This document summarizes research on marital rape. Some key points:
1) Marital rape is nonconsensual sex between married or cohabiting partners. Studies estimate 10-14% of married women experience rape, and it accounts for 25% of all rapes.
2) Marital rape was not recognized as a crime until the 1970s. By 1999, 33 states still had some exemptions allowing men to rape impaired wives.
3) Research finds marital rape survivors are of all ages, classes, and races. Two-thirds are first raped under age 25. Latinas may be less likely to define the experience as rape. Financial independence increases ability to leave.
This document summarizes research on factors that influence women's decisions to stay in or leave abusive intimate relationships. It finds that children, economic constraints, social/cultural norms, and the presence of family support networks all impact a woman's choice. Women fear their children will face consequences if they leave. They also worry about financial independence and being re-victimized by communities. The cycle of violence and trauma bonding make leaving difficult as well.
Rape Victims Are A Class Of Persons Often Defined By Gender Medical ...MedicalWhistleblower
Every two minutes, somewhere in America, someone is sexually assaulted. One out of every six American women has been the victim of an attempted or completed rape in her lifetime. Only one in 50 women who have been raped reports the crime to the police.
Although both women and men may be victims of domestic violence, sexual assault, and stalking, women are the victims of the vast majority of these crimes. According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, more than 85% of violent victimizations by intimate partners between 1993 and 1998 were perpetrated against women. Women are between 13 and 14 times more likely than men to be raped or sexually assaulted; for instance, in 1994, 93% of sexual assaults were perpetrated against women. Four of five stalking victims are women. Data on male victimization do not show that males experience comparable victimizations and injury levels, do not account for women who act in self defense, and do not measure financial control, intimidation, and isolation used by perpetrators of domestic violence against women.
The gender issue is foremost in sexual assault issues, and is usually background in general victimization. The unique cultural bias and shaming that accompanies rape cases needs its own focused opposition. The history of rape law is a history of the law used as a tool to protect rapists, rather than the raped. The anti-rape movement confronts, as it must, the cultural myths that uniquely exist in the context of rape. Manipulation of these myths, along with humiliation and victim blaming, are typical informal defenses to rape charges. Blaming victims in rape cases may be an effective means to secure acquittal. In contrast, blaming a robbery victim is typically ineffective because robbery is unaccompanied by the same pernicious cultural myths. The nature of stigma and abuse in rape cases is profound and unique, a criminal process that mistreats and excludes other types of victims also inflicts secondary victimization.
In 2002, there were 247,730 victims of rape, attempted rape or sexual assault. One out of every six American women have been the victims of an attempted or completed rape in their lifetime (14.8% completed rape; 2.8% attempted rape). A total of 17.7 million women have been victims of these crimes. In 2002, one in every eight rape victims were male. 93% of juvenile sexual assault victims knew their attacker; 34.2% were family members and 58.7% acquaintances. Only seven percent of the perpetrators were strangers to the victim.
One of the most startling aspects of sex crimes is how many go unreported. The most common reasons given by victims for not reporting these crimes are the belief that it is a private or personal matter and that they fear reprisal from the assailant.
• In 2001, only 39% of rapes and sexual assaults were reported to law enforcement officials — about one in every three. [1999 NCVS]
• Approximately 66% of rape victims know their assailant.
• Approximately 48% of victims are raped by a friend or acquaintance; 30% by a stranger; 16% by an intimate; 2% by another relative; and in 4% of cases the relationship is unknown.
• About four out of ten sexual assaults take place at the victim’s own home. More than half of all rape/sexual assault incidents were reported by victims to have occurred within one mile of their home or at their home.
• In one study, 98% of males who raped boys reported that they were heterosexual.
• Rapists are more likely to be serial criminals than serial rapists. In one study, 46% of rapists who were released from prison were rearrested within 3 years of their release for another crime -- 18.6% for a violent offense, 14.8% for a property offense, 11.2% for a drug offense and 20.5% for a public-order offense.
• 61% of rapes/sexual assaults are not reported to the police. Those rapists, of course, never serve a day in prison.
So, even in the 39% of attacks that are reported to police, there is onl
This document discusses barriers that prevent immigrant women from accessing domestic violence services. It notes that cultural norms around concepts like marriage, divorce, and family can influence a woman's decision to leave an abusive partner for various immigrant groups. Isolation, lack of transportation, and fear of deportation further prevent undocumented immigrant women from seeking help. Abusers also directly enforce isolation and control women by threatening to report them to immigration authorities or withdraw legal status petitions. Linguistic barriers further prevent immigrant women from accessing available services.
This document summarizes a study on the experiences of male intimate partners of female rape victims in Cape Town, South Africa. It discusses the high rates of rape in South Africa and reviews literature on the impact of rape on intimate partners. The study involved interviews with 9 male partners over 6 months. It identified 4 stages they progressed through: trauma awareness, crisis, adjustment, and reorganization. It also identified 2 core themes - being a secondary victim and living in multiple worlds. In the initial trauma awareness stage, partners experienced shock, disbelief, feelings of vulnerability and violation. They felt guilt and anger. Over time most partners evolved from secondary victims to survivors.
Hall Elizabeth Unit Two Written AssignmentElizabeth Hall
The document discusses victim typologies in relation to hate crimes. It analyzes data from the Uniform Crime Report that shows hate crime rates have actually been decreasing since 1996, despite perceptions influenced by media coverage. The reality is the hate crime rate per 100,000 people was 3.92 in 1996 and had dropped to 2.89 by 2008. However, media portrayals of events and polls can influence public opinion and perceptions of race relations independent of actual crime data trends.
This document summarizes a study on the experiences of male intimate partners of female rape victims in Cape Town, South Africa. Nine male partners were interviewed 2 weeks, 1 month, 3 months, and 6 months after their partner's rape. The interviews were analyzed and categorized into 4 developmental stages: trauma awareness, crisis and disorientation, outward adjustment, and reorganization. Two core themes emerged: being a secondary victim, and living in multiple worlds (of their partner, family, society, etc.). For most partners, healing occurred and they returned to pre-trauma functioning within 6 months. The study provides insight into how partners cope over time after their partner's rape and transition from secondary victims to survivors.
R A P E V I C T I M S A R E A C L A S S O F P E R S O N S O F T E N D...MedicalWhistleblower
Every two minutes, somewhere in America, someone is sexually assaulted. 1, 2 One out of every six American women has been the victim of an attempted or completed rape in her lifetime. 3 Only one in 50 women who have been raped reports the crime to the police.4
Although both women and men may be victims of domestic violence, sexual assault, and stalking, women are the victims of the vast majority of these crimes. According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, more than 85% of violent victimizations by intimate partners between 1993 and 1998 were perpetrated against women. Women are between 13 and 14 times more likely than men to be raped or sexually assaulted; for instance, in 1994, 93% of sexual assaults were perpetrated against women. Four of five stalking victims are women.
The document discusses the origins and consequences of the wars on crime and drugs in the United States since the 1960s. It traces how political protest during the civil rights movement was framed as criminal activity, fueling public concerns about lawlessness. Conservative politicians in the 1960s-1980s leveraged these concerns to justify harsher criminal justice policies. Major legislation in the 1980s and 1990s increased incarceration by imposing mandatory minimums, restricting parole, and emphasizing law enforcement over rehabilitation. This led to exponential growth in the U.S. prison population and a shift towards a punitive crime control model focused on deterrence through harsh punishment.
This document summarizes research on factors that influence women's decisions to stay in or leave abusive intimate relationships. It finds that children, economic constraints, social/cultural norms, and the presence of family support networks all impact a woman's choice. Women fear their children will face consequences if they leave. They also worry about financial independence and being re-victimized by communities. The cycle of violence and trauma bonding make leaving difficult as well.
Rape Victims Are A Class Of Persons Often Defined By Gender Medical ...MedicalWhistleblower
Every two minutes, somewhere in America, someone is sexually assaulted. One out of every six American women has been the victim of an attempted or completed rape in her lifetime. Only one in 50 women who have been raped reports the crime to the police.
Although both women and men may be victims of domestic violence, sexual assault, and stalking, women are the victims of the vast majority of these crimes. According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, more than 85% of violent victimizations by intimate partners between 1993 and 1998 were perpetrated against women. Women are between 13 and 14 times more likely than men to be raped or sexually assaulted; for instance, in 1994, 93% of sexual assaults were perpetrated against women. Four of five stalking victims are women. Data on male victimization do not show that males experience comparable victimizations and injury levels, do not account for women who act in self defense, and do not measure financial control, intimidation, and isolation used by perpetrators of domestic violence against women.
The gender issue is foremost in sexual assault issues, and is usually background in general victimization. The unique cultural bias and shaming that accompanies rape cases needs its own focused opposition. The history of rape law is a history of the law used as a tool to protect rapists, rather than the raped. The anti-rape movement confronts, as it must, the cultural myths that uniquely exist in the context of rape. Manipulation of these myths, along with humiliation and victim blaming, are typical informal defenses to rape charges. Blaming victims in rape cases may be an effective means to secure acquittal. In contrast, blaming a robbery victim is typically ineffective because robbery is unaccompanied by the same pernicious cultural myths. The nature of stigma and abuse in rape cases is profound and unique, a criminal process that mistreats and excludes other types of victims also inflicts secondary victimization.
In 2002, there were 247,730 victims of rape, attempted rape or sexual assault. One out of every six American women have been the victims of an attempted or completed rape in their lifetime (14.8% completed rape; 2.8% attempted rape). A total of 17.7 million women have been victims of these crimes. In 2002, one in every eight rape victims were male. 93% of juvenile sexual assault victims knew their attacker; 34.2% were family members and 58.7% acquaintances. Only seven percent of the perpetrators were strangers to the victim.
One of the most startling aspects of sex crimes is how many go unreported. The most common reasons given by victims for not reporting these crimes are the belief that it is a private or personal matter and that they fear reprisal from the assailant.
• In 2001, only 39% of rapes and sexual assaults were reported to law enforcement officials — about one in every three. [1999 NCVS]
• Approximately 66% of rape victims know their assailant.
• Approximately 48% of victims are raped by a friend or acquaintance; 30% by a stranger; 16% by an intimate; 2% by another relative; and in 4% of cases the relationship is unknown.
• About four out of ten sexual assaults take place at the victim’s own home. More than half of all rape/sexual assault incidents were reported by victims to have occurred within one mile of their home or at their home.
• In one study, 98% of males who raped boys reported that they were heterosexual.
• Rapists are more likely to be serial criminals than serial rapists. In one study, 46% of rapists who were released from prison were rearrested within 3 years of their release for another crime -- 18.6% for a violent offense, 14.8% for a property offense, 11.2% for a drug offense and 20.5% for a public-order offense.
• 61% of rapes/sexual assaults are not reported to the police. Those rapists, of course, never serve a day in prison.
