
units directly against regime opponents.
Nevertheless, military leaders around
the world are increasingly realizing that
working for a dictator is a bad bargain over
the long term both for their services and for
themselves. Their services will often receive
institutional benefits such as autonomy, per-
mission to run profitable businesses, virtual
licenses for corrupt enrichment, and parades.
They themselves will often receive personal
rewards for a time—kickbacks, mansions,
airplanes, and drivers—but those rewards
can be withdrawn as well as bestowed. More
importantly, the longer a military-supported
regime lasts, the more popular resentment
builds up against both the dictator and his
army. Military leaders realize that at some
point a dictator will order them to turn their
soldiers’ guns against their people. When they
do, the leaders become one with the regime,
and from that time on popular opposition to
the regime becomes hostility to the armed
forces that support it. At that point, when the
army becomes not the defender of the people
but their oppressor, an important ethical and
psychological threshold is crossed. To turn
their guns on their people violates the core
of their ethos as military officers. No mat-
ter how corrupt and cynical they may have
become, the great majority of officers first put
on the uniform to protect their country and
its citizens, not to fight them. They are proud
to fight violent insurgents, and they do not
mind intimidating individual regime oppo-
nents who seem to undermine their country.
However, they do not wish to oppose large
numbers of peaceful citizens who have legiti-
mate grievances against a repressive regime.
Finally, military officers care about their lega-
cies, and they do not want to be remembered
as butchers of their own people.
The parts played by the Egyptian,
Tunisian, Libyan, and Yemeni armed forces
during the Arab Spring are therefore the
latest chapter in a long story of democratic
transitions in which the armed forces played
military leaders around the world are
increasingly realizing that working for
a dictator is a bad bargain over the
long term
6. 8 | Features PRISM 3, no. 3
a positive role, or at least a passive role, in
bringing unpopular dictatorships to an end.
Nevertheless, not all military leaders will
abandon an authoritarian regime when pro-
tests arise. The sustained regime loyalty of the
Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps and the
Bahraini armed forces and their willingness to
gun down unarmed protestors in the streets are
current examples. In Syria, too, as of this writ-
ing, the armed forces have largely supported
the regime and moved against widespread
protestors. In addition, democratic transitions
are not irreversible, and some countries have
moved back and forth between democratic and
authoritarian rule, with the armed forces sup-
porting both directions.
Yet, over the last 30 years, armed forces
around the world have understood the advan-
tages of democracy for their countries and
for their military services and have played an
important role in bringing more representative
governments to power.
The trend has been worldwide, taking
different forms in different regions and countries.
In East Asia from 1985 to 1988, Indonesia, the
Philippines, Taiwan, Thailand, and Korea—
all countries that had been ruled by dictators,
many of whom were ex-military men backed by
their armed forces—held elections that brought
opposition leaders to power. The armed forces in
all cases supported the transition, and since that
time democratic civil-military relations have
become more stable and democracy has become
more strongly established.
Countries in Latin America have
often alternated periods of military rule
with democratic interludes since gaining
their independence from colonial masters.
However, beginning with Argentina in 1983,
and followed by Brazil in 1985 and Chile in
1990, the largest countries in South America
transitioned peacefully to democracy with the
support of the armed forces. All three of these
democratic governments have strengthened
their legitimacy since those transitions.
A large measure of accountability for past
military abuses of power has been established,
and civil-military relations appear to be on a
firm footing.
Following the collapse of the Soviet
Union in the 1990s, a large number of Eastern
European countries made the transition to
democracy. In many cases, with the assis-
tance of North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO) countries, these governments over-
hauled their departments of defense and the
armed forces that had been organized on the
pattern of the Red army and dominated by
their Soviet senior allies in the Warsaw Pact.
Military leaders emerged who understood the
role of their forces in a democracy, and they
actively assisted newly elected and appointed
government officials in wrenching transitions
of their military services.
Unfinished Business
There are still many countries and regions
in which authoritarian governments per-
sist and in which the armed forces support
the regimes in power. As the nascent transi-
tion in Burma demonstrates, however, even
in closed countries the winds of change can
be felt. The global explosion of information,
in which events in one part of the world are
known quickly in its far corners, fan these
over the last 30 years, armed forces have
understood the advantages of democracy
for their countries and for their
military services
BLAIR
7. PRISM 3, no. 3 Features | 9
winds. Most dictatorial closed regimes fear
these developments and seek to insulate their
armed forces from them. Military officers in
Iran and North Korea, for example, are for-
bidden from having any unsupervised official
contact with their counterparts in democratic
countries for fear they may contract infectious
ideas of reform. China also limits the con-
tact of its officers with outsiders, supervises it
closely, fosters nationalistic sentiment within
its officer corps, and at the same time holds out
the prospect of a democratic future in order
to keep the People’s Liberation Army loyal to
the Chinese Communist Party. African dicta-
tors maintain the loyalty of their armed forces
using tribal ties, and they attempt to discredit
democracy by associating it with the former
colonial powers. Central Asian strongmen use
the techniques they inherited from the Soviet
Union to maintain party control over the
armed forces.
However, military leaders in these still
authoritarian countries are subject to the
same factors that have influenced their coun-
terparts around the world, and the pressures
are increasing to withdraw support from dic-
tators, welcome popular democratic move-
ments, and make the transition to civil-mili-
tary relations. These initiatives will turn the
officers into true defenders of their people and
members of an institution that is respected
by their fellow citizens. There are positive
steps that the developed democracies, and
especially their armed forces, can take to
influence military leaders in dictatorships to
realize these initiatives.
Outside Military Influences on
Democratic Transitions
In almost all instances in which the
armed forces of an autocratic country have
either initiated or supported a transition to
an elected government, the most important
factors have been internal and often
unique to that country. In the case of the
Argentine junta’s departure from power in
1983, the causes included their economic
mismanagement and loss of the Falklands/
Malvinas war. The Turkish army was
influenced by their Attaturk legacy. General-
then-President Prem in Thailand had to put
down several military coups himself and faced
strong popular pressure and royal support for
the establishment of an elected government.
General-then-President Ramos in the
Philippines did not want to become another
Ferdinand Marcos.
However, outside influences can play
a part, and among those influences are the
military forces of the mature democracies.
Armed forces the world over have hundreds
of points of contact, from attachés in their
embassies to visits of delegations back and
forth, to common participation in exercises
and international military events, and
to education and training in each other’s
countries. These interactions offer valuable
opportunities to influence the officer corps
and military leadership of dictatorial regimes
to support democratic transitions in their
own countries.
Military democratic influences are spread
by example. The most advanced, most skilled,
and most respected armed forces in the world
are those of the mature democratic countries.
the most advanced, most skilled, and
most respected armed forces in the
world are those of the mature
democratic countries
military support for democracy
8. 10 | Features PRISM 3, no. 3
The military leaders of other countries look
up to them and often seek to emulate them.
Visiting officers from the People’s Liberation
Army often comment on the appearance,
skills, and maturity of the noncommissioned
officers in democratic countries. Officers
from autocratic countries who have served
in peacekeeping missions with officers from
democracies are generally more progressive
within their own armed forces when they
return. While not every officer from an auto-
cratic country who attends a course in a dem-
ocratic country becomes an ardent democrat,
what they observe gives them an important
frame of reference. President Ramos was a
graduate of West Point and President Susilo
Bambang Yudhoyono completed studies at
the U.S. Army Command and General Staff
College. Several currently serving senior
Egyptian generals are graduates of the École
de Guerre in Paris. Sometimes individual
officers and other officials from democratic
countries have an opportunity to influence
their counterparts in authoritarian countries
directly, one-on-one.
All the developed democracies recognize
the opportunities for influence that arise in
military relations. Defense officials and mili-
tary officers instinctively believe it is impor-
tant to spread democratic values through their
contacts with counterparts in countries that
are autocratic or that are in transition from a
dictatorship. Individuals and specific programs
pursue the goal of influencing foreign military
services toward the advantages of democracy
and the means to achieve it in their countries.
Nevertheless, no country takes full advantage
of its many points of contact with foreign
armed forces to foster democratic develop-
ment, and none has a systematic effort based
on strong policy guidance and smart programs.
Part of the reason is historical. During the
Cold War, the United States and other democ-
racies often supported anticommunist dicta-
tors and their armed forces. While checking
Soviet military power was essential, however,
the decisive factor in ending the Cold War was
the recognition by Soviet leaders that their
autocratic system of government was inferior
to the dynamic and free democratic system of
the West. Since the Berlin Wall came down,
there has been no national interest compel-
ling enough in the advanced democracies to
overrule their interest in widening the circle
of democratic countries as the best policy to
ensure that the world of the future will be
friendly and share their democratic values.
