The modern State is the distinctive product of a unique civilization. But
it is a product which is still in the making, and a part of the process is a
struggle between new and old principles of social order.
Arendtian Perspective of the State and Sovereignty Nexus: A Contemporary Inte...AJHSSR Journal
The political-legal precepts of the State and sovereignty have occupied a center stage in the
realm of political theory. The State as an organized political community under a solitary system of government
is construed to be concomitant with sovereignty in its modus operandi. In the discourse of this nature, the facet
of concern graduates into being that which underpins these actualities. It could be enunciated that the State and
sovereignty are two incomplete dashes of realism which are ever ready to receive the other for either to be
complete for apropos functioning. The subject of concern of this exposition is what is it that institutes the
ostensible efficacy or efficacy per excellence in the functioning of these two co-realities? The approach utilized
in the pursuit of conceivable panacea to this quandary was critical phenomenology coupled as well as guided by
a hermeneutic propensity. Upon the employment of the previous methodology, the sequel was that power,
precisely, the ascendency of the subjects delineates the symmetry between the State along with sovereignty.
Furthermore, it is this sway of the led that is liable to the linkage that subsists between these co-realities. The
caveat, as well as the mode forward in maintaining this brand of rapport, is via the apposite conscientization of
the citizenry in matters appertaining to the legal aspects as a sort of appropriate empowerment.
The modern State is the distinctive product of a unique civilization. But
it is a product which is still in the making, and a part of the process is a
struggle between new and old principles of social order.
Arendtian Perspective of the State and Sovereignty Nexus: A Contemporary Inte...AJHSSR Journal
The political-legal precepts of the State and sovereignty have occupied a center stage in the
realm of political theory. The State as an organized political community under a solitary system of government
is construed to be concomitant with sovereignty in its modus operandi. In the discourse of this nature, the facet
of concern graduates into being that which underpins these actualities. It could be enunciated that the State and
sovereignty are two incomplete dashes of realism which are ever ready to receive the other for either to be
complete for apropos functioning. The subject of concern of this exposition is what is it that institutes the
ostensible efficacy or efficacy per excellence in the functioning of these two co-realities? The approach utilized
in the pursuit of conceivable panacea to this quandary was critical phenomenology coupled as well as guided by
a hermeneutic propensity. Upon the employment of the previous methodology, the sequel was that power,
precisely, the ascendency of the subjects delineates the symmetry between the State along with sovereignty.
Furthermore, it is this sway of the led that is liable to the linkage that subsists between these co-realities. The
caveat, as well as the mode forward in maintaining this brand of rapport, is via the apposite conscientization of
the citizenry in matters appertaining to the legal aspects as a sort of appropriate empowerment.
1 ENGLISH 106 Dr. Kurt Voss-Hoynes ASSIGNMENT 2 .docxaryan532920
1
ENGLISH 106
Dr. Kurt Voss-Hoynes
ASSIGNMENT 2
DUE DATE: Friday, November 4, 2016 by 5:00pm. The REVISION is DUE ON THE LAST DAY OF
CLASS.
EMAIL SUBMISSION GUIDELINES:
Please have the subject of your email read “LAST NAME ENG 106 H1” and
NOTHING else; if you fail to use the proper subject line there is a good chance that
I will miss your email. Please email me your paper as a .doc, .rtf, or .pages file —NO
PDFs.
LENGTH and FORMAT: 3 pages MAXIMUM, double-spaced with 1 inch margins. Please
refer to the formatting sheet I provided.
NEED HELP?: Set up a time to meet with me in my office, or you can always send me an email :
[email protected]
Guidelines:
Select one of the three passages—see selections on attached sheet—and paraphrase it in
NO MORE than 5 sentences. In your summary you should identify key points and
articulate what you think the passage means.
After paraphrasing the passage, you should then pick 1–2 examples from The Night Of and
explain how your chosen aspect of biopolitics informs our understanding of the show and
how the show alters the theoretical implications of biopolitics. Remember, your analysis of
each example should answer the “how,” “why,” “what,” and, most importantly, “so what.”
DO NOT structure your interpretation of the passage around a single argument or question.
Instead, your final paragraph (no more than 4 sentences) should comment on how your
analysis of The Night Of using a biopolitical lens comments on current affairs.
Your paper must have a title (please feel free to be creative).
2
ASSIGNMENT 2 PASSAGES
1. For a long time; one of the characteristic privileges of sovereign power was the right
to decide life and death. In a formal sense, it derived no doubt from the ancient patria potestas
that granted the father of the Roman family the right to “dispose” of t he life of his children
and his slaves; just as he had given them life, so he could take it away. By the time the right
to life and death was framed by the classical theoreticians, it was in a considerably
diminished form. It was no longer considered that this power of the sovereign over his
subjects could be exercised in an absolute and unconditional way, but only in cases where
the sovereign’s very existence was in jeopardy: a sort of right of rejoinder. If he were
threatened by external enemies who sought to overthrow him or contest his rights, he could
then legitimately’ wage war, and require his subjects to take part in the defense of the state;
without “directly proposing their death,” he was empowered to “expose their life”: in this
sense, he wielded an “indirect’’ power over them of life and death. But if someone dared to
rise up against him and transgress his laws, then he could exercise a direct power over the
offender’s life: as punishment, the latter would be put to death. Viewed in this way, the
power of life and death was not an absolute ...
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My slides at Nordic Testing Days 6.6.2024
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The IoT and OT threat landscape report has been prepared by the Threat Research Team at Sectrio using data from Sectrio, cyber threat intelligence farming facilities spread across over 85 cities around the world. In addition