So, even in the 39% of attacks that are reported to police, there is onl
This document discusses barriers that prevent immigrant women from accessing domestic violence services. It notes that cultural norms around concepts like marriage, divorce, and family can influence a woman's decision to leave an abusive partner for various immigrant groups. Isolation, lack of transportation, and fear of deportation further prevent undocumented immigrant women from seeking help. Abusers also directly enforce isolation and control women by threatening to report them to immigration authorities or withdraw legal status petitions. Linguistic barriers further prevent immigrant women from accessing available services.
This document summarizes a study on the experiences of male intimate partners of female rape victims in Cape Town, South Africa. It discusses the high rates of rape in South Africa and reviews literature on the impact of rape on intimate partners. The study involved interviews with 9 male partners over 6 months. It identified 4 stages they progressed through: trauma awareness, crisis, adjustment, and reorganization. It also identified 2 core themes - being a secondary victim and living in multiple worlds. In the initial trauma awareness stage, partners experienced shock, disbelief, feelings of vulnerability and violation. They felt guilt and anger. Over time most partners evolved from secondary victims to survivors.
Hall Elizabeth Unit Two Written AssignmentElizabeth Hall
The document discusses victim typologies in relation to hate crimes. It analyzes data from the Uniform Crime Report that shows hate crime rates have actually been decreasing since 1996, despite perceptions influenced by media coverage. The reality is the hate crime rate per 100,000 people was 3.92 in 1996 and had dropped to 2.89 by 2008. However, media portrayals of events and polls can influence public opinion and perceptions of race relations independent of actual crime data trends.
This document summarizes a study on the experiences of male intimate partners of female rape victims in Cape Town, South Africa. Nine male partners were interviewed 2 weeks, 1 month, 3 months, and 6 months after their partner's rape. The interviews were analyzed and categorized into 4 developmental stages: trauma awareness, crisis and disorientation, outward adjustment, and reorganization. Two core themes emerged: being a secondary victim, and living in multiple worlds (of their partner, family, society, etc.). For most partners, healing occurred and they returned to pre-trauma functioning within 6 months. The study provides insight into how partners cope over time after their partner's rape and transition from secondary victims to survivors.
R A P E V I C T I M S A R E A C L A S S O F P E R S O N S O F T E N D...MedicalWhistleblower
Every two minutes, somewhere in America, someone is sexually assaulted. 1, 2 One out of every six American women has been the victim of an attempted or completed rape in her lifetime. 3 Only one in 50 women who have been raped reports the crime to the police.4
Although both women and men may be victims of domestic violence, sexual assault, and stalking, women are the victims of the vast majority of these crimes. According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, more than 85% of violent victimizations by intimate partners between 1993 and 1998 were perpetrated against women. Women are between 13 and 14 times more likely than men to be raped or sexually assaulted; for instance, in 1994, 93% of sexual assaults were perpetrated against women. Four of five stalking victims are women.
The document discusses the origins and consequences of the wars on crime and drugs in the United States since the 1960s. It traces how political protest during the civil rights movement was framed as criminal activity, fueling public concerns about lawlessness. Conservative politicians in the 1960s-1980s leveraged these concerns to justify harsher criminal justice policies. Major legislation in the 1980s and 1990s increased incarceration by imposing mandatory minimums, restricting parole, and emphasizing law enforcement over rehabilitation. This led to exponential growth in the U.S. prison population and a shift towards a punitive crime control model focused on deterrence through harsh punishment.
This document discusses domestic violence and stalking in the United States. It provides statistics on the high prevalence of domestic violence, its health and economic costs, and stalking behaviors. The document then proposes a GPS-based monitoring system called "Keep Me Safe" that would alert victims if their abuser breached a preset distance, allowing victims more protection and freedom from fear.
This document discusses gender-based violence in the U.S., focusing on domestic abuse and sexual assault. It explores the historical relationship between patriarchy and violence against women. While such attitudes remain normalized in society today, women of all backgrounds experience these forms of violence. The document then outlines two approaches to addressing this issue: responding through improving police response and supporting survivors, and preventing further assaults through education and awareness programs. It stresses the importance of continued research to evaluate effective policies and methods for holding perpetrators accountable and changing social views.
Hall_Elizabeth_Unit_Two_Written_assignment[1]Elizabeth Hall
This document discusses victim typologies in relation to hate crimes. It provides background on hate crime laws and data collection in the US. It summarizes a five-category typology of victimization developed by Sellin and Wolfgang, including primary, secondary, tertiary, mutual, and no victimization. Hate crimes involve primary victimization, targeting individuals for their race, religion, or other attributes. While polls showed improving race relations after Obama's election, data from the Uniform Crime Report shows hate crime rates have actually been decreasing since 1996.
Unit 9 Hall Elizabeth Social Construction EssayElizabeth Hall
This document discusses several social construction theories that are used in criminology to understand criminal behavior such as serial killing. It outlines social structure theory, including social disorganization theory, strain theory, and cultural deviance theory. It also discusses social class theory, social process theory, including social learning theory and neutralization theory. Additionally, it summarizes social control theory and labeling theory. For each theory, it provides examples of how the theory may be applied to understanding the behaviors of specific serial killers.
This document discusses the impacts of the crack cocaine epidemic and the laws enacted in response. It presents perspectives from a congressional representative, a journalist, and a documentary director on how the laws focused on incarcerating drug dealers and users while overlooking addiction and poverty issues. Arrest data is also presented showing a rise in drug-related arrests of black individuals compared to other types of crimes. Prevalence data on cocaine and crack use in the US by demographics is included as well.
This document discusses the nature vs. nurture debate around what facilitates male sexual serial murder. It suggests that most researchers believe both genetics and environment during development are factors. Childhood experiences like abuse, isolation, and lack of healthy relationships cause social difficulties and distorted views of relationships and sex. These early experiences interact with predispositions and result in fantasies of violence and revenge emerging during teenage years. By adulthood, failure to achieve needs for power and sex drive some to turn these fantasies into reality through murder. Overall, the document concludes that while genetics play a role, the true facilitators lie more in the negative nurturing environments and experiences during formative years that leave serial killers unable to cope with emotions and society.
This article co-written by Dr. Robert J. Winn which aims to quantify the number of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people in Philadelphia who report to be victims of domestic violence.
Racial profiling has long been controversial, especially among minority groups. Two events that heightened debates around racial profiling in the US were 9/11 and Hurricane Katrina. 9/11 increased profiling of Middle Eastern and Muslim individuals and communities. Hurricane Katrina exposed the racial inequalities still present in America when predominantly Black neighborhoods were left to suffer due to the slow government response. Both events laid bare the racial tensions and differing perspectives that exist in discussions around race in the US.
The United States has spent over $1 trillion on the war on drugs since 1971, resulting in hundreds of thousands of lives lost. Enforcement of drug laws has led to over 1.5 million arrests annually for nonviolent drug offenses and mass incarceration that disproportionately impacts minority communities. Treatment is more effective than incarceration for drug offenders, though only a small portion of the war on drugs budget supports public health policies. The war on drugs has also failed to curb drug use and has contributed to tens of thousands of deaths in Mexico from drug cartel violence.
Ce document de la National Coalition for LGBT Health américaine est le fruit du travail de son "Eliminating Disparities Working Group", publié en 2004.
Il présente les chantiers identifiés de sorte à faire reconnaître et mieux prendre en compte les enjeux de santé des trans. Il balaie un large spectre de déterminants de santé : violences, VIH/sida et des autres IST, usage abusif de produits psychoactifs, santé et bien-être mental, couverture maladie, traitements hormonaux, modifications corporelles auto-réalisées, formation des professionnels de santé, tabac etc.
This document summarizes a paper on mass incarceration in the United States. It notes that the US has only 5% of the world's population but 25% of the world's prisoners. Over the past 50 years, the US penal system has grown from a balanced system to one that is biased and unchecked. This push toward mass incarceration has led to increased rates of recidivism, homelessness, welfare reliance, substance abuse, and generational poverty among inmates. The document argues that alternative methods need to be used for nonviolent crimes to cut costs and enable citizens to lead better lives. A survey found most Americans support probation, community service, and rehabilitation for nonviolent offenders over incarceration.
Serial murder investigations are complex due to the crimes crossing multiple jurisdictions. Reactive policing through routine patrols and case investigations is often not enough to catch serial killers, who plan their crimes carefully. Investigations now use proactive approaches including databases to share information between law enforcement agencies. An FBI symposium discussed best practices for serial murder investigations, emphasizing the importance of communication, task force organization, and using analytical tools and behavioral profiling.
The document summarizes research on various forms of sexual violence and exploitation such as rape, war rape, female genital mutilation, sexual assault, prostitution, human trafficking, and sex tourism. It provides definitions and statistics on the prevalence and impacts of these issues. Specifically, it discusses how rape is used as a weapon of war, the exploitation of over 200,000 "comfort women" by the Imperial Japanese Army during WWII, and the physical and psychological harms of female genital mutilation practices.
Lgbt socialissues-100323125525-phpapp01Shruti Banda
The document discusses the history and progression of the feminist movement and LGBT rights movements. It describes the three waves of feminism, from the first wave in the late 19th century dealing with legal inequalities, to the second wave in the 1960s-1980s addressing social and cultural issues, to the current third wave beginning in the 1990s encompassing a variety of gender issues. Key events and figures in both movements are outlined, such as the Stonewall riots, which sparked the modern gay rights movement in 1969, and the Matthew Shepard Act protecting LGBT individuals in 1998.
The document is a research paper that explores the relationship between drug use and convictions for robbery or theft. It summarizes previous research finding a connection between substance use and criminal behavior motivated by needs related to addiction. The paper aims to determine if illegal drug use increases the likelihood of robbery or theft convictions using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health. It presents a theory that drug-addicted individuals are more likely to commit robbery or theft due to monetary needs to fund their addiction. The dependent variable is robbery/theft conviction and the independent variable is illegal drug use, which will be measured using survey responses.
Latin@ Lives and the Next Generation of HIV Prevention: Policies, Politics a...CHAMP Network
The document summarizes key points about Latinx communities and HIV/AIDS prevention including:
- Latinx people represent 15.3% of the US population but account for 24.8% of HIV diagnoses due to undercounting of Puerto Ricans.
- Substance use, mental illness, and HIV/AIDS are interlinked and increasing one risk can increase the others.
- Injection drug use and sex with injection drug users were major causes of AIDS cases among Hispanic women in the late 1990s.
- Harm reduction strategies like syringe exchange programs are effective in preventing HIV transmission and should be supported.
Medical Whistleblower Canary Notes Newsletter 37 Witness Intimidation ...MedicalWhistleblower
Witness intimidation involves witnesses crucial
to court proceedings being threatened in
order to pressure or extort them not to testify.