Neither the cooperation of autocratic coun-
tries against violent terrorist groups nor their
export of petroleum is sufficiently important to
prevent the advanced democracies from per-
suading the military leaders of those countries,
current and future, that both their nations and
their services would be better off in a more
democratic form of government.
However, the habit of downplaying long-
term important objectives at the expense of more
immediate short-term goals persists. Currently,
the policy priorities for military engagement
with autocratic or transitional countries are to
influence them to support overall and specific
American (or British or French or Australian)
policies to build capacity and interoperability
for them to operate in a coalition. The greatest
effort put into military relationships has been
BLAIR
officers from autocratic countries
who have served with officers from
democracies are generally more
progressive when they return
9. PRISM 3, no. 3 Features | 11
combined exercises with the objective of increas-
ing the interoperability of transitional forces and
improving their skills, and arms sales to further
enhance their capabilities. When the military
relations with an autocratic regime have been
put to larger purposes, it has often been to limit
the impact of the regime’s military because of its
human rights abuses.
Building Military Support for
Democratic Transitions
The first step for the advanced democratic
nations to take is simple but vital—to clearly
state that the development of support for
democracy is the top long-term policy objec-
tive for military relations with autocratic
or transitional countries. At present, in the
official policies of the advanced democracies,
this objective is generally not specified, is not
given a prominent place, or is hidden behind
more neutral concepts such as “Security Sector
Reform.” For example, the Organisation for
Economic Co-operation and Development
(OECD) Development Assistance Committee,
in its 2007 Ministerial Statement on security
sector reform, never used the word “democ-
racy.” Many of the specific objectives it
established, such as “effective governance,
oversight and accountability systems,” are
characteristics of the armed forces in demo-
cratic countries, but in the statement they are
not put into the larger framework of democ-
racy. The 2010 Quadrennial Defense Review
by the U.S. Department of Defense listed five
“operational benefits” for security cooperation
with other countries. Number five was “influ-
encing the development of foreign military
institutions and their roles in democratic soci-
eties.” These elliptical allusions to support-
ing democratic development do not offer the
solid foundation needed for defense officials
and military officers to provide guidance and
design sound programs.
With a clear policy foundation in place,
defense officials and military officers can design
and carry out sound programs. Despite the lack of
clear guidance, many programs have been devel-
oped that have proved effective in influencing
the armed forces of autocratic or transitional
countries to support democratic development.
International Military Education
One of the best opportunities to influ-
ence foreign officers from autocratic countries
is when they come to the military colleges
and other educational institutions in demo-
cratic countries. These courses range from a
full academic year at a service command or
staff college to a few weeks for a specialized
technical course. Other countries will often
send their best and brightest. For example,
some 35 officers have attended the Army War
College and returned home to become chiefs
in their armies.
The advantage to a country, of educat-
ing international students, is well recognized.
However, there is more that can be done in
the education of international military offi-
cers to give them an appreciation for the
foundational elements and advantages of a
democratic system.
The curricula for international officers
in the command and staff colleges of most
democratic countries include explanations of
one of the best opportunities to
influence foreign officers from autocratic
countries is when they come to
educational institutions in
democratic countries
military support for democracy
10. 12 | Features PRISM 3, no. 3
the civil-military system in the host country.
In the case of the United States, for exam-
ple, there are classes on the role of the U.S.
Armed Forces as established by the U.S.
Constitution. It would be much more pow-
erful and relevant to international officers
if the lectures and discussions covered the
many ways in which countries achieve the
same foundational elements of a democratic
civil-military structure: political control of
the armed forces; legislative authorization of
budgets and oversight of activities; govern-
ment control of the promotion of senior offi-
cers; judicial authority over military activi-
ties; and press access to military activities.
Exposed to examples drawn from a wide vari-
ety of countries, international students from
authoritarian countries would find it much
easier to imagine how their own countries
might evolve to a democratic system.
For senior military officers the world over,
one of the most important professional issues
is their relationship to their political superi-
ors. They are expected to provide their best
professional advice and then to carry out legal
orders. In democracies, the worst that can hap-
pen to a senior officer if his advice is not wel-
come is that he is replaced. If the order is not
legal or he believes it is wrong, he can resign.
He retires with his pension. In autocracies a
general who provides unwelcome advice or
refuses to obey an order can be imprisoned or
worse. Seminar study in war college courses of
the responsibilities of senior officers to their
political superiors, and how to handle illegal
or dangerous orders, would be very effective in
reinforcing the ethos of loyalty to the nation,
not to an individual or party.
Surveys of international graduates of
command courses in the United Kingdom and
the United States make it clear that they are
influenced as much by what they observe out-
side their classrooms as what they are taught
inside them. It is important that in field trips
around their host countries, the international
students learn about the full range of organiza-
tions and groups that interact with the armed
forces. The democracies generally take better
care of their veterans than autocratic countries
do, so visits to veterans hospitals and clinics
would be valuable; it would be eye-opening
to many international students to talk with
the many volunteer organizations that have
sprung up in democratic countries to help vet-
erans returning from Iraq and Afghanistan: the
Yellow Ribbon Society in the United States
and the Veterans Advisory and Pensions
Committees in the United Kingdom, for
example. International students should talk to
military journalists from the media about the
role of a free press in writing not just about the
successes and positive accomplishments of the
armed forces, but about mistakes and worse.
It was civilian correspondents who broke
the stories of My Lai and Abu Ghraib and of
major cost overruns and performance short-
falls in military hardware programs. Although
these stories caused hardship at the time, their
final result was to strengthen the armed forces.
International students should meet with offi-
cers and noncommissioned officers who have
completed military careers and gone on to suc-
ceed in other fields, from high school teaching
to corporate management. The overall objec-
tive of outside programs should be to expose
international students should meet with
officers and noncommissioned officers
who have completed military careers and
gone on to succeed in other fields
BLAIR
11. PRISM 3, no. 3 Features | 13
military support for democracy
DOD(JacobN.Bailey)
U.S. Air Force C-17 flies over pyramids
of Giza Plateau as part of USCENTCOM
biennial multinational exercise Bright Star
12. 14 | Features PRISM 3, no. 3
international military students to the complex
texture of relationships of the armed forces in a
democracy, relationships that ensure that those
forces play their appropriate role of protect-
ing their country’s citizens, and in turn being
understood and rewarded for their service.
Training
The armed forces of most countries find
the greatest opportunity for interaction during
exercises. These range from large multilateral
exercises like Cobra Gold in Thailand, Eagle
Resolve in the Persian Gulf, and Bright Star
in Egypt to small bilateral encounters involv-
ing a few dozen participants. The objective
of most of these exercises is to establish or
enhance the ability of the units involved to
work together—to practice common proce-
dures and communications and to iron out
interoperability problems.
Most exercises involving the forces of
established democracies and authoritarian or
transitional countries are politically neutral
peace operations. The scenarios range from
search and rescue efforts to disaster relief to
peacekeeping. These scenarios offer the oppor-
tunity to reinforce the fundamental commit-
ment of military forces to protect and rescue
civilian citizens from violence and danger.
It is this commitment that will prevent mili-
tary forces from carrying out the orders of a
repressive regime to put down peaceful protests
by its citizens. Too often international exer-
cises move quickly to the operational phases,
exercising military functions such as com-
bined helicopter extractions and roadblock
procedures. Emphasis needs to be placed on
an initial phase in which the legal basis of
the military action in the particular scenario
is established: international law and custom
for search and rescue; a host country invita-
tion for disaster relief; or a United Nations
resolution for peacekeeping operations. The
objective is to reinforce the concept that all
military operations must have a legal basis. In
the initial planning phase, emphasis also needs
to be placed on civil-military relationships,
underscoring that military operations take
place within a larger political context—for
example, that military units operate in support
of civilian-led government disaster relief agen-
cies and that peacekeeping operations support
political agreements reached between govern-
ments. Finally, the initial planning phase of
these exercises needs to emphasize the legal
basis and control of the use of military force in
the exercise scenario. Should troops be armed
or unarmed? Under what circumstances can
force be used? In a disaster relief operation, can
force be used, for example, against looters? In
a peacekeeping operation, can force be used
only in self-defense or can it be used against an
armed faction that is breaking the conditions
of a ceasefire?
In this initial planning phase, the objec-
tive is to convey to the officers and noncommis-
sioned officers of autocratic countries the con-
cepts of the legal use of force, of proportional
use of force, and the subordination and control
of the use of force to political direction. These
concepts will cause them to question their own
regimes over time.
The same concepts can be reinforced dur-
ing the later phases of the exercise by appropri-
ate selection of events within the scenario and
when senior U.S. officers visited
Indonesia in the late 1990s, they were
thoroughly prepared regarding the East
Timor crisis
BLAIR
13. PRISM 3, no. 3 Features | 15
by the after action review, which is the final
phase of all exercises in which the performance
of the units is evaluated and issues that are
exposed are discussed.
Conferences and Visits
The scale of meetings, conferences, and
visits among the armed forces of the estab-
lished democracies and autocratic or transi-
tional countries is vast. When the author was
Commander in Chief, Pacific Command, the
staff prepared a list of the visits scheduled over
the course of a year with China, and the list ran
on for pages.
The great majority of these interactions are
among functional counterparts in the armed
forces—military doctors visit their counterparts
and logisticians have conferences; so do special
forces officers. Army, Navy, and Air Force chiefs
consider it part of their duties to visit counter-
parts around the world.
The preparation of officers from the estab-
lished democracies for these interactions is
generally of two types: functional and political.
First, their staffs work to identify safe common
professional topics that they and their bosses
can discuss with counterparts. The objective
is to establish a common professional bond.
Second, there is preparation on how to handle
the current political issues between their coun-
tries. When the author and other senior U.S.
officers visited Indonesia in the late 1990s,
for example, they were thoroughly prepared
regarding the latest developments in the East
Timor crisis. What officers from democratic
countries are not thoroughly prepared for
by their staffs or their experience to discuss,
however, are the civil-military issues in the
particular autocratic countries they are visit-
ing. They probably know the order of battle
of an autocratic country, but they generally do
not know enough to engage their counterparts
on issues such as the internal security role of
the armed forces, the relationship with the
intelligence and internal security services, the
sources of funding for the armed forces, or the
recent history of the armed forces’ relationship
with the regime. It is discussions about such
topics, not in open meetings or seminars but
during private conversations, that can open
the minds of officers in autocratic countries to
the possibilities for progress in their countries
toward the more democratic forms of govern-
ment that would give their services more stable
and honorable positions.
Conclusion
These examples for improving the effec-
tiveness of military education and training
programs, exercises, conferences, and visits
are only a few of the ways that the advanced
democratic countries can focus their inter-
actions with autocratic armed forces on the
objective of supporting democratic transi-
tions. There are literally thousands of points
of contact among the armed forces of the
democracies and autocratic countries, and
all of them offer opportunities for influence.
Once this objective is established clearly by
the governments of the advanced democra-
cies, their extremely capable defense officials
and military officers will devise many ways to
carry out the mission.
The events of the Arab Spring are the
latest in a long line of failures of dictator-
ships, stretching from Latin America across
East Asia and Central and Eastern Europe.
The Arab Spring also reemphasizes the cen-
trality of the armed forces in popular protests
against dictatorships and whether countries
transition to democratic forms of government
or revert to rule by repressive regimes. The
military support for democracy
14. 16 | Features PRISM 3, no. 3
democracies of the world have no more important objective than the successful transition of
dictatorships to democracies. The armed forces of democratic countries can be even more posi-
tive and effective influences on the counterparts in autocratic countries if they are given the
policy guidance and mission. PRISM
BLAIR
15. 20 | Features PRISM 3, no. 3
Lest there be any misunderstanding, I am
not going to attempt to argue that an educa-
tion in strategic theory will serve like the phi-
losopher’s stone postulated in medieval alchemy
to be able to turn the base metal of failure or
impasse into the gold of strategic success.
Rather, it is my claim only that there is avail-
able a relatively simple general theory of strat-
egy (and war) that transcends and conceptually
reorganizes such subordinate subjects as COIN
and counterterrorism. This general theory,
far from retiring COIN theory, actually saves
it from the misconceptions of overzealous if
undereducated advocate theorist-practitioners.
So what is my argument?
Argument
If this debate about COIN is to be reset
along more productive lines than those typi-
cally pursued in the often heated and bad-
tempered exchanges of recent times, it is
necessary to place some reliance on the con-
ceptual tools that strategic theory provides.
Unsurprisingly, in its several forms that the-
ory yields what Clausewitz specified: it sorts
out what needs sorting. There is much that
should be debated about COIN, but the con-
troversy is not helpful for national security if
the structure and functioning of the subject
matter, suitably defined, are not grasped and
gripped with intellectual discipline. To that
end, what follows is a nine-part argument
intended to make more sense of the not-so-
great COIN debate triggered by the unmistak-
able evidence of confusion, frustration, and
either failure or unsatisfactorily fragile suc-
cess in Iraq and Afghanistan. This is neither
policy nor strategy advocacy, but generically
it is advocacy of policy (and its politics) and
strategy, properly employed.
Formal education in strategy is not an
adequate substitute for experience or tal-
ent and aptitude, but it should help. COIN
debate would benefit if the debaters took a
refresher course in the basics of strategy.
Many fallacies and inadequate arguments
about COIN in Afghanistan, for instance,
are avoidable if their proponents were will-
ing to seek and were able to receive help from
theory. Harold Winton offers useful guidance
when he identifies five functions for compe-
tent theory: such theory “defines, categorizes,
explains, connects, and anticipates.”10
About
what does theory perform those functions?
The answer, which for strategy is the equiva-
lent of E = mc2
, is ends, ways, means, and
(with caveats) assumptions. If a strategist’s
narrative performs well on this formula, he
has indeed cracked the code that enables—
though it cannot guarantee—strategic suc-
cess. The strategist needs to understand his
subject, which is not COIN or counterterror-
ism; it is strategy for his particular challenge
in COIN or counterterrorism. It is hard to
find compensation for a lack of case-specific
local knowledge, but it is even harder, and
can be impossible, to compensate for weak-
ness in understanding of strategy.
There is a classical canon of authors worth
reading for their contributions, both intended
and not, to the general theory of strategy.
This theorist has reshaped and assembled the
theory in the form of dicta (formal statements
that are not quite principles and definitely not
laws).11
Rather than test readers’ patience with
a recital of my dicta, here I capture much of
COIN debate would benefit if the
debaters took a refresher course in the
basics of strategy
gray
16. PRISM 3, no. 3 Features | 21
their meanings and implications by offering a list of “strategists’ questions,” some of which, with
some amendments, I have borrowed with gratitude from the late Philip Crowl, followed by my
own redrafting of the now long-traditional “Principles of War” as a set of Principles of War that I
believe more suitably serves the declared purpose. First, the following are the strategists’ questions:
❖❖ What is it all about? What are the political stakes, and how much do they matter to us?
❖❖ So what? What will be the strategic effect of the sundry characters of behavior that we
choose to conduct?
❖❖ Is the strategy selected tailored well enough to meet our political objectives?
❖❖ What are the probable limits of our (military) power as a basket of complementary agencies
to influence and endeavor to control the enemy’s will?
❖❖ How could the enemy strive to thwart us?
❖❖ What are our alternative courses of action/inaction? What are their prospective costs
and benefits?
❖❖ How robust is our home front?
❖❖ Does the strategy we prefer today draw prudently and honestly upon the strategic education
that history can provide?
❖❖ What have we overlooked?
concept failure?
DOD
U.S. Marine greets local children during
partnered security patrol with ANA
soldiers in Helmand Province
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Democracy and the Military
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Introduction: Democracy and the Military in comparative
perspective
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Democracy and the Military
Huntington (1957), in a study based primarily on the history of the military in Western societies), elaborated
what was widely accepted as the liberal democratic model of civil-military interaction. ‘[T]he principal
responsibility of the military officer’, Huntington said, ‘is to the state’:[10]
Politics is beyond the scope of military competence, and the participation of military officers in
politics undermines their professionalism … The military officer must remain neutral politically …
The area of military science is subordinate to, and yet independent of, the area of politics … The
military profession exists to serve the state … The superior political wisdom of the statesman must
be accepted as a fact (Huntington 1957:16, 71, 73, 76).
The idea of the subservience of the military to civilian authority, as Grundy (1968) has pointed out, follows a
tradition going back to Plato.[11] Huntington, however, challenged the simple identification of civilian control
with democratic government, and military control with absolute or totalitarian government: the military may
undermine civilian control in a democracy, he argued, acquiring power by legitimate processes,[12] and
within a totalitarian system the power of the military may be reduced by such means as creating competing
military or paramilitary units or by infiltrating it with ‘political commissars’. ‘Subjective civilian control’, he
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concluded, ‘thus is not the monopoly of any particular constitutional system’ (ibid.:82). Huntington went on
to distinguish five patterns of civil-military relations, based on differing relative degrees of military/anti-
military ideology, military power, and military professionalism (see ibid.: chapter 4), but as evidenced in his
later study (Huntington 1968), for Huntington military ‘intervention’ represented an essential breakdown of
the liberal democratic political order.