The term “witness” is used to refer both to victims
and to bystanders who could provide information
to police. The term “victim” is used to denote the victim of the initial crime. The
refusal of key witnesses to testify commonly renders a case with inadequate physical
evidence void in a court of law. This is a significant problem that has many lawmakers
considering tough penalties for intimidating a witness as in example the state of Kansas,
where it is a criminal misdemeanor, or, if found to be aggravated a felony.
How common is witness intimidation? It is difficult to know because the crime is greatly
under reported and also when intimidation is successful neither the intimidation nor the
original crime are reported. Many witnesses drop out of the investigation process long
before an indictment or court appearance. Witness intimidation plays a role in many
types of crime. Witness intimidation, however, is not the same as repeat victimization.
Although in both cases the same offenders may be responsible for multiple events, their
motives are different. In witness intimidation, the intent is to discourage the victim from
reporting a crime to police or from cooperating with prosecutors, whereas in repeat victimization,
the motive is often acquisitive.
Medical Whistleblowers who witness criminal activity or have been victimized by a crime
are sometimes reluctant to come forward and report incidents to police or to assist in the
prosecution of offenders. In the medical community there are generalized community
norms that discourage doctors, nurses and other medical professionals from cooperating
with a criminal investigation.
The document discusses battered woman syndrome and its use in court cases where abused women kill their abusers and claim self-defense. It describes how battered woman syndrome developed in the 1970s and is now associated with PTSD. The core theories of learned helplessness and the cycle of violence are explained. Research shows women often receive harsher punishments than men for killing abusers. Expert witness testimony on battered woman syndrome provides context for the jury about how continuous abuse can cause victims to act violently in self-defense.
Gangs and the Military presentation at the Northwest Gang Investigators Association, Missoula, Montana. October 2007 by Al Valdez, Ph.D. University of California - Irvine & Carter F. Smith, J. D., Austin Peay State University
Contents lists available atScienceDirectAggression and Vio.docxdickonsondorris
This study analyzes 9 qualitative studies on how women label unwanted sexual experiences. It identifies 7 categories of factors that influence labeling: 1) Self-blame, 2) Normalization of violence, 3) Rejection of the term "sexual violence", 4) Understanding events based on rape scripts, 5) Ambivalence around labeling, 6) Labeling due to violence/impacts, 7) Labeling facilitated by social support/education. Results show labeling is complex, with women minimizing events, justifying perpetrators or avoiding labels due to rape myths and scripts. Seeking support or information can help with identification of sexual violence.
Contents lists available atScienceDirectAggression and Vio.docxbobbywlane695641
Contents lists available at
ScienceDirec
t
Aggression and Violent Behavior
journal homepage:
www.elsevier.com/locate/aggviobe
h
Aggression and Violent Behavior 52 (2020) 10139
5
A metasynthesis of qualitative studies on girls' and women's labeling of sexual violence
T
Catherine Rousseaua,⁎, Manon Bergerona, Sandrine Riccib
a Sexology Department, Université du Québec à Montréal, Montréal, Québec, Canada b Sociology Department, Université de Québec à Montréal, Montréal, Québec, Canada
A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T
Keywords:
Sexual violence
Labeling
Victims
Metasynthesis
Qualitative
Many women do not label their unwanted sexual experiences as rape or sexual violence, but rather use various labels that suggest a different understanding of the events. This metasynthesis provides new insights and empirical evidence of how girls and women discuss their unwanted sexual experiences, and identifies factors that impede or promote such labeling. Qualitative data of 9 studies were synthetized using Noblit and Hare's (1988) framework. Results show that victims can frame sexual violence within rape scripts that may lead to minimization, normalization, self-blame or rationalization of the event. Some participants hold an ambivalent discourse, which suggests that labeling is a fluctuating process. Finally, seeking social support, or receiving educational information seem to facilitate the labeling of sexual violence. The implications for intervention and sexual violence prevention programs are discussed.
C. Rousseau, et al. Aggression and Violent Behavior 52 (2020) 101395
C. Rousseau, et al. Aggression and Violent Behavior 52 (2020) 101395
2
5Introduction
Sexual violence is a social problem, mainly affecting girls and women, that can lead to significant psychosocial consequences (Rhew, Stappenbeck, Bedard-Gilligan, Hughes, & Kaysen, 2017). In the United States, more than one-quarter of women experienced unwanted sexual contact in their lifetime, while one-third experienced some form of noncontact unwanted sexual experience in their lifetime (Basile, Smith, Breiding, Black, & Mahendra, 2014). The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention defines sexual violence as “a sexual act that is committed or attempted by another person without freely given consent of the victim or against someone who is unable to consent or refuse” (Basile et al., 2014, p. 11). Sexual violence includes rape, attempted rape, sexual assault, sexual harassment, sexual coercion without physical force and unwanted sexual contact (Basile et al., 2014). This term is inclusive of the various forms of sexual victimization that are not necessarily criminalized, especially since legal frameworks vary from one country to another. This definition allows for the conception of sexual violence on a continuum, as many feminist researchers have suggested, since the pioneering work of Kelly (1987) and Hanmer
(1977).
While research confirms the high prevalence of sexual violence, few events .
Contents lists available at ScienceDirectAggression and Vi.docxbobbywlane695641
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Aggression and Violent Behavior
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/aggviobeh
A metasynthesis of qualitative studies on girls' and women's labeling of
sexual violence
Catherine Rousseaua,⁎, Manon Bergerona, Sandrine Riccib
a Sexology Department, Université du Québec à Montréal, Montréal, Québec, Canada
b Sociology Department, Université de Québec à Montréal, Montréal, Québec, Canada
A R T I C L E I N F O
Keywords:
Sexual violence
Labeling
Victims
Metasynthesis
Qualitative
A B S T R A C T
Many women do not label their unwanted sexual experiences as rape or sexual violence, but rather use various
labels that suggest a different understanding of the events. This metasynthesis provides new insights and em-
pirical evidence of how girls and women discuss their unwanted sexual experiences, and identifies factors that
impede or promote such labeling. Qualitative data of 9 studies were synthetized using Noblit and Hare's (1988)
framework. Results show that victims can frame sexual violence within rape scripts that may lead to mini-
mization, normalization, self-blame or rationalization of the event. Some participants hold an ambivalent dis-
course, which suggests that labeling is a fluctuating process. Finally, seeking social support, or receiving edu-
cational information seem to facilitate the labeling of sexual violence. The implications for intervention and
sexual violence prevention programs are discussed.
1. Introduction
Sexual violence is a social problem, mainly affecting girls and
women, that can lead to significant psychosocial consequences (Rhew,
Stappenbeck, Bedard-Gilligan, Hughes, & Kaysen, 2017). In the United
States, more than one-quarter of women experienced unwanted sexual
contact in their lifetime, while one-third experienced some form of non-
contact unwanted sexual experience in their lifetime (Basile, Smith,
Breiding, Black, & Mahendra, 2014). The Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention defines sexual violence as “a sexual act that is com-
mitted or attempted by another person without freely given consent of
the victim or against someone who is unable to consent or refuse”
(Basile et al., 2014, p. 11). Sexual violence includes rape, attempted
rape, sexual assault, sexual harassment, sexual coercion without phy-
sical force and unwanted sexual contact (Basile et al., 2014). This term
is inclusive of the various forms of sexual victimization that are not
necessarily criminalized, especially since legal frameworks vary from
one country to another. This definition allows for the conception of
sexual violence on a continuum, as many feminist researchers have
suggested, since the pioneering work of Kelly (1987) and Hanmer
(1977).
While research confirms the high prevalence of sexual violence, few
events of sexual violence are reported to the authorities. According to
the Truman and Langton (2015), 34% of rape and sexual assault crimes
are reported to authorities in the Un.
This document discusses domestic violence and stalking in the United States. It provides statistics on the high prevalence of domestic violence, its health and economic costs, and stalking behaviors. The document then proposes a GPS-based monitoring system called "Keep Me Safe" that would alert victims if their abuser breached a preset distance, allowing victims more protection and freedom from fear.
This document discusses gender-based violence in the U.S., focusing on domestic abuse and sexual assault. It explores the historical relationship between patriarchy and violence against women. While such attitudes remain normalized in society today, women of all backgrounds experience these forms of violence. The document then outlines two approaches to addressing this issue: responding through improving police response and supporting survivors, and preventing further assaults through education and awareness programs. It stresses the importance of continued research to evaluate effective policies and methods for holding perpetrators accountable and changing social views.
Hall_Elizabeth_Unit_Two_Written_assignment[1]Elizabeth Hall
This document discusses victim typologies in relation to hate crimes. It provides background on hate crime laws and data collection in the US. It summarizes a five-category typology of victimization developed by Sellin and Wolfgang, including primary, secondary, tertiary, mutual, and no victimization. Hate crimes involve primary victimization, targeting individuals for their race, religion, or other attributes. While polls showed improving race relations after Obama's election, data from the Uniform Crime Report shows hate crime rates have actually been decreasing since 1996.
Unit 9 Hall Elizabeth Social Construction EssayElizabeth Hall
This document discusses several social construction theories that are used in criminology to understand criminal behavior such as serial killing. It outlines social structure theory, including social disorganization theory, strain theory, and cultural deviance theory. It also discusses social class theory, social process theory, including social learning theory and neutralization theory. Additionally, it summarizes social control theory and labeling theory. For each theory, it provides examples of how the theory may be applied to understanding the behaviors of specific serial killers.
This document discusses the impacts of the crack cocaine epidemic and the laws enacted in response. It presents perspectives from a congressional representative, a journalist, and a documentary director on how the laws focused on incarcerating drug dealers and users while overlooking addiction and poverty issues. Arrest data is also presented showing a rise in drug-related arrests of black individuals compared to other types of crimes. Prevalence data on cocaine and crack use in the US by demographics is included as well.
This document discusses the nature vs. nurture debate around what facilitates male sexual serial murder. It suggests that most researchers believe both genetics and environment during development are factors. Childhood experiences like abuse, isolation, and lack of healthy relationships cause social difficulties and distorted views of relationships and sex. These early experiences interact with predispositions and result in fantasies of violence and revenge emerging during teenage years. By adulthood, failure to achieve needs for power and sex drive some to turn these fantasies into reality through murder. Overall, the document concludes that while genetics play a role, the true facilitators lie more in the negative nurturing environments and experiences during formative years that leave serial killers unable to cope with emotions and society.
This article co-written by Dr. Robert J. Winn which aims to quantify the number of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people in Philadelphia who report to be victims of domestic violence.
Racial profiling has long been controversial, especially among minority groups. Two events that heightened debates around racial profiling in the US were 9/11 and Hurricane Katrina. 9/11 increased profiling of Middle Eastern and Muslim individuals and communities. Hurricane Katrina exposed the racial inequalities still present in America when predominantly Black neighborhoods were left to suffer due to the slow government response. Both events laid bare the racial tensions and differing perspectives that exist in discussions around race in the US.
The United States has spent over $1 trillion on the war on drugs since 1971, resulting in hundreds of thousands of lives lost. Enforcement of drug laws has led to over 1.5 million arrests annually for nonviolent drug offenses and mass incarceration that disproportionately impacts minority communities. Treatment is more effective than incarceration for drug offenders, though only a small portion of the war on drugs budget supports public health policies. The war on drugs has also failed to curb drug use and has contributed to tens of thousands of deaths in Mexico from drug cartel violence.
Ce document de la National Coalition for LGBT Health américaine est le fruit du travail de son "Eliminating Disparities Working Group", publié en 2004.
Il présente les chantiers identifiés de sorte à faire reconnaître et mieux prendre en compte les enjeux de santé des trans. Il balaie un large spectre de déterminants de santé : violences, VIH/sida et des autres IST, usage abusif de produits psychoactifs, santé et bien-être mental, couverture maladie, traitements hormonaux, modifications corporelles auto-réalisées, formation des professionnels de santé, tabac etc.
This document summarizes a paper on mass incarceration in the United States. It notes that the US has only 5% of the world's population but 25% of the world's prisoners. Over the past 50 years, the US penal system has grown from a balanced system to one that is biased and unchecked. This push toward mass incarceration has led to increased rates of recidivism, homelessness, welfare reliance, substance abuse, and generational poverty among inmates. The document argues that alternative methods need to be used for nonviolent crimes to cut costs and enable citizens to lead better lives. A survey found most Americans support probation, community service, and rehabilitation for nonviolent offenders over incarceration.
Serial murder investigations are complex due to the crimes crossing multiple jurisdictions. Reactive policing through routine patrols and case investigations is often not enough to catch serial killers, who plan their crimes carefully. Investigations now use proactive approaches including databases to share information between law enforcement agencies. An FBI symposium discussed best practices for serial murder investigations, emphasizing the importance of communication, task force organization, and using analytical tools and behavioral profiling.
The document summarizes research on various forms of sexual violence and exploitation such as rape, war rape, female genital mutilation, sexual assault, prostitution, human trafficking, and sex tourism. It provides definitions and statistics on the prevalence and impacts of these issues. Specifically, it discusses how rape is used as a weapon of war, the exploitation of over 200,000 "comfort women" by the Imperial Japanese Army during WWII, and the physical and psychological harms of female genital mutilation practices.
Lgbt socialissues-100323125525-phpapp01Shruti Banda
The document discusses the history and progression of the feminist movement and LGBT rights movements. It describes the three waves of feminism, from the first wave in the late 19th century dealing with legal inequalities, to the second wave in the 1960s-1980s addressing social and cultural issues, to the current third wave beginning in the 1990s encompassing a variety of gender issues. Key events and figures in both movements are outlined, such as the Stonewall riots, which sparked the modern gay rights movement in 1969, and the Matthew Shepard Act protecting LGBT individuals in 1998.
The document is a research paper that explores the relationship between drug use and convictions for robbery or theft. It summarizes previous research finding a connection between substance use and criminal behavior motivated by needs related to addiction. The paper aims to determine if illegal drug use increases the likelihood of robbery or theft convictions using data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health. It presents a theory that drug-addicted individuals are more likely to commit robbery or theft due to monetary needs to fund their addiction. The dependent variable is robbery/theft conviction and the independent variable is illegal drug use, which will be measured using survey responses.
Latin@ Lives and the Next Generation of HIV Prevention: Policies, Politics a...CHAMP Network
The document summarizes key points about Latinx communities and HIV/AIDS prevention including:
- Latinx people represent 15.3% of the US population but account for 24.8% of HIV diagnoses due to undercounting of Puerto Ricans.
- Substance use, mental illness, and HIV/AIDS are interlinked and increasing one risk can increase the others.
- Injection drug use and sex with injection drug users were major causes of AIDS cases among Hispanic women in the late 1990s.
- Harm reduction strategies like syringe exchange programs are effective in preventing HIV transmission and should be supported.
Medical Whistleblower Canary Notes Newsletter 37 Witness Intimidation ...MedicalWhistleblower
Witness intimidation involves witnesses crucial
to court proceedings being threatened in
order to pressure or extort them not to testify.
The term “witness” is used to refer both to victims
and to bystanders who could provide information
to police. The term “victim” is used to denote the victim of the initial crime. The
refusal of key witnesses to testify commonly renders a case with inadequate physical
evidence void in a court of law. This is a significant problem that has many lawmakers
considering tough penalties for intimidating a witness as in example the state of Kansas,
where it is a criminal misdemeanor, or, if found to be aggravated a felony.
How common is witness intimidation? It is difficult to know because the crime is greatly
under reported and also when intimidation is successful neither the intimidation nor the
original crime are reported. Many witnesses drop out of the investigation process long
before an indictment or court appearance. Witness intimidation plays a role in many
types of crime. Witness intimidation, however, is not the same as repeat victimization.
Although in both cases the same offenders may be responsible for multiple events, their
motives are different. In witness intimidation, the intent is to discourage the victim from
reporting a crime to police or from cooperating with prosecutors, whereas in repeat victimization,
the motive is often acquisitive.
Medical Whistleblowers who witness criminal activity or have been victimized by a crime
are sometimes reluctant to come forward and report incidents to police or to assist in the
prosecution of offenders. In the medical community there are generalized community
norms that discourage doctors, nurses and other medical professionals from cooperating
with a criminal investigation.
The document discusses battered woman syndrome and its use in court cases where abused women kill their abusers and claim self-defense. It describes how battered woman syndrome developed in the 1970s and is now associated with PTSD. The core theories of learned helplessness and the cycle of violence are explained. Research shows women often receive harsher punishments than men for killing abusers. Expert witness testimony on battered woman syndrome provides context for the jury about how continuous abuse can cause victims to act violently in self-defense.
Gangs and the Military presentation at the Northwest Gang Investigators Association, Missoula, Montana. October 2007 by Al Valdez, Ph.D. University of California - Irvine & Carter F. Smith, J. D., Austin Peay State University
Contents lists available atScienceDirectAggression and Vio.docxdickonsondorris
This study analyzes 9 qualitative studies on how women label unwanted sexual experiences. It identifies 7 categories of factors that influence labeling: 1) Self-blame, 2) Normalization of violence, 3) Rejection of the term "sexual violence", 4) Understanding events based on rape scripts, 5) Ambivalence around labeling, 6) Labeling due to violence/impacts, 7) Labeling facilitated by social support/education. Results show labeling is complex, with women minimizing events, justifying perpetrators or avoiding labels due to rape myths and scripts. Seeking support or information can help with identification of sexual violence.
Contents lists available atScienceDirectAggression and Vio.docxbobbywlane695641
Contents lists available at
ScienceDirec
t
Aggression and Violent Behavior
journal homepage:
www.elsevier.com/locate/aggviobe
h
Aggression and Violent Behavior 52 (2020) 10139
5
A metasynthesis of qualitative studies on girls' and women's labeling of sexual violence
T
Catherine Rousseaua,⁎, Manon Bergerona, Sandrine Riccib
a Sexology Department, Université du Québec à Montréal, Montréal, Québec, Canada b Sociology Department, Université de Québec à Montréal, Montréal, Québec, Canada
A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T
Keywords:
Sexual violence
Labeling
Victims
Metasynthesis
Qualitative
Many women do not label their unwanted sexual experiences as rape or sexual violence, but rather use various labels that suggest a different understanding of the events. This metasynthesis provides new insights and empirical evidence of how girls and women discuss their unwanted sexual experiences, and identifies factors that impede or promote such labeling. Qualitative data of 9 studies were synthetized using Noblit and Hare's (1988) framework. Results show that victims can frame sexual violence within rape scripts that may lead to minimization, normalization, self-blame or rationalization of the event. Some participants hold an ambivalent discourse, which suggests that labeling is a fluctuating process. Finally, seeking social support, or receiving educational information seem to facilitate the labeling of sexual violence. The implications for intervention and sexual violence prevention programs are discussed.
C. Rousseau, et al. Aggression and Violent Behavior 52 (2020) 101395
C. Rousseau, et al. Aggression and Violent Behavior 52 (2020) 101395
2
5Introduction
Sexual violence is a social problem, mainly affecting girls and women, that can lead to significant psychosocial consequences (Rhew, Stappenbeck, Bedard-Gilligan, Hughes, & Kaysen, 2017). In the United States, more than one-quarter of women experienced unwanted sexual contact in their lifetime, while one-third experienced some form of noncontact unwanted sexual experience in their lifetime (Basile, Smith, Breiding, Black, & Mahendra, 2014). The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention defines sexual violence as “a sexual act that is committed or attempted by another person without freely given consent of the victim or against someone who is unable to consent or refuse” (Basile et al., 2014, p. 11). Sexual violence includes rape, attempted rape, sexual assault, sexual harassment, sexual coercion without physical force and unwanted sexual contact (Basile et al., 2014). This term is inclusive of the various forms of sexual victimization that are not necessarily criminalized, especially since legal frameworks vary from one country to another. This definition allows for the conception of sexual violence on a continuum, as many feminist researchers have suggested, since the pioneering work of Kelly (1987) and Hanmer
(1977).
While research confirms the high prevalence of sexual violence, few events .
Contents lists available at ScienceDirectAggression and Vi.docxbobbywlane695641
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Aggression and Violent Behavior
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/aggviobeh
A metasynthesis of qualitative studies on girls' and women's labeling of
sexual violence
Catherine Rousseaua,⁎, Manon Bergerona, Sandrine Riccib
a Sexology Department, Université du Québec à Montréal, Montréal, Québec, Canada
b Sociology Department, Université de Québec à Montréal, Montréal, Québec, Canada
A R T I C L E I N F O
Keywords:
Sexual violence
Labeling
Victims
Metasynthesis
Qualitative
A B S T R A C T
Many women do not label their unwanted sexual experiences as rape or sexual violence, but rather use various
labels that suggest a different understanding of the events. This metasynthesis provides new insights and em-
pirical evidence of how girls and women discuss their unwanted sexual experiences, and identifies factors that
impede or promote such labeling. Qualitative data of 9 studies were synthetized using Noblit and Hare's (1988)
framework. Results show that victims can frame sexual violence within rape scripts that may lead to mini-
mization, normalization, self-blame or rationalization of the event. Some participants hold an ambivalent dis-
course, which suggests that labeling is a fluctuating process. Finally, seeking social support, or receiving edu-
cational information seem to facilitate the labeling of sexual violence. The implications for intervention and
sexual violence prevention programs are discussed.