While Huntington’s concept of military professionalism has remained influential, the spate of post-
independence military coups in the new states of Africa and Asia from the late 1950s prompted a more
critical examination of the relation between civilian government and the military. Some commentators,
indeed, suggested that the presumed neutrality and separation of the military from politics was at best a
Western concept, if not a complete fiction (see, for example Perlmutter 1980:119; Valenzuela 1985:142;
Ashkenazy 1994:178). Not only did military intervention sometimes occur in response to the effective
breakdown of democratic civil regimes – with the ostensible aim of restoring democracy, and often with
substantial popular support – but in some new states, notably the communist ‘people’s republics’ and the
‘guided democracy’ of Indonesia’s President Soekarno, an alternative model of ‘democracy’ was espoused, in
which the military was seen as an integral part of the political system rather than, as in Huntington’s
formulation, an agency outside the political realm.[13]
That a variety of political regimes, in which the pattern of relations between civilian politicians and the
military covers a broad spectrum, should claim to be ‘democratic’ is testimony to the popularity of the term
in international political discourse. Such popularity reflects the extent to which the term acts as an agent of
political legitimation in a world where democracy is accepted, at least rhetorically, as a universal ‘good’. But
can military regimes ever be described as democratic? Or, indeed, are they necessarily anti-democratic?
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Gallie’s (1956) formulation of democracy as an ‘essentially contested concept’ lends support to a relativist
position, the extension of which is that democracy can mean all things to all people. As Hewison, Robison
and Rodan (1993:5) point out, this effectively denies the possibility that any universal understandings can be
reached and serves to ‘indemnify the most scurrilous of dictatorships and to undermine the legitimacy of
democratic and reformist oppositions’. On the other hand, too narrow a definition, especially with respect to
institutional forms, is unrealistic.
One way of dealing with this definitional problem is to acknowledge that regimes measure up differently
against various criteria of democracy, and that the idea of a continuum from more democratic to less
democratic is the most useful and meaningful approach to the problem of analysing and comparing regimes.
Diamond, Linz and Lipset (1990:6-7), for example, define democracy in terms of three essential and
generally accepted conditions: meaningful competition for government office; a high level of political
participation; and a level of civil and political liberties sufficient to ensure competition and participation. They
recognise, at the same time, that ‘countries that broadly satisfy these criteria, nevertheless do so to different
degrees’ and that the ‘boundary between democratic and undemocratic is sometimes blurred and imperfect’
(ibid.:7; see also Dahl 1989:112; Hadenius 1992; Sørensen 1993; Lawson 1993).
For military rulers, however, the widespread association of democracy with civilian supremacy has created a
particular crisis of legitimacy. A central pillar of modern democratic theory is the doctrine of constitutionalism
which, in its simplest form, refers to limited government, a system in which any body of rulers is as much
subject to the rule of law as the body of citizens. An important corollary to the democratic doctrine of
constitutionalism is civilian supremacy (though this in itself is not a sufficient condition for democracy since,
as Huntington pointed out, many non-democratic governments maintain civilian control over their military
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and police organisations). Democracy requires, therefore, not only that armed forces be subject to civilian
control, but that ‘those civilians who control the military and police must themselves be subject to the
democratic process’ (Dahl 1989:245). A fundamental principle of the democratic model of civilian supremacy
in civil-military relations resides in the important distinction between the state and the legitimate
government. It is to the latter that the military owes its primary allegiance, and any implicit distinction that
the military might be tempted to draw between the goals of the government and those of the state must
provoke a serious legitimacy problem (Harries-Jenkins and van Doorn 1976); this is so because the
democracy model insists that the military’s power is legitimate only in so far as it has been endorsed by
society as a whole and that its practical objectives are those set for it by the government of the day. Van
Gils (1971:274) states this succinctly:
Under the conditions of pluralistic democracy, the relations between the armed forces and civilians
are, at least theoretically, quite straightforward. Soldiers are public officials. They are not the
embodiment of any particular set of values. They are not the chosen defenders of any specific
social or political institution. They hold public office on the assumption that they will provide society
with a specific set of services whenever society considers itself in the need of having such services
performed.
This reflects the deeply embedded assumption of modern democratic theory, that it is the popularly elected
government, and no other body or person, that is wholly responsible for deciding what policies are to be
pursued in the name of the people. In so doing, the government is constrained by the limits to action set out
under the law of the constitution, and is ultimately held accountable for its activities and decisions when it
faces the judgement of the people at the polls.
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But what if a constitutionally and popularly elected civilian government once in office abrogates the
constitution and rejects the democratic values embodied in it (including genuinely competitive elections)? In
such circumstances – which have been not uncommon in post-colonial states – the military may be the only
entity within the country capable of reversing such a development and reinstating democratic government.
While contemporary democratic theory appears to be entirely at odds with the notion that the military has
any role in unilaterally acting to ‘safeguard the national interest’, the most common justification for military
intervention is just this. Such appeals to the national interest have frequently been coupled with references
to some perceived crisis or threat involving the security of the state or serious economic or social problems.
As Goodman (1990:xiii) observes for Latin America:
The frequent military ascension to power has often been motivated by a perceived need to save
their nations from weak, corrupt, and undisciplined civilian leadership.
Numerous commentators on the role of the military in politics have observed the tendency of armed forces
to justify their intervention in terms of the national interest, and thereby to identify themselves with the
desiderata of nationhood. Most have been sceptical. Lissak (1976:20), for example, notes that the military
can acquire a self image as guarantor of the fundamental and permanent interests of the nation, thereby
arrogating to itself the requisite legitimacy to assume the right to rule. Similarly, Nordlinger (1970:1137-8)
highlights the manner in which the military’s corporate interests can be defined, legitimised, and rationalised
by a close identification with the interests of the nation, while at the same time portraying oppositional
protests to their actions as ‘expressions of partial and selfish interests’.
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Nevertheless, authoritarian rule is not exclusive to military regimes and, as the case studies in this volume
illustrate, armed forces have played a role in pro-democracy regime transitions (see also Chazan et al. 1988;
Goodman 1990; Rial 1990a). The critical factor for most commentators on civil-military relations concerns
the intention of military rulers to return to the barracks.
To legitimise their intervention, military regimes commonly contend that their rule is only a preparatory or
transitory (but entirely necessary) stage along the road to a fully democratic political system, and promise
an early return to civilian rule, thereby recognising, Dahl (1989:2) argues, that ‘an indispensable ingredient
for their legitimacy is a dash or two of the language of democracy’. In some cases, military rule has been
justified ‘as necessary for the regeneration of the polity to allow for stable and effective rule’; military
regimes have even portrayed their role as that of ‘democratic tutor’ (Huntington 1968; Nordlinger 1977:204-
5). Yet once out of the barracks military rulers have seldom been anxious to relinquish power and even
where there have been transitions back to civilian rule the armed forces have typically retained an
involvement in politics and have been more likely to intervene again if dissatisfied with the performance of
civilian governments.
Observing processes of transition from authoritarian military rule to democracy in Latin America, Goodman
(1990:xiv) comments that, ‘successful transitions have utilised a process of incremental rather than
immediate civilian control’; he goes on to suggest:
For democracy to take root in Latin America, both military men and civilian leaders must take on
new roles…. Recognition that the military is one of the strongest formal institutions in societies that
are in dire need of political and social coherence poses challenges to Latin American civilian leaders
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that are very different from those confronted by their developed-nation counterparts (ibid.:xiv; see
also Stepan 1988; Rial 1990a, b and Varas 1990).
Goodman, however, is not explicit on the nature of these ‘new roles’, and other contributors to the same
volume suggest that recently democratised regimes in Latin America remain vulnerable to ‘the rapid rebirth
of military authoritarianism’ (Rial 1990b:289).
In Asia and the Pacific armed forces have played a role in both democratising and anti-democratic
transitions, and though, as elsewhere, their tendency as rulers has been towards authoritarianism, patterns
of civil-military relations and degrees of authoritarianism/democracy in governance have varied widely. Any
attempt at understanding this variety must begin with an appreciation of the particular historical and cultural
circumstances under which military involvement in politics has developed in different countries.
[10] In context, Huntington appears to equate ‘state’ with ‘government’; the significance of distinguishing
‘state’ from ‘government’ is discussed below.
[11] Also note von Clausewitz (1832/1968:405): ‘… subordination of the military point of view to the political
is … the only thing which is possible’.
[12] For a recent statement of this theme, drawing primarily on US experience, see Johansen (1992).
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[13] See, for example, Albright’s (1980) critique of Huntington’s ‘conceptual framework’ on the basis of the
experiences of sixteen communist states. On civil-military relations in communist states, also see Perlmutter
(1982) and Herspring and Volgyes (1978).