1. Introduction
Sexual violence is a social problem, mainly affecting girls and
women, that can lead to significant psychosocial consequences (Rhew,
Stappenbeck, Bedard-Gilligan, Hughes, & Kaysen, 2017). In the United
States, more than one-quarter of women experienced unwanted sexual
contact in their lifetime, while one-third experienced some form of non-
contact unwanted sexual experience in their lifetime (Basile, Smith,
Breiding, Black, & Mahendra, 2014). The Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention defines sexual violence as “a sexual act that is com-
mitted or attempted by another person without freely given consent of
the victim or against someone who is unable to consent or refuse”
(Basile et al., 2014, p. 11). Sexual violence includes rape, attempted
rape, sexual assault, sexual harassment, sexual coercion without phy-
sical force and unwanted sexual contact (Basile et al., 2014). This term
is inclusive of the various forms of sexual victimization that are not
necessarily criminalized, especially since legal frameworks vary from
one country to another. This definition allows for the conception of
sexual violence on a continuum, as many feminist researchers have
suggested, since the pioneering work of Kelly (1987) and Hanmer
(1977).
While research confirms the high prevalence of sexual violence, few
events of sexual violence are reported to the authorities. According to
the Truman and Langton (2015), 34% of rape and sexual assault crimes
are reported to authorities in the Un.
Contents lists available at ScienceDirectAggression and Vi.docxmelvinjrobinson2199
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Aggression and Violent Behavior
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/aggviobeh
A metasynthesis of qualitative studies on girls' and women's labeling of
sexual violence
Catherine Rousseaua,⁎, Manon Bergerona, Sandrine Riccib
a Sexology Department, Université du Québec à Montréal, Montréal, Québec, Canada
b Sociology Department, Université de Québec à Montréal, Montréal, Québec, Canada
A R T I C L E I N F O
Keywords:
Sexual violence
Labeling
Victims
Metasynthesis
Qualitative
A B S T R A C T
Many women do not label their unwanted sexual experiences as rape or sexual violence, but rather use various
labels that suggest a different understanding of the events. This metasynthesis provides new insights and em-
pirical evidence of how girls and women discuss their unwanted sexual experiences, and identifies factors that
impede or promote such labeling. Qualitative data of 9 studies were synthetized using Noblit and Hare's (1988)
framework. Results show that victims can frame sexual violence within rape scripts that may lead to mini-
mization, normalization, self-blame or rationalization of the event. Some participants hold an ambivalent dis-
course, which suggests that labeling is a fluctuating process. Finally, seeking social support, or receiving edu-
cational information seem to facilitate the labeling of sexual violence. The implications for intervention and
sexual violence prevention programs are discussed.
1. Introduction
Sexual violence is a social problem, mainly affecting girls and
women, that can lead to significant psychosocial consequences (Rhew,
Stappenbeck, Bedard-Gilligan, Hughes, & Kaysen, 2017). In the United
States, more than one-quarter of women experienced unwanted sexual
contact in their lifetime, while one-third experienced some form of non-
contact unwanted sexual experience in their lifetime (Basile, Smith,
Breiding, Black, & Mahendra, 2014). The Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention defines sexual violence as “a sexual act that is com-
mitted or attempted by another person without freely given consent of
the victim or against someone who is unable to consent or refuse”
(Basile et al., 2014, p. 11). Sexual violence includes rape, attempted
rape, sexual assault, sexual harassment, sexual coercion without phy-
sical force and unwanted sexual contact (Basile et al., 2014). This term
is inclusive of the various forms of sexual victimization that are not
necessarily criminalized, especially since legal frameworks vary from
one country to another. This definition allows for the conception of
sexual violence on a continuum, as many feminist researchers have
suggested, since the pioneering work of Kelly (1987) and Hanmer
(1977).
While research confirms the high prevalence of sexual violence, few
events of sexual violence are reported to the authorities. According to
the Truman and Langton (2015), 34% of rape and sexual assault crimes
are reported to authorities in the Un.
The document discusses intimate partner violence (IPV) and provides statistics on its prevalence. It notes that IPV disproportionately impacts LGBT and immigrant populations. IPV occurs across demographic groups but language barriers, social isolation, and threats to immigration status make immigrant populations especially vulnerable. The document also examines IPV within same-sex couples and differences in legal protections and community resources available. It outlines government programs and funding aimed at addressing IPV through prevention, research, victim services and promoting coordinated community responses.
This document summarizes a research paper that examines whether perceptions of the seriousness of domestic violence differ based on the sexual orientation of the couple involved. The paper reviews previous literature that found domestic violence occurs at similar rates in both heterosexual and homosexual couples. However, most theories of domestic violence are based on a feminist perspective that views it as a heterosexual issue involving a powerful male abuser and female victim. The paper proposes conducting an experimental study that provides vignettes of domestic violence incidents varying the sexual orientation and gender of the victim and offender. The goal is to test whether perceptions of seriousness differ based on these factors, with implications for how domestic violence cases involving homosexual couples are treated within the criminal justice system.
Domestic violence affects people across all demographics and has many negative consequences. Studies have shown that domestic violence contributes to homelessness, substance abuse, depression, and poor mental health. The vast majority of abusers are male, many have criminal histories, and personality disorders. Children who witness domestic violence are at greater risk of long-term harm. Firearms are the most common weapon used in severe domestic violence cases, and abuse often continues during pregnancy.
Journal of Sociology and Social Work June 2017, Vol. 5, No. TatianaMajor22
This document summarizes a journal article that uses critical race theory to explore differences between African American and Caucasian women who perpetrate intimate partner violence. The study found that African American women in the sample were more likely to score higher on measures of physical conflict and parenting attitudes. The document provides background on intimate partner violence among African American female perpetrators and the use of critical race theory as a framework. It discusses how critical race theory acknowledges the intersections of race, gender, and other factors that influence the experiences of African American women with intimate partner violence.
C H A P T E R 8 61356Family and Sexual ViolenceNursing and UTawnaDelatorrejs
C H A P T E R 8 6
1356
Family and Sexual Violence
Nursing and U.S. Policy
Kathryn Laughon, Angela Frederick Amar
“If the numbers we see in domestic violence were applied to terrorism or gang violence, the entire
country would be up in arms, and it would be the lead story on the news every night.”
Rep. Mark Green, Wisconsin
Our society is steeped in violence. In the most recent national statistics, more than 26 per 1000
people aged 12 years or older will be the victims of a violent crime (Truman, Langton, & Planty,
2013). Most of our violence prevention strategies prepare potential victims to ward off violent
attacks from strangers; yet, someone known to the victim perpetrates most violence against women,
children, and older adults. The intimate nature of this violence, often perpetrated behind closed
doors, has made these forms of violence less visible. However, the toll of violence on individuals
and societies is substantial. The World Health Organization has framed violence as a significant
public health problem (Truman, Langton, & Planty, 2013). A public health approach suggests an
interdisciplinary, science-based approach with an emphasis on prevention. Effective strategies draw
on resources in many fields, including nursing, medicine, criminal justice, epidemiology, and other
social scientists.
The purpose of this chapter is to provide an overview of state, federal, and health sector policies
regarding violence against women in the United States, briefly discuss policies related to violence
against children and older adults, and outline the resulting implications for nurses and directions
for future work.
1357
Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Against Women
Intimate partner violence (IPV) is physical, sexual, or psychological harm inflicted by a current or
former partner (same sex or not) or a current or former spouse (Black et al., 2011). Almost one third
of American women experience being hit, slapped, or pushed by an intimate partner, and nearly a
quarter will experience serious forms of IPV during their lifetimes. Additionally, nearly one in five
women will experience a completed or attempted rape in their lifetimes. Men experience IPV and
rape as well, although at far lower rates than do women. About a quarter of men will experience
IPV (about 12% serious forms of violence) and nearly 1.5% a completed or attempted rape.
Although more than half of women reporting rape report that the assailant was an intimate partner
and 40% that the assailant was an acquaintance, men report that half of rapes were by
acquaintances and 15% by strangers; the number raped by an intimate partner was too small to
estimate.
The health effects of IPV and sexual violence are substantial and cost as much as $8.3 billion in
health care and mental health services for victims (Max et al., 2004). Violence is associated with a
wide range of health problems, including chronic pain recurring central nervous system symptoms,
vaginal and sexually transmitted infec ...
This document discusses domestic violence in three paragraphs. It begins by stating that over 3 million incidents of domestic violence are reported in the US each year, and 4,000 victims are killed. It then discusses different types of abuse, including physical, sexual, financial, and identity abuse. The abuser may use tactics like isolation, controlling finances, stereotyping, and humiliation. The third paragraph discusses how battered men have historically been ignored or ridiculed, but research in the 1970s and 80s found that men can also be victims of domestic violence, though reporting and severity is difficult to compare between genders.
This article reviews the literature on women who perpetrate intimate partner violence and recommendations for their treatment. It discusses the debate around research finding that domestic violence is not exclusively perpetrated by men. Studies have found that rates of violence initiated by women in relationships are equivalent to or exceed rates of male-initiated violence. However, this contradicts early feminist theories and has led to attempts to suppress or reinterpret evidence of female-initiated violence. The article argues for recognizing female perpetrators as a growing part of the criminal justice system and identifies similarities and differences between male and female domestic violence offenders to inform improved treatment approaches for women.
This document summarizes research on rape in the Philippines. It discusses that rape is a prevalent problem, with women often being raped without consent. Rape can cause trauma and increase the risk of sexually transmitted diseases for victims. The document reviews studies on why men rape, the impacts of rape, and rape statistics and laws in the Philippines. It concludes that the Philippines has become too lenient on rapists and more needs to be done to empower and protect women from rape.
Sexual Offenders Risk, Recidivism, and Social Policiessoissues
This document discusses sex offender policies and related research findings. It summarizes studies that have found relatively low recidivism rates for sex offenders, often lower than other types of criminals. For example, a US DOJ study found a 5.3% recidivism rate for sex offenders over 3 years, compared to 43% for non-sex offenders. Treatment is also shown to reduce recidivism. However, sex offender laws like registration and notification are enacted in response to public fear rather than evidence, and these laws may negatively impact offenders and their rehabilitation without clear evidence that they reduce reoffending.
Feminist theories of violence attempt to highlight the different experiences of women and men in society. International condemnation of sexual violence increased in the 19th-20th centuries with rising women's rights, but statistics continue rising. Feminist theory describes and analyzes why and how sexual violence exists and varies worldwide. Greater awareness is still needed to show these acts are socially unacceptable in both public and private spheres.
Domestic Violence in Japan in a context of Gender and DevelopmentRyan Webb
Domestic violence is prevalent in Japan, affecting about 1/3 of women. It stems from traditional patriarchal values and gender roles established during Japan's post-war economic growth that restricted women to the home. Women's economic dependence on men and lack of alternatives prevents them from leaving abusive relationships. Addressing domestic violence and achieving greater gender equality is important for women's safety, health, and Japan's continued economic development.
This document discusses the persistence of rape culture in the 21st century. It argues that rape culture stems from societal views of masculinity that teach men to assert dominance over women, as well as from the normalization of sexual violence in schools, media, and on college campuses. The document provides statistics on sexual assault and examines how historical views of rape laws, portrayals of gender roles, sexual harassment in schools, and the exploitation of women in media and entertainment have collectively reinforced a culture where rape is tolerated and victims are not believed or supported.
La influencia del trap en la sociedad contemporaneaIakyMartinez
Evolución del género nacido en el Hip-hop hasta convertirse en uno de los géneros mas oídos de la actualidad. Articulo en ingles de la parte de Elon University.
This article analyzes why rates of sexual assault remain high on college campuses. Through ethnographic research including interviews and observations, the authors find that sexual assault occurs through the intersection of individual, organizational, and interactional factors. At the individual level, students have expectations of partying and drinking heavily. Organizationally, residential arrangements and fraternity control of parties concentrate students and normalize risk. Interactionally, expectations that women be nice and defer to men, combined with drinking, create vulnerability. The authors argue this synergistic intersection reproduces gender inequality and predicts sexual assault as an outcome of the college party culture.
1) Rape victims are at high risk of developing post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) with around 31% of victims experiencing it at some point in their lives. They are also more likely to experience depression, have suicidal thoughts, abuse alcohol and drugs.
2) The mental health impacts of rape put a burden on mental health and public health systems in addition to the criminal justice system.
3) Rape victims' most significant concerns are others finding out about the rape, being blamed for it, confidentiality, pregnancy, and contracting STDs. Recent victims are more concerned with pregnancy, STDs and HIV/AIDS. Maintaining privacy is important to address victims' concerns.
This paper examines theories of intimate partner violence and how same-sex battering threatens these theories. It analyzes the biological theory of male aggression, the feminist theory of patriarchal gender roles, and the social-psychological model. Studies on aggression support male biological predisposition to violence. Gender role studies found domestic violence with female victims seen as most serious, consistent with feminist views. However, rates of violence are similar between same-sex and heterosexual couples, challenging feminist and biological theories. The social-psychological model best explains same-sex battering by integrating psychological and social factors beyond gender alone. More research is needed on same-sex intimate partner violence.
it describes the bony anatomy including the femoral head , acetabulum, labrum . also discusses the capsule , ligaments . muscle that act on the hip joint and the range of motion are outlined. factors affecting hip joint stability and weight transmission through the joint are summarized.
Physiology and chemistry of skin and pigmentation, hairs, scalp, lips and nail, Cleansing cream, Lotions, Face powders, Face packs, Lipsticks, Bath products, soaps and baby product,
Preparation and standardization of the following : Tonic, Bleaches, Dentifrices and Mouth washes & Tooth Pastes, Cosmetics for Nails.
Macroeconomics- Movie Location
This will be used as part of your Personal Professional Portfolio once graded.
Objective:
Prepare a presentation or a paper using research, basic comparative analysis, data organization and application of economic information. You will make an informed assessment of an economic climate outside of the United States to accomplish an entertainment industry objective.
ISO/IEC 27001, ISO/IEC 42001, and GDPR: Best Practices for Implementation and...PECB
Denis is a dynamic and results-driven Chief Information Officer (CIO) with a distinguished career spanning information systems analysis and technical project management. With a proven track record of spearheading the design and delivery of cutting-edge Information Management solutions, he has consistently elevated business operations, streamlined reporting functions, and maximized process efficiency.
Certified as an ISO/IEC 27001: Information Security Management Systems (ISMS) Lead Implementer, Data Protection Officer, and Cyber Risks Analyst, Denis brings a heightened focus on data security, privacy, and cyber resilience to every endeavor.
His expertise extends across a diverse spectrum of reporting, database, and web development applications, underpinned by an exceptional grasp of data storage and virtualization technologies. His proficiency in application testing, database administration, and data cleansing ensures seamless execution of complex projects.
What sets Denis apart is his comprehensive understanding of Business and Systems Analysis technologies, honed through involvement in all phases of the Software Development Lifecycle (SDLC). From meticulous requirements gathering to precise analysis, innovative design, rigorous development, thorough testing, and successful implementation, he has consistently delivered exceptional results.
Throughout his career, he has taken on multifaceted roles, from leading technical project management teams to owning solutions that drive operational excellence. His conscientious and proactive approach is unwavering, whether he is working independently or collaboratively within a team. His ability to connect with colleagues on a personal level underscores his commitment to fostering a harmonious and productive workplace environment.
Date: May 29, 2024
Tags: Information Security, ISO/IEC 27001, ISO/IEC 42001, Artificial Intelligence, GDPR
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How to Build a Module in Odoo 17 Using the Scaffold MethodCeline George
Odoo provides an option for creating a module by using a single line command. By using this command the user can make a whole structure of a module. It is very easy for a beginner to make a module. There is no need to make each file manually. This slide will show how to create a module using the scaffold method.
How to Manage Your Lost Opportunities in Odoo 17 CRMCeline George
Odoo 17 CRM allows us to track why we lose sales opportunities with "Lost Reasons." This helps analyze our sales process and identify areas for improvement. Here's how to configure lost reasons in Odoo 17 CRM
A Strategic Approach: GenAI in EducationPeter Windle
Artificial Intelligence (AI) technologies such as Generative AI, Image Generators and Large Language Models have had a dramatic impact on teaching, learning and assessment over the past 18 months. The most immediate threat AI posed was to Academic Integrity with Higher Education Institutes (HEIs) focusing their efforts on combating the use of GenAI in assessment. Guidelines were developed for staff and students, policies put in place too. Innovative educators have forged paths in the use of Generative AI for teaching, learning and assessments leading to pockets of transformation springing up across HEIs, often with little or no top-down guidance, support or direction.
This Gasta posits a strategic approach to integrating AI into HEIs to prepare staff, students and the curriculum for an evolving world and workplace. We will highlight the advantages of working with these technologies beyond the realm of teaching, learning and assessment by considering prompt engineering skills, industry impact, curriculum changes, and the need for staff upskilling. In contrast, not engaging strategically with Generative AI poses risks, including falling behind peers, missed opportunities and failing to ensure our graduates remain employable. The rapid evolution of AI technologies necessitates a proactive and strategic approach if we are to remain relevant.
Strategies for Effective Upskilling is a presentation by Chinwendu Peace in a Your Skill Boost Masterclass organisation by the Excellence Foundation for South Sudan on 08th and 09th June 2024 from 1 PM to 3 PM on each day.
How to Fix the Import Error in the Odoo 17Celine George
An import error occurs when a program fails to import a module or library, disrupting its execution. In languages like Python, this issue arises when the specified module cannot be found or accessed, hindering the program's functionality. Resolving import errors is crucial for maintaining smooth software operation and uninterrupted development processes.
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Marital%20 rape
1. Applied Research Forum
National Electronic Network on Violence Against Women
Marital Rape
Raquel Kennedy Bergen, Ph.D.
March 1999
INTRODUCTION
While the legal definition varies within the that between one third and one half of battered
United States, marital rape can be defined as any women are raped by their partners at least once
unwanted intercourse or penetration (vaginal, anal, (Bergen, 1996; Browne, 1993; Campbell, 1989).
or oral) obtained by force, threat of force, or when Despite the prevalence of marital rape, this
the wife is unable to consent (Bergen, 1996; problem has received relatively little attention from
Pagelow, 1984; Russell, 1990). Most studies of social scientists, practitioners, the criminal justice
marital rape have included couples who are legally system, and larger society as a whole. In fact it
married, separated, divorced or cohabiting with the was not until the 1970’s that we began, as a soci-
understanding that the dynamics of sexual violence ety, to acknowledge that rape in marriage could
in a long-term cohabiting relationship are similar even occur. Despite this acknowledgement and
to those of a married couple (Mahoney & Will- the recent changes in legislation that have
iams, 1998). For this reason, this document will criminalized rape in marriage, there is still much
include women who are raped by their current that we do not know about this type of intimate
marital partners, previous marital partners, and violence. The intent of this report is to briefly sum-
cohabitors as survivors of marital rape. To date, marize what we do know about rape in marriage
no study of marital rape has included cohabiting (for a comprehensive review of the literature on
gay and lesbian couples. Diana Russell’s (1990) marital rape see Mahoney & Williams, 1998). This
landmark study of sexual assault that involved in- report will provide an overview of the research on
terviews with 930 women in a randomly selected marital rape with (1) a brief legal history of mari-
representative community sample in San Francisco tal rape; (2) a discussion of the occurrence of mari-
established that marital rape is a serious problem tal rape; (3) a summary of the effects of marital
that millions of women face each year. Research- rape; and (4) an analysis of practitioners’ interven-
ers estimate that between 10% and 14% of mar- tions with marital rape survivors.
ried women experience rape in marriage (Finkelhor
& Yllo, 1985; Russell, 1990). When researchers A BRIEF LEGAL HISTORY OF MARITAL RAPE
have examined the prevalence of different types Much of the scholarly attention that has
of rape, they have found that marital rape accounts been given to marital rape has emerged from the
for approximately 25% of all rapes (Randall & legal community. This has occurred because
Haskall, 1995; Resnick, Kilpatrick, Walsh, & throughout the history of most societies, it has been
Vernon, 1991). Rape in marriage is an extremely acceptable for men to force their wives to have sex
prevalent form of sexual violence, particularly against their will. The traditional definition of rape
when we consider that women who are involved in the United States most commonly was, “sexual
in physically abusive relationships may be espe- intercourse with a female not his wife without her
cially vulnerable to rape by their partners. Studies consent” (Barshis, 1983, p. 383). As Finkelhor and
using clinical samples of battered women reveal Yllo (1985) have argued, this provided husbands
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with an exemption from prosecution for raping 1990).
their wives—a “license to rape” (See Drucker,
1979; Eskow, 1996; and Sitton, 1993, for a dis- THE OCCURRENCE OF MARITAL RAPE
cussion of the marital exemption). The foundation To date, the best research on marital rape
of this exemption can be traced back to statements has come from interviews with women about their
made by Sir Matthew Hale, Chief Justice in 17th experiences of sexual violence. This body of re-
century England. Hale wrote, “The husband can- search has its limitations (it may not represent those
not be guilty of a rape committed by himself upon women who are raped by their husbands for years
his lawful wife, for by their mutual matrimonial but never talk about it; and it may over-represent
consent and contract, the wife hath given herself women who are raped and battered because
in kind unto the husband which she cannot retract” samples of women in battered women’s shelters
(quoted in Russell, 1990, p.17). This established are frequently used); however, it has provided us
the notion that once married, a woman does not with important information about how some
have the right to refuse sex with her husband. This women experience rape in marriage. Information
rationale remained largely unchallenged until the about marital rape will be presented in the follow-
1970’s when some members of the women’s move- ing sections: (1) social characteristics of survivors;
ment argued for the elimination of the spousal ex- (2) types of marital rape; and (3) risk factors of
emption because it failed to provide equal protec- marital rape.