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Introduction: Democracy and the Military
in comparative perspective
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HOME / DEMOCRACY IN LATIN AMERICA (FALL 2002) / THINKING ON DEMOCRACY /
Democracy and the Military
By David Scott Palmer
One of the most dramatic developments in Latin America today is the unprecedented shift in the nature of politics since
the late 1970s. At no time in the history of the Latin American republics have so many countries established and
sustained electoral democracies without military takeovers.
The military coup is no longer an alternative mechanism for acceding to power in the region. There were 19 successful
coups in the 1960s in Latin America and 18 in the 1970s, but just seven in the 1980s and only two in the 1990s. The two
coups thus far in the new century lasted just hours, both aborted by intense international pressure.
Within a single political generation, electoral democracy has become the norm in almost all of the 20 Latin American
nations, imperfect and facing multiple challenges, to be sure, but seen as legitimate by most citizens everywhere in the
region. One noteworthy change is the unprecedented willingness of the military in recent years to remain on the political
sidelines in Latin America. How can this extraordinary development be explained?
One answer may be found in the failure by the Latin American militaries, that took power throughout the region during
the so-called Third Wave of authoritarianism between the 1960s and the 1980s, to accomplish their political and
economic objectives. The long-term institutionalized military regimes in place in many Latin American countries during
these years found that it was much harder to implement policies than to make plans. Chastened by their experience as
well as weakened and divided, most were only too glad to return to the barracks—and stay there. The end of the Cold
War certainly has contributed to this process.
Another is the combination of the debt crisis of the 1980s and the lost decade of national economic erosion that
weakened the military institutions through reduced budgets and training. The economic crisis forced them to reassess
their historic roles and missions.
From such a reassessment, many Latin American armed forces began to take on a new mission—international
peacekeeper. Military and police contingents from 13 countries were serving in the 22 United Nations peacekeeping and
other operations in place in 2000. Among the most active were Argentina and Uruguay, with 12, Bolivia and Chile, with
six, El Salvador with four, and Brazil and Peru, with three. Such missions can only serve to enhance the professional
stature of the armed forces and help to justify their continued relevance in the post-Cold War era.
With the establishment of inclusive mass democracy during a period of economic distress, civilian authorities faced a
guns OR butter situation. They were under great pressure to increase social expenditures, often at the militaries'
expense, thus further weakening the institutional capacity of the armed forces. While the military establishments were
not bereft, many were not able to modernize.
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The terms of negotiation for the transition from military to civilian rule in several cases served to protect armed forces
interests within civilian rule. In Chile and Ecuador, the military retained a guaranteed share of copper and oil revenues. In
Brazil, the military tinkered with the electoral mechanisms until it found a formula that provided relative assurance of
moderate civilian rule. Chile's military leaders also adjusted electoral provisions to assure selection of su cient
conservative senators to block constitutional change and formed a National Security Board that their members
dominated and that was not accountable to civilian authority. In Uruguay, the military protected itself from prosecution
for abuses while in power through legal provisions proscribing such initiatives under civilian rule.
Short of military takeovers, the armed forces also in uenced politics by building alliances with civilians and in uencing
politics from within. One example is Peru's use of the principle of civilian control in the 1990s to protect military interests
and preserve its privileges.
Haiti and Panama serve to illustrate how egregious military abuse in power can lead to outside intervention and the
decision to abolish the military altogether. Such initiatives reinforced a parallel campaign by Nobel Peace Prize recipient
Oscar Arias to apply the Costa Rican model of a political system without a military establishment to other smaller
countries of the region.
In combination, these explanations suggest an emerging new dynamic of civil-military relations in Latin America in which
the armed forces are coming to accept a di erent role from that which has prevailed in the region since independence.
The changes over time in patterns of military expenditures within Latin America are also revealing. While many changes
within individual countries respond to local or sub-regional security issues, the consistent overall pattern over the
decades has been a progressive reduction in the burden of military expenditures as a proportion of central government
budgets. These have declined from about 21% in the early 1920s, 19% around 1940, 15% as of 1960, 12% in 1970, and 11%
about 1980. The only broad exception to this trend is the 1980s, when overall military expenditures increased by over
40%, largely to develop counterinsurgency and counter-drug capacities, before dropping back to about 10% in 1993 and
9% in 1997. Data for 2000 sug gest that this trend is continuing—eight of the 20 Latin American countries reduced their
military budgets between 1997 and 2000, three remained about the same, and nine increased.
These recent expenditure patterns, including both police and military, suggest that the armed forces of Latin America no
longer in most cases consume a disproportionate share of the budget (Chile, at 17.8% in 1997, Colombia with 19.9%, and
Ecuador at 20.3%, are the major exceptions.). This trend appears to suggest one of the bene cial e ects of democratic
practices and civilian control.
Continued expansion of democratic practice and its gradual consolidation get a signi cant boost from the unprecedented
change in the regional and international context of international agreements. These include the Santiago Accords of 1991
Organization of American States (OAS) Resolution 1080, the OAS Washington Resolution of 1997, and the Democratic
Charter of Lima of 2001. By signing these multilateral accords, Latin American governments have agreed to give up their
long-standing principle of non-intervention. They now allow a regional body to determine appropriate measures when
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democracy is threatened in a member state. The OAS has invoked one or another of these provisions to respond to
internal political crises in various member countries, including Haiti, Peru, Guatemala, and Paraguay. Furthermore, the
mere presence of these multilateral instruments has also served as a further stimulus for political elites to work out their
problems without threatening democratic forms.
The rapid proliferation of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), both national and international, has also contributed
to the consolidation of democratic procedures. These groups have worked to protect, preserve, and expand democratic
procedures and practices by calling attention to abuses, protecting human rights, overseeing elections, and generally
reinforcing civilian actors and civil society. They include civil-military groups and associations of representatives from
both sectors that meet regularly to work through issues and foster mutual understanding. NGO presence and
advocacyhelps to further legitimate the democratic process and to make government organizations and procedures,
including those of the military, more open and transparent.
While civilian democratic rule now prevails almost everywhere in Latin America, speci c cases illustrate some of the
challenges that individual countries continue to face.
In Venezuela, the election of a military leader associated with a violent failed coup, Hugo Chávez Frias, introduced a
new pattern of military institutional involvement in activities historically carried out by civilian or police authorities—such
as crowd control, citizen mobilization, and public works. The creation of popular militias, the so-called Bolivarian Circles,
is also a distressing development. Chávez and the military have lled the political space left by the progressive
discrediting of once robust political parties. In Venezuela, the electoral process rather than the coup has reintroduced the
military into politics, posing a new type of threat to the principle of civilian authority.
The case of Peru reveals a second troubling pattern of civil-military relations. This is the systematic abuse by an elected
government of democratic procedures and civilian as well as military organizations to ensure continuation in power.
Abuses included a unilateral amnesty for the military and police for human rights violations, the thwarting of a
referendum on an unconstitutional third successive election of the president, the stacking of judicial and electoral bodies
with government loyalists, and the use of computer machinations to change the presidential vote count. The civilian
regime also resorted to massive bribery to ensure a congressional majority and manipulated military and police
appointments to ensure compliant armed forces and an intelligence service that would serve the government by
intimidating the opposition.
Through such measures, the institutional integrity of the military was severely compromised in ways that contributed to
its dramatic failure to dislodge Ecuador's forces in the 1995 border war. The intelligence services were also adversely
a ected. Consumed by tracking the legal opposition, they failed to prevent the Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement
(MRTA) takeover of the Japanese Ambassador's residence for four months in 1996-97.
Civilian democratic forces regained the upper hand in the dramatic political denouement of late 2000 and brought about
the removal of the elected regime and the arrest of scores of corrupt politicians, military, and police. However, the
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damage done to the political and security institutions of Peru will take years to overcome.
Ecuador's recent experience suggests a third pattern. Successive elected presidents were removed by congress and a
brief civil-military takeover that only international pressure kept from becoming the rst successful coup of the 21st
century in Latin America. Ecuador provides an example of sustained electoral democracy, but with a multiplicity of
parties and procedural regulations that virtually ensure political immobility in combination with a strong armed forces
fresh from the military success of the border con ict with Peru. While civilian rule was quickly restored in 2000, a well-
institutionalized military establishment remains a political alternative should the civilians falter again. The weight of OAS,
United States, and European Union sanctions is the major force standing in the way of any unconstitutional takeover by
the military in Ecuador.
Argentina's sad tale may be the limiting case in civil-military relations. Here the economic crisis of late 2001 and early
2002 led to the president's resignation and a revolving door of short-term heads of state, with early elections now in the
o ng. Throughout the crisis the Argentine military, dramatically downsized by elected governments after its debacle in
the Malvinas war and its gross mismanagement and human rights abuses while in power between 1976 and 1983, played
no role. Here the civilian authorities were forced to try to work out alone some solution to their country's problems that
appear to be resolvable only with some accommodation with the international nancial community.