tion from rape to all women (Bidwell & White,
1986; Finkelhor & Yllo, 1985). Social Characteristics of
On July 5, 1993, marital rape became a Marital Rape Survivors
crime in all 50 states, under at least one section of Marital rape occurs in all types of marriages
the sexual offense codes. In 17 states and the Dis- regardless of age, social class, race or ethnicity.
trict of Columbia, there are no exemptions from In the largest study, Russell (1990) found that
rape prosecution granted to husbands. However, women were raped by their partners at a variety of
in 33 states, there are still some exemptions given ages; however, almost two-thirds of the wives were
to husbands from rape prosecution. When his wife first raped by their husbands when they were un-
is most vulnerable (e.g., she is mentally or physi- der the age of 25. Social class is a more difficult
cally impaired, unconscious, asleep, etc.) and is variable to measure and the literature is less con-
legally unable to consent, a husband is exempt from clusive. Russell (1990) found that women in the
prosecution in many of these 33 states (Bergen, upper middle class were slightly over-represented
1996; Russell, 1990). Table 1, based on the find- among marital rape survivors while Finkelhor and
ings of the National Clearinghouse on Marital and Yllo (1985) found that those from lower social-
Date Rape (1998), is a state law chart that indi- class backgrounds were more likely to report ex-
cates which states have some exemptions from periencing marital rape. With regard to race,
prosecuting husbands for rape. The existence of Russell (1990) found that the rate of marital rape
some spousal exemptions in the majority of states was slightly higher for African-American women
indicates that rape in marriage is still treated as a than white women, Latinas, and Asian women,
lesser crime than other forms of rape. This per- respectively.
petuates marital rape by conveying the message Research has also revealed some variation
that such acts of aggression are somehow less rep- with regard to women’s decisions to leave their
rehensible than other types of rape. Importantly, husband-rapists. Latinas were less likely than other
the existence of any spousal exemption indicates women to immediately define their experiences of
an acceptance of the archaic understanding that forced sex as “rape” and terminate their relation-
wives are the property of their husbands and the ships; some viewed sex as a marital obligation
marriage contract is an entitlement to sex (Russell, (Bergen, 1996). Russell (1990) found that white
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women were less likely to stay with their husband- being overlooked as a distinctive problem (for more
rapists than African-American, Latina, and Asian on this debate see Bergen, 1996; Russell, 1990).
women. Economic resources played a particularly It is necessary to recognize marital rape as a dis-
significant role in women’s ability to leave as those tinctive problem because for many women who
women who were most likely to leave their hus- are battered and raped, the sexual violence is par-
band-rapists were the ones who were financially ticularly devastating and that trauma must be ad-
independent (Russell, 1990). Russell’s research dressed specifically by service providers (Finkelhor
also revealed that traditional wives (measured by & Yllo, 1985). Additionally, it is problematic to
conformity to traditional female sex roles) were assume that marital rape survivors are all battered
more likely to blame themselves for the violence wives because this ignores the reality that some
and stay with their husbands. The lack of racial, women are raped by their husbands but do not ex-
ethnic, and cultural diversity in samples of marital perience other forms of violence. It must be reiter-
rape survivors makes generalizations difficult; ated that most of the research on marital rape has
however, these findings point to the importance of been conducted with battered women. This meth-
addressing cultural variation and differential un- odological problem may overstate the extent to
derstandings of what constitutes one’s wifely duty. which women are both battered and raped by their
partners. Indeed, Russell (1990) found that four
Types of Marital Rape percent of women in her sample who had ever been
It appears that marital rape is most likely married had been raped by their partners but not
to occur in relationships characterized by other battered. In what Finkelhor and Yllo (1985) have
forms of violence. This has led some researchers called “force-only rape,” husbands use only the
to argue that marital rape is “just one extension of amount of force necessary to coerce their wives;
domestic violence” (Johnson & Sigler, 1997, p. 22). battering may not be characteristic of these rela-
On one hand, viewing rape in marriage as a form tionships. Forty percent of Finkelhor and Yllo’s
of domestic violence is logical given that research- sample of women were victims of “force-only
ers have found that the majority of women who rape.” Thus, to categorize marital rape only as an
are raped by their partners are also battered. In extension of domestic violence excludes these
“battering rapes,” women experience both physi- women and their experiences. As we will address
cal and sexual violence in the relationship later, it is important for advocates who are involved
(Finkelhor & Yllo, 1985). Women who are raped in trying to end violence against women to see
and battered by their partners experience the vio- marital rape both as a form of rape and of domes-
lence in various ways—e.g. some are battered dur- tic violence in order to assist survivors.
ing the sexual violence or the rape may follow a This assistance may be particularly neces-
physically violent episode where the husband sary given that women who are raped by their hus-
wants to “make up” and coerces his wife to have bands are likely to be raped many times—often 20
sex against her will (Bergen, 1996; Finkelhor & times or more before they are able to end the vio-
Yllo, 1985). Other women experience what has lence (Bergen, 1996; Finkelhor & Yllo, 1985;
been labeled “sadistic” or “obsessive” rape; these Russell, 1990). Marital rape survivors not only
assaults involve torture and/or “perverse” sexual experience a higher number of assaults, but re-
acts and are often physically violent. Pornogra- search indicates that they are more likely than
phy is frequently involved with sadistic forms of women raped by acquaintances to experience un-
rape (Bergen, 1996; Finkelhor & Yllo, 1985). wanted oral and anal intercourse (Peacock, 1995).
On the other side of this debate, some have Husbands often rape their wives when they are
argued that marital rape should not be subsumed asleep, or use coercion, verbal threats, physical
under the heading of domestic violence because violence, or weapons to force their wives to have
doing so in the past has led to rape in marriage sex. Importantly, some researchers have found that
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compared to batterers, men who batter and rape THE EFFECTS OF MARITAL RAPE
are particularly dangerous men and are more likely Despite the historical myth that rape by
to severely injure their wives and potentially esca- one’s partner is a relatively insignificant event
late the violence to murder (Browne, 1987; causing little trauma, research indicates that mari-
Campbell, 1989). tal rape often has severe and long-lasting conse-
quences for women. The physical effects of mari-
Risk Factors tal rape may include injuries to the vaginal and
Most researchers of marital rape agree that anal areas, lacerations, soreness, bruising, torn
rape in marriage is an act of violence - an abuse of muscles, fatigue and vomiting (Adams, 1993;
power by which a husband attempts to establish Bergen, 1996). Women who have been battered
dominance and control over his wife. While the and raped by their husbands may suffer other physi-
research thus far reveals no composite picture of a cal consequences including broken bones, black
husband-rapist, these men are often portrayed as eyes, bloody noses, and knife wounds that occur
jealous, domineering individuals who feel a sense during the sexual violence. Campbell and Alford
of entitlement to have sex with their “property.” (1989) report that one half of the marital rape sur-
Given this, women appear to be particularly at risk vivors in their sample were kicked, hit or burned
for being raped by their partners under some cir- during sex. Specific gynecological consequences
cumstances. As was previously indicated, women of marital rape include vaginal stretching, miscar-
who are battered are at greater likelihood of being riages, stillbirths, bladder infections, infertility and
raped by their partners (Frieze, 1983). Addition- the potential contraction of sexually transmitted
ally, pregnancy appears to be a factor that places diseases including HIV (Campbell & Alford,
women at higher risk for both physical and sexual 1989).
abuse (Bergen, 1996; Browne, 1993; Campbell, Some researchers have compared the psy-
1989). Being ill or recently discharged from the chological effects of being raped by one’s partner
hospital are also risk factors for women (Campbell to other forms of violence. Given that women who
& Alford, 1989; Mahoney & Williams, 1998). As are raped by their partners are likely to experience
research with battered women has previously re- multiple assaults, completed sexual attacks, and
vealed, women are at particularly high risk of ex- rape by someone that they once presumably loved
periencing physical and sexual violence whey they and trusted, it is not surprising that marital rape
attempt to leave their abusers for this represents a survivors seem to suffer severe and long-term psy-
challenge to their abusers’ control. Finkelhor and chological consequences (Kilpatrick, Best,
Yllo (1985) found that two thirds of the women in Saunders, & Vernon, 1988; Frieze, 1983). Simi-
their sample were sexually assaulted at the end of lar to other survivors of sexual violence, some of
the relationship. Other researchers have found that the short-term effects of marital rape include anxi-
women who are separated or divorced from their ety, shock, intense fear, depression, suicidal ide-
partners appear to be at high risk for sexual abuse ation, and post-traumatic stress disorder (Bergen,
(Dobash & Dobash, 1992; Kurz, 1997; Russell, 1996; Kilpatrick et al., 1988; Russell, 1990). Com-
1990). Some researchers have noted other risk fac- pared to women raped by strangers and those whom
tors including drug and alcohol use by the abuser, they don’t know well, marital rape survivors re-
and previous experiences of sexual abuse among port even higher rates of anger and depression
the victims. However, these factors are perceived (Koss, Dinero, Siebel, & Cox, 1988). Long-term
as more controversial and the research is far from effects often include disordered eating, sleep prob-
conclusive (Frieze, 1983; Russell, 1990; Whatley, lems, depression, problems establishing trusting
1996). relationships, and increased negative feelings about
themselves (Bergen, 1996; Frieze, 1983). Research
has also indicated that the psychological effects
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are likely to be long lasting—some marital rape Saunders & Size, 1986; Stanko, 1985). The lim-
survivors report flash-backs, sexual dysfunction, ited research on the question of police response to
and emotional pain for years after the violence marital rape reveals an equally dismal picture. The
(Bergen, 1996; Whatley, 1993). majority of women reporting their assaults to the
police in studies by Bergen (1996), Frieze (1983)
INTERVENTION WITH MARITAL RAPE SURVIVORS and Russell (1990) found the police to be unre-
Experts estimate that survivors of marital sponsive. Bergen’s (1996) interviews with marital
rape are less likely than other survivors of violence rape survivors reveal that when police officers learn
to report their assaults to formal service providers, that the assailant is the woman’s husband, they may
friends, or family members. This estimation is fail to respond to a call from a victim of marital
grounded in studies that show women who are rape, refuse to allow a woman to file a complaint,
raped by acquaintances are less likely than those and/or refuse to accompany her to the hospital to
raped by strangers to report their assaults (Koss et collect medical evidence. Frieze (1983) argues that
al., 1988; Mahoney & Williams, 1998). Reporting police officers are even less responsive to survi-
rape in marriage may become even more compli- vors of marital rape than they are to battered
cated because of a woman’s relationship to her women. Recommendations for police departments
assailant. Women raped by their husbands may include educating officers about the reality of wife
hesitate to report because of family loyalty, fear of rape; teaching officers how to sensitively ask
their abuser’s retribution, inability to leave the re- women about sexual violence when they respond
lationship, or they may not know that rape in mar- to domestic violence calls; confronting sexist atti-
riage is against the law. Furthermore, many re- tudes that assume women are the property of their
searchers have written about the discomfort that husbands and, thus, unrapeable; holding police
women feel when they discuss the sexual violence departments accountable for their non-responsive-
experienced with their partners (Bergen, 1996; ness; and involving more women police officers
Browne, 1987; Russell, 1990). A final compelling in domestic violence and rape cases (Bergen, 1996;
reason for women’s under-reporting is that many Russell, 1990).