Colombia, formally democratic since the late 1950s, re ects a progressive erosion of central government capacity in the
face of economic stagnation, major drug production, the breakdown of personal security, and generalized political
violence. In this context, the armed forces became less able over time to carry out its basic mission of protecting the
population and the government. Plan Colombia was designed to reverse this trend by providing substantial economic
and military assistance to enable the military to increase its capacity to better protect a beleaguered civilian government.
While many of Plan Colombia's provisions are controversial, the resources provided appear to be in the process of
accomplishing their goal. The military is now larger and better prepared. Formal democracy continues, though with the
recent election of a hard-liner with a mandate to restore peace through military initiatives. In Colombia democracy is
trying to survive, and the military at this point is committed to its protection. There is no question in the Colombian case
of a military takeover, but concerns remain over the likely dynamics of a military-led initiative to end the violence rather
than peace negotiations.
As these speci c examples suggest, on balance Latin American democracies remain troubled, but in place. The
dynamics of civil-military relations vary widely from country to country, but overall the trend continues toward the
continued prevalence of civilian-led government and democratic procedures. In most countries, the military has accepted
its role as subordinate to civilian authority and is working to rede ne its mission within that context. The nancial woes of
the 1980s and the market liberalization initiatives of the 1990s continue to limit the ability of most armed forces to retain
the strong institutional capacity that they developed in earlier decades, with attendant e ects on their commitment to
29. 11/3/2017 Democracy and the Military | ReVista
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professionalism. While this could pose a danger for democracy at some point, the regional and international consensus
on the value of civilian elected government o sets such tendencies.
Nevertheless, the armed forces of the region continue to have several important roles to ful ll. One is the new focus on
international peacekeeping. Another is the protection of borders still in dispute, both land and sea. In addition, natural
disasters require the military to take on emergency rescue and civilian support tasks. Finally, counter-drug operations
require armed forces initiatives. As a result, military establishments of the region can continue to justify their presence
and their signi cance without recourse to coups. Democracy in Latin America has multiple challenges to overcome, but
in most countries the threat of a military takeover is not one of them.
David Scott Palmer teaches Latin American politics and United States-Latin American relations at Boston University. His
recent writings include The Military in Latin America, in Jack Hopkins, ed. Latin America: Perspectives on a Region, 2nd
edition (1998), and, with Carmen Rosa Balbi, 'Reinventing' Democracy in Peru, Current History (February 2001).
See also: Democracy
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8 A A
A theory of military dictatorships
Daron Acemoğlu, Davide Ticchi , Andrea Vindigni 16 June 2008
Encouraging democracy is one goal of most industrialised nations’ foreign economic
policies. Formulating such policies requires an understanding of the political-economy
logic governing democratic transitions. This column describes an important recent
advance in theoretical thinking on the military’s role.
Throughout history, the military has been concerned with much more than
national defense. In Imperial Rome, for instance, by the era of the mid Empire it
had become customary for the military to influence the selection of the new
Emperor. In modern times, virtually all Latin American and African nations have
seen military interventions, often culminating in military coups and the
emergence of military dictatorships. There are also instances of military
involvement in domestic politics, even in apparently consolidated democracies.
Daron Acemoğlu
Professor of Applied
Economics, MIT
Davide Ticchi
Professor of Economics,
IMT Institute for Advanced
Studies Lucca
By Topic By Date By Reads By Tag
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In 1958, the democratically-elected French government was forced to back
down in a confrontation with a unified military command.
While, economists have been studying the political logic of transitions to and
from democracy (e.g. Wintrobe 1998 and Dixit 2006), the military’s role has
been largely ignored. Our recent work, A Theory of Military Dictatorships, takes
a first step towards a systematic framework for the analysis of the role of the
military in domestic politics. Our objective is to ultimately understand what types
of nondemocratic regimes can survive with the support of the military, which
regimes will generate interventions from the military, and why the military may
align itself with some segments of the society against others.
Our basic analytic framework is simple. Two groups, the elite rich and the
citizens, are in conflict under democratic and nondemocratic regimes. Under
democracy, redistributive policies benefit the citizens at the expense of the rich.
Under oligarchy the rich keep their wealth but have to create (and pay) a
repressive military to maintain them in power. A repressive military is a double-
edged sword, however; once created, it has the option of attempting to
establish a military dictatorship, seizing power from democratic or oligarchic
governments. This is the political moral hazard problem at the core of our
framework.
The framework helps us think about the military’s relationship with oligarchies,
specifically the conditions under which the military will act as a perfect agent of
the elite in oligarchies, and the conditions under which the military will turn
against the elite and attempt to set up its own dictatorship.
The framework also clarifies thinking on the military’s role in transitions to
democracy. The key element concerns the credibility of future pay-offs. Since
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Assistant Professor of
Politics at Princeton
University
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Ubide
32. 11/3/2017 Democracy and the military | VOX, CEPR’s Policy Portal
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oligarchies need a repressive military in ways that democracies do not, the
oligarch’s commitment to future pay-offs is credible while those of a democratic
government may not be. Consequently, our framework suggests that military
coups are more likely to take place against democracies than against
oligarchies because of the inability of democratic regimes to commit to not
reforming the military in the future. Nevertheless, military coups against
oligarchies are also possible when the political moral hazard problem is
sufficiently severe. The point turns on the assumption that there is a probability
that coups against oligarchies will fail.
This perspective also suggests that military coups may be more likely when the
external role of the military is more limited. When a strong military is needed for
national defense, democratic regimes can also commit to keeping a relatively
large military, thus reducing the incentive for military takeover at the early
stages of democracy.
This framework also predicts that the historical relations between
nondemocratic regimes and the military are important for the consolidation of
democracy once this regime emerges. If a powerful military has been created
by the elite to prevent democratization, then this military will be present at the
early stages of the nascent democracy. However, since democracy does not
have as much of a need for coercion as the nondemocratic regime, the military
anticipates future reforms by the democratic government to reduce its size and
power. This anticipation induces the military to take action against nascent
democratic regimes, unless credible commitments for the continued role of the
military in politics or other significant concessions can be made.
Other factors that are highlighted as important by our framework include the
extent of income inequality and abundance of natural resources. Greater
Guns and votes
Firearm background
checks and suicide
Credit growth and the
Global Crisis: A new
narrative
Investment and growth
in advanced
economies: Selected
takeaways from the
ECB’s Sintra Forum
Bernard, Capponi, Stiglitz
Bouton, Conconi, Pino,
Zanardi
Lang
Albanesi, De Giorgi,
Nosal
Constâncio, Hartmann,
McAdam
Events
Political Economy of
International
Organizations
8 - 10 February 2018 /
Wisconsin-Madison,
United States / University
of Wisconsin-Madison
ADBI-IDB-WTO
Conference on Trade
Adjustment
33. 11/3/2017 Democracy and the military | VOX, CEPR’s Policy Portal
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inequality increases the conflict between the elite and the citizens and
encourages oligarchic regimes to maintain power by using stronger militaries.
This increases both the risk of military intervention during the oligarchic regime
and also once democracy emerges. Natural resources further increase the
political stakes and make it more difficult to prevent the political moral hazard
problem because the military can exploit natural resources once it comes to
power. As such, they often make military interventions more likely.
Conclusions
One of the important implications of this general research program is that, when
trying to shape or influence transitions to democracy, it is important that policy
makers consider the complexities of the three-way interactions between the
elite, the military and citizens. Our theory is a step towards a systematic
framework for the analysis of the role of the military in domestic politics and will
hopefully spur more theoretical and empirical research to understand the
factors that facilitate the emergence and persistence of democratic regimes.
References
Acemoglu, Daron, Davide Ticchi and Andrea Vindigni (2008). “A Theory of
Military Dictatorships.” National Bureau of Economic Research, Working Paper
No. 13915.
Dixit, Avinash K. (2006). “Predatory States and Failing States: An Agency
Perspective,” Princeton Research in Political Economy Working Paper.
Wintrobe, Ronald (1998) The Political Economy of Dictatorship, New York;
Cambridge University Press.