do not define their experiences of forced sex in
marriage as rape. Some believe that only stranger Religious Advisors
rape is “real rape;” and other women see sex in Many women do not feel comfortable con-
marriage as an obligation and define forced sex as tacting the police, and alternatively choose to speak
a “wifely duty,” not rape (Bergen, 1996). If they with their religious advisers. Researchers have
do not define their experiences as rape, women are found that support for women in violent relation-
unlikely to seek outside assistance to stop the vio- ships is not always forthcoming from religious
lence. advisers. In a study of battered women, Bowker
Research indicates that when women do (1983) found that they ranked clergy members as
seek assistance for marital rape, there is often a the least helpful of those to whom they had turned
failure on behalf of others including police offic- for assistance. The emphasis of some religious in-
ers, religious advisers, battered women’s shelter stitutions on wives’ responsibility “to obey their
advocates, and rape crisis counselors to provide husbands” and the sinfulness of women’s refusal
adequate assistance. The following sections will to have sexual intercourse with their husbands,
address each of these groups of service providers. perpetuate the problem of marital rape. Yllo and
LeClerc (1988) and Adams (1993) offer several
Police recommendations for religious advisors to assist
There is a large body of research that ad- marital rape survivors, including: inviting women
dresses the inadequate response of the police to to speak about their experiences of sexual violence,
the problem of wife abuse (e.g. Pagelow, 1992; helping women to name their experiences as
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“rape,” focusing on the responsibility of the abuser Once these questions are asked, service
and not the wife, and working to challenge social providers must be prepared to bear witness to the
conventions that perpetuate marital rape. stories that many survivors of marital rape will
share. Bergen’s (1996) research indicated that
many service providers were uncomfortable hear-
Battered Women’s Shelters and ing about women’s experiences of sexual violence
Rape Crisis Centers and felt that they lacked the information needed to
Two major sources of potential support for adequately respond to these women. Training spe-
survivors of marital rape are battered women’s cifically on marital rape is critical for staff mem-
shelters and rape crisis centers. Research indicates bers and volunteers; such programs should com-
that many of these organizations have failed to prehensively address characteristics of marital rape
adequately address the problem of marital rape and how to identify survivors, the state’s laws on
(Bergen, 1996; Russell, 1990; Thompson-Haas, marital rape, and counseling techniques. Rape cri-
1987). A survey of battered women’s shelters and sis centers and battered women’s shelters can pro-
rape crisis centers in the United States by Bergen vide a variety of other services for marital rape
in 1995 revealed several deficiencies in the ser- survivors including shelter, medical and legal ad-
vices being provided. For example, less than half vocacy. Many marital rape survivors would ben-
of battered women’s shelter programs (42%) and efit from counseling. Ideally, a program would
79% of rape crisis centers provide training on mari- provide individual counseling as well as a group
tal rape specifically to their staff members and specifically for survivors of marital rape. Alterna-
volunteers. Bergen’s (1996) research also revealed tively, offering survivors of marital rape the op-
that only 2% of battered women’s shelters and rape tions of joining support groups for sexual assault
crisis centers provide a support group specifically survivors, battered women, or both, is beneficial,
for marital rape survivors. Interviews with survi- as individual women will define their needs dif-
vors of marital rape indicate that they have differ- ferently. Finally, it is necessary for both battered
ent needs than battered-only women and those women’s shelters and rape crisis programs to claim
raped by someone other than their partners (Bergen, ownership of this problem. This can happen by
1996; Hanneke & Shields, 1985). Finally, although including marital rape in the mission statement,
rape crisis centers and battered women’s shelters providing educational programs to the community,
routinely ask women about previous experiences and distributing literature on rape in marriage.
of sexual and physical violence, fewer than half Providing outreach to certain groups such as people
(42%) regularly asked women about experiences with disabilities, and those in rural areas, same-
of marital rape. Specifically, only 17% of rape cri- sex relationships and non-English speaking com-
sis centers routinely ask about rape by a partner. munities who may be unaware of available ser-
Asking sensitive questions about marital rape is vices is particularly critical.
critical because women are unlikely to volunteer There are many other professionals who
this information on their own. Furthermore, merely are in positions to assist marital rape survivors and
asking if one has “ever been raped?” is insufficient there is a small body of research that addresses
because so many marital rape survivors do not iden- specific types of assistance. For example,
tify the sexual violence as rape. Instead, women Weingourt (1985) provides information for how
should be questioned about their partners “forcing those in the psychiatric community can identify
them to do things sexually they are uncomfortable and treat marital rape survivors in their practices.
with,” “pressuring them to have intercourse,” Given the physical and specifically gynecological
“forcing them to have sex against their will” and effects of marital rape, medical professionals are
so forth (Bergen, 1996; Hanneke, Shields, & important resources for marital rape survivors (see
McCall, 1986; Russell, 1990). Campbell, 1989; Campbell & Alford, 1989). Fi-
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St. Joseph’s University
Department of Sociology
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and treatment of wife rape. In J. Jasinski & L. case of marital rape. Violence and Victims, 8, 29-
Williams (Eds.), Partner violence: A comprehen- 39.
sive review of 20 years of research. Thousand
Oaks, CA: Sage.
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9. VAWnet Applied Research Forum
Weingourt, R. (1985). Wife rape: Barriers to
identification and treatment. American
Journal for Psychotherapy, 39, 2.
Yllo, K., & LeClerc, D. (1988). Marital rape. In
A. L. Horton & J. A. Williamson (Eds.), Abuse
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RESOURCES ON MARITAL RAPE
Center for Constitutional Rights National Clearinghouse on Marital and
666 Broadway, 7th Floor Date Rape
New York, NY 10012 Women’s History Research Center Inc.
212-614-6464 2325 Oak St.
Services available: provides a brochure (English and Berkeley, CA 94708
Spanish are available) entitled “Stopping Sexual 510-524-1582
Assault in Marriage.” web address: http://members.aol.com/ncmdr/
index.html
Domestic Violence Project Services available: provides information on state
P.O. Box 7052 laws, a state law chart (available for $3.00), speak-
Ann Arbor, MI 48107 ers on wife rape, telephone consultations (the
chargeis $7.50 per 15 minutes), and volunteer in-
734-995-5444
Services available: provides an information packet ternships.
on wife rape and a manual for starting wife rape
support groups, and providing training on wife rape Wife Rape Information Page
to staff and volunteers. web address: http://www.wellesley.edu/
WCW/ projects/mrape.html
Marital Rape Information Contains basic information about the definition
Women’s Studies Library of wife rape; legal status of wife rape; commonly
University of Illinois asked questions; and a bibliography.
415 Library
Urbana, IL 61801
217-244-1024
Services available: provides information on re-
searching wife rape and documents on wife rape.
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STATE LAW CHART
STATE LAW CHART
The following was adapted from a chart prepared by the National Clearinghouse on
Marital and Date Rape, Berkeley, CA. July 1998. The Clearinghouse has been in-
strumental in lobbying for changes in legislation and continually updates the chart
for accuracy.
In 17 states, there are no exemptions from rape prosecution granted to husbands
under the law. These states are marked with an asterisk (*). However, 33 states still
have some exemptions from prosecuting husbands for rape usually with regard to
the use of force. In four states, Connecticut, Iowa, Minnesota, and West Virginia,
these privileges are extended to cohabitors.
Alabama Nevada
Alaska New Hampshire
Arizona New Jersey *
Arkansas New Mexico *
California New York *
Colorado * North Carolina *
Connecticut North Dakota *
Delaware Ohio
Florida * Oklahoma
Georgia * Oregon *
Hawaii Pennsylvania
Idaho Rhode Island
Illinois South Carolina
Indiana * South Dakota
Iowa Tennessee
Kansas Texas *
Kentucky Utah *
Louisiana Vermont *
Maine Virginia
Maryland Washington
Massachusetts * West Virginia
Michigan Wisconsin *
Minnesota Wyoming
Mississippi District of Columbia *
Missouri Federal Lands *
Montana * - In any state (federal crime)
Nebraska * - 1992-exemption repealed from
military courts
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In Brief: Marital Rape
Approximately 10-14% of married women are raped by their husbands in the United States. Histori-
cally, most rape statutes read that rape was forced sexual intercourse with a woman not your wife, thus
granting husbands a license to rape. On July 5, 1993, marital rape became a crime in all 50 states, under
at least one section of the sexual offense codes. In 17 states and the District of Columbia, there are no
exemptions from rape prosecution granted to husbands. However, in 33 states, there are still some
exemptions given to husbands from rape prosecution. When his wife is most vulnerable (e.g., she is
mentally or physically impaired, unconscious, asleep, etc.) and is unable to consent, a husband is ex-
empt from prosecution in many of these 33 states (Bergen, 1996; Russell, 1990).
Women who are raped by their husbands are likely to be raped many times. They experience not only
vaginal rape, but also oral and anal rape. Researchers generally categorize marital rape into three types:
· Force-only rape: The husband uses only the amount of force necessary to coerce their
wives.
· Battering rape: Husbands rape and batter their wives. The battering may happen concur-
rently or before or after the sexual assault.
· Sadistic /obsessive rape: Husbands use torture or perverse sexual acts. Pornography is
often involved.
Women are at particularly high risk for being raped by their partners under the following circum-
stances:
· Women married to domineering men who view them as “property”
· Women who are in physically violent relationships
· Women who are pregnant
· Women who are ill or recovering from surgery
· Women who are separated or divorced
It is a myth that marital rape is less serious than other forms of sexual violence. There are many
physical and emotional consequences that may accompany marital rape.
· Physical effects include injuries to the vaginal and anal areas, lacerations, soreness,
bruising, torn muscles, fatigue, and vomiting.
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· Women who are battered and raped frequently suffer from broken bones, black eyes,
bloody noses and knife wounds.
· Gynecological effects include vaginal stretching, miscarriages, stillbirths, bladder infec-
tions, sexually transmitted diseases, and infertility.
· Short-term psychological effects include PTSD, anxiety, shock, intense fear, depression
and suicidal ideation.
· Long-term psychological effects include disordered sleeping, disordered eating, depres-
sion, intimacy problems, negative self-images, and sexual dysfunction.
Research indicates a lack of responsiveness to marital rape survivors on behalf of service providers—
particularly police officers, religious leaders, rape crisis counselors, and battered women’s advocates.
There is a need for those who come into contact with marital rape survivors to comprehensively ad-
dress this problem and provide resources, information and support to survivors.
This In Brief highlights issues discussed in a longer document created by Raquel Kennedy Bergen and is
available through your state domestic violence coalition.
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