16 - 17 November 2017 /
Tokyo, Japan / Asian
Development Bank
Institute
Public and Private
Investment in Human
Capital
Intergenerational
Transfers in Asia
14 - 15 November 2017 /
Kitakyushu City, Japan /
Asian Development Bank
Institute
Lisbon Meetings 2017
9 - 11 November 2017 /
Lisbon, Portugal / UECE
- Research Unit on
Complexity and
Economics and the
Lisbon School of
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Management
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Society of Labour
Economics (AASLE)
Inaugural Conference
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School of Economics in
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Research
Discussion Papers Insights
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8 A A
Topics: Politics and economics
Tags: democracy, Political Economy, military, coups, dictatorship, oligarchy
54,517 reads
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35. 11/3/2017 Dictatorship - Wikipedia
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Dictatorship
Dictatorship is a form of government in which a country or a group of countries is ruled
by one person (a dictator) or by a polity, and power (social and political) is exercised
through various mechanisms to ensure that the entity's power remains strong.[1][2]
A dictatorship is a type of authoritarianism, in which politicians regulate nearly every
aspect of the public and private behavior of citizens. Dictatorship and totalitarian societies
generally employ political propaganda to decrease the influence of proponents of
alternative governing systems. In the past, different religious tactics were used by
dictators to maintain their rule, such as the monarchical system in the west.
In the 19th and 20th centuries, traditional monarchies gradually declined and
disappeared. Dictatorship and constitutional democracy emerged as the world's two
major forms of government.[1]
1 History
1.1 Republican Origins
1.2 19th-century Latin American caudillos
1.3 Communism and fascism in 20th-century dictatorships
1.4 Dictatorships in Africa and Asia after World War II
1.5 Democratization
2 Measuring dictatorships
3 Types
3.1 Classification
3.2 Origins of power
Adolf Hitler and Joseph Stalin are two people often used as
examples of 20th century dictators from two different ideologies.
Contents
36. 11/3/2017 Dictatorship - Wikipedia
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3.3 Stable dictatorship
3.4 Benevolent dictatorship
4 Theories of dictatorship
4.1 Emergence out of anomy
5 See also
6 References
7 Further reading
Between the two world wars, four types of dictatorships have been described: constitutional, communist (nominally championing the dictatorship of the
proletariat), counterrevolutionary, and fascist, and many have questioned the distinctions between these prototypes. Since World War II a broader range of
dictatorships has been recognized, including Third World dictatorships, theocratic or religious dictatorships and dynastic or family-based dictatorships.[3]
During the Republican phase of Ancient Rome, a Roman dictator was the special magistrate who held well defined powers, normally for six months at a time,
usually in combination with a consulship. Roman dictators were allocated absolute power during times of emergency. In execution, their power was originally
neither arbitrary nor unaccountable, being subject to law and requiring retrospective justification. There were no such dictatorships after the beginning of the 2nd
century BC, and later dictators such as Sulla and the Roman Emperors exercised power much more personally and arbitrarily. As the Roman Emperor was a king
in all but name, a concept that remained anathema to traditional Roman society, the institution was not carried forward into the Roman Empire.
After the collapse of Spanish colonial rule, various dictators came to power in many liberated countries. Often leading a private army, these Caudillos or self-
appointed political-military leaders, attacked weak national Governments once they controlled a region's political and economic powers, with examples such as
Antonio López de Santa Anna in Mexico and Juan Manuel de Rosas in Argentina. Such dictators have been also referred to as personalismos.[1]
The wave of military dictatorships in South America in the second half of the twentieth century left a particular mark on Latin American culture. In Latin American
literature, the dictator novel challenging dictatorship and caudillismo is a significant genre. There are also many films depicting Latin American military
dictatorships.
History
Republican Origins
19th-century Latin American caudillos
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In the first half of the 20th century, Stalinist and fascist dictatorships appeared in a variety of scientifically and technologically advanced countries, which are
distinct from dictatorships in Latin America and post-colonial dictatorships in Africa and Asia. Leading examples of modern totalitarian dictatorship include:[1]
Adolf Hitler's Nazi Germany, Benito Mussolini's Italy, and other fascist dictatorships;
Joseph Stalin's Soviet Union, and other Stalinist and Soviet-style Communist dictatorships that appeared after World War II in Central Europe, Eastern
Europe, China and other countries.
After World War II, dictators established themselves in the several new states of Africa and Asia, often at the expense or failure of
the constitutions inherited from the colonial powers. These constitutions often failed to work without a strong middle class or work
against the preexisting autocratic rule. Some elected presidents and prime ministers captured power by suppressing the opposition
and installing one-party rule, and others established military dictatorships through their armies.[1] Whatever their form, these
dictatorships had an adverse impact on economic growth and the quality of political institutions.[4] Dictators who stayed in office for
a long period of time found it increasingly difficult to carry out sound economic policies.
The often-cited exploitative dictatorship is the regime of Mobutu Sese Seko, who ruled Zaire from 1965 to 1997, embezzling over
$5 billion from his country.[5]
The global dynamics of democratization has been a central question for political Scientists.[6][7] The Third Wave Democracy was
said to turn some dictatorships into democracies.[6] (see also the contrast between the two figures of the Democracy-Dictatorship
Index in 1988 and 2008).
The conceptual and methodological differences in political science literature exist with regards to measuring and classifying regimes as either dictatorships or
democracies, with prominent examples such as Freedom House, Polity IV and Democracy-Dictatorship Index, and their validity and reliability being discussed.[9]
Roughly two research approaches exist: the minimalist approach focuses on whether a country has continued elections that are competitive, and the substantive
approach expands the concept of democracy to include human rights, freedom of the press, the rule of law, etc.[10][11][12] The DD index is seen as an example of
the minimalist approach, whereas the Polity data series, relatively more substantive.[13]
Communism and fascism in 20th-century dictatorships
Dictatorships in Africa and Asia after World War II
Mobutu Sese Seko,
Zaire's longtime
dictator.
Democratization
Measuring dictatorships
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The most general term is despotism, a form of government in which a single entity rules with absolute power.
That entity may be an individual, as in an autocracy, or it may be a group,[14] as in an oligarchy. Despotism can
mean tyranny (dominance through the threat of punishment and violence), or absolutism; or dictatorship (a
form of government in which the ruler is an absolute dictator, not restricted by a constitution, laws or
opposition, etc.).[15] Dictatorships may take the form of authoritarianism or totalitarianism.
Dictatorship is 'a form of government in which absolute power is concentrated in a dictator or a small clique' or
'a government organization or group in which absolute power is so concentrated',[16] whereas democracy, with
which the concept of dictatorship is often compared, is defined by most people as a form of government where
those who govern are elected through contested elections. Authoritarian dictatorships are those in which there is
little political mobilization and a small group exercizes power within formally ill-defined limits but actually
quite predictable ones.[17] Totalitarian dictatorships involve a single party led by a single powerful individual
with a powerful secret police and a highly developed ideology. Here, the government has total control of mass communications and social and economic
organizations.[18] Hannah Arendt labelled totalitarianism a new and extreme form of dictatorship involving atomized, isolated individuals in which ideology
plays a leading role in defining how the entire society should be organized.[19] Juan Linz argues that the distinction between an authoritarian regime and a
totalitarian one is that while an authoritarian one seeks to suffocate politics and political mobilization (depoliticization), a totalitarian one seeks to control politics
and political mobilization.[20]
Dictatorships may be classified in a number of ways, such as:
Social class
Dictatorship of the bourgeoisie
Dictatorship of the proletariat
Military dictatorship
arbitrator and ruler types may be distinguished; arbitrator regimes are professional, civilian-oriented, willing to give up power once problems have
been resolved, and support the existing social order; ruler types view civilians as incompetent and have no intention of returning power to them, are
politically organized, and have a coherent ideology[21]
Civil-military dictatorship
An example is the Civic-military dictatorship of Uruguay (1973–85)
Democracy Index by the Economist
Intelligence Unit, 2016.[8] Blue represents
more democratic countries, while red are
considered authoritarian. Dark red are
most often totalitarian dictatorships.
Types
Classification
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One-party state
weak and strong versions may be distinguished; in weak one-party states, at least one other actor eclipses the
role of the party (like a single individual, the military, or the president).[22] The Joseph Stalin era in the Soviet
Union[23] and the Mao Zedong era in China can be cited as examples.
Personalist
Hybrid
Power behind the throne
There are some instances where poweful people made a head of state as a figurehead or puppet ruler while they
wield real power. In Korea, Bojang of Goguryeo was placed as a puppet ruler by Yeon Gaesomun in response to his
uncle, King Yeongnyu's plot to assassinate him. Yeon Gaesomun appointed himself as Dae Magniji (대막리지, 大莫
離支, generalissimo) and assumed de facto control over the kingdom. In Japan, the Emperors were figureheads to
the Shogunate, a military dictatorship that held political power till Emperor Meiji abolished it after the Boshin War.
Some combination of the types above.
Family dictatorship – inheriting power through family ties
Military dictatorship – through military force or coup d'état. In Latin America, military dictatorships were often ruled by committees known as military juntas.
Constitutional dictatorship – dictatorial powers provided for by constitutional means (often as a provision in case of emergency)
Self-coup – by suspending existing democratic mechanisms after attaining office by constitutional means.
A stable dictatorship is a dictatorship that is able to remain in power for a long period of time. The stable dictatorship theory concerning the Soviet Union held
that after the succession crisis following Joseph Stalin's death in 1953, the victorious leader assumed the status of a Stalinist dictator without Stalin's terror
apparatus.[24] Chile and Paraguay were both considered stable dictatorships in the 1970s.[25] It has been argued that stable dictatorships behave differently than
unstable dictatorships. For instance, Maria Brouwer opines that expansionary policies can fail and undermine the authority of the leader. Stable dictators, would
therefore, be inclined to refrain from military aggression. This applies to imperial China, Byzantium and Japan, which refrained from expanding their empires at
some point in time. Emerging dictators, by contrast, want to win the people's support by promising them riches and appropriating them from domestic or foreign
wealth. They do not have much to lose from failure, whereas success could elevate them to positions of wealth and power.[26]
Antonio López de Santa Anna
wearing Mexican military
uniforms
Origins of power
Stable dictatorship
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A benevolent dictatorship is a theoretical form of government in which an authoritarian leader exercises absolute political power over the state but does so for the
benefit of the population as a whole. A benevolent dictator may allow some economic liberalization or a form of democratic decision-making to exist, such as
through public referenda or elected representatives with limited power, and he often makes preparations for a transition to genuine democracy during or after his
term. It might be seen as a republican form of enlightened despotism.
The label has been applied to leaders such as Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (Turkey),[27] Josip Broz Tito (Yugoslavia),[28] Lee Kuan Yew (Singapore),[29] Abdullah II of
Jordan,[30] Paul Kagame (Rwanda), and Qaboos bin Said al Said (Oman).
Mancur Olson suggests that the emergence of dictatorships can be linked to the concept of roving bandits, individuals in an atomic system who move from place
to place extracting wealth from individuals. These bandits provide a disincentive for investment and production. Olson states that a community of individuals
would be better served if that bandit were to establish himself as a stationary bandit to monopolize theft in the form of taxes. Also, Except from the community, the
bandits themselves will be better served, according to Olson, by transforming themselves into stationary bandits. By settling down and making themselves the
rulers of a territory, they will be able to make more profits through taxes than they used to obtain through plunder. By maintaining order and providing protection
to the community, the bandits will create a peaceful environment in which their people can maximize their surplus which means a greater taxable base. Thus, a
potential dictator will have a greater incentive to provide security to a given community from which he is extracting taxes and conversely, the people from whom he
extracts the taxes are more likely to produce because they will be unconcerned with potential theft by other bandits. This is the rationality that bandits use in order
to justify their transformation from roving bandits into stationary bandits.[31]
Elective dictatorship
Generalissimo
Kleptocracy
List of longest-ruling non-royal national leaders since 1900
List of titles used by dictators
Maximum Leader
Nationalism
Nazism
Negative selection (politics)
Neo-fascism
Neo-Nazism
People's democratic dictatorship
Plutocracy
Selectorate theory
Benevolent dictatorship
Theories of dictatorship
Emergence out of anomy
See also
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Strongman
Theocracy
Tyranny of the majority
1. dictatorship (http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/162240/dictatorship). Encyclopædia Britannica. Chicago. 2013. 162240.
2. Margaret Power (2008). Dictatorship and Single-Party States. In Bonnie G. Smith. The Oxford Encyclopedia of Women in World History: 4 Volume Set (http
s://books.google.com/books?id=EFI7tr9XK6ECpg=RA1-PA55). Oxford University Press. pp. 1–. ISBN 978-0-19-514890-9. Retrieved 14 December 2013.
3. Frank J. Coppa (1 January 2006). Encyclopedia of Modern Dictators: From Napoleon to the Present (https://books.google.com/books?id=gTv99LBYSL4C).
Peter Lang. p. xiv. ISBN 978-0-8204-5010-0. Retrieved 25 March 2014. In the period between the two world wars, four types of dictatorships were
described by a number of smart people: constitutional, the communist (nominally championing the dictatorship of the proletariat), the
counterrevolutionary, and the fascist. Many have rightfully questioned the distinctions between these prototypes. In fact, since World War II, we have
recognized that the range of dictatorships is much broader than earlier posited and it includes so-called Third World dictatorships in Africa, Asia, Latin
America, and the Middle East and religious dictatorships....They are also family dictatorships ....
4. Papaioannou, Kostadis; vanZanden, Jan Luiten (2015). The Dictator Effect: How long years in office affect economic development (http://journals.cambridg
e.org/abstract_S1744137414000356). Journal of Institutional Economics. 11 (1). doi:10.1017/S1744137414000356 (https://doi.org/10.1017%2FS174413741
4000356).
5. Mobutu dies in exile in Morocco (http://edition.cnn.com/WORLD/9709/07/mobutu.wrap/). CNN. 7 September 1997.
6. Samuel P. Huntington (6 September 2012). The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late 20th Century (https://books.google.com/books?id=IMjyTFG04JYC).
University of Oklahoma Press. ISBN 978-0-8061-8604-7.
7. Nathan J. Brown (31 August 2011). The Dynamics of Democratization: Dictatorship, Development, and Diffusion (https://books.google.com/books?id=F9LYM
p0RyD4C). JHU Press. ISBN 978-1-4214-0088-4.
8. Democracy Index 2015 (http://www.yabiladi.com/img/content/EIU-Democracy-Index-2015.pdf) (PDF). Economist Intelligence Unit. 21 January 2016.
9. William Roberts Clark; Matt Golder; Sona N Golder (23 March 2012). Chapter 5. Democracy and Dictatorship: Conceptualization and Measurement.
Principles of Comparative Politics (http://college.cqpress.com/sites/principlescp/Home/chapter5.aspx). CQ Press. ISBN 978-1-60871-679-1.
10. Democracy and Dictatorship: Conceptualization and Measurement (http://college.cqpress.com/sites/principlescp/Home/chapter5.aspx). cqpress.com.
11. Jørgen Møller; Svend-Erik Skaaning (29 March 2012). Requisites of Democracy: Conceptualization, Measurement, and Explanation (https://books.google.co
m/books?id=RtWoAgAAQBAJpg=PA78). Routledge. pp. 78–. ISBN 978-1-136-66584-4. Retrieved 30 March 2014.
12. William Roberts Clark; Matt Golder; Sona Nadenichek Golder (September 2009). Principles of comparative politics (https://books.google.com/books?id=RmPu
AAAAMAAJ). CQ Press. ISBN 978-0-87289-289-7.
References
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13. Divergent Incentives for Dictators: Domestic Institutions and (International Promises Not to) Torture (http://jcr.sagepub.com/content/early/2012/10/12/0022
002712459707?patientinform-links=yeslegid=spjcr;0022002712459707v1) Appendix (http://faculty.ucmerced.edu/cconrad2/Academic/Research_files/JCRA
ppendix25March2011.pdf) Unlike substantive measures of democracy (e.g., Polity IV and Freedom House), the binary conceptualization of democracy most
recently described by Cheibub, Gandhi and Vree-land (2010) focuses on one institution—elections—to distinguish between dictatorships and democracies.
Using a minimalist measure of democracy rather than a substantive one better allows for the isolation of causal mechanisms (Cheibub, Gandhi and Vreeland,
2010, 73) linking regime type to human rights outcomes.
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webster.com (31 August 2012). Retrieved on 2013-07-12.
17. Juan Linz, quoted in Natasha M. Ezrow, Erica Frantz (2011), Dictators and Dictatorships: Understanding Authoritarian Regimes and Their Leaders (https://bo
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19. Ezrow and Frantz (2011:3)
20. Ezrow and Frantz (2011:4)
21. Ezrow and Frantz (2011:6–7)
22. Ezrow and Frantz (2011:6)
23. Stalinism
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8fulltext.pdf) (PDF), archived from the original (http://www1.fee.uva.nl/pp/bin/278fulltext.pdf) (PDF) on 7 September 2012
27. Benevolent Dictator? Thinking About MK Atatürk (http://turkeyfile.blogspot.com/2009/10/benevolent-dictator.html). Turkey File. 19 October 2009.
28. Shapiro, Susan; Shapiro, Ronald (2004). The Curtain Rises: Oral Histories of the Fall of Communism in Eastern Europe (https://books.google.com/books?id=
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...All Yugoslavs had educational opportunities, jobs, food, and housing regardless of nationality. Tito, seen by most as a benevolent dictator, brought
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T_story.html). The Washington Post. ISSN 0190-8286 (https://www.worldcat.org/issn/0190-8286). Retrieved 2015-11-25.
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world-statesman).
31. Olson, Mancur (1993). Dictatorship, Democracy, and Development. American Political Science Review. 87 (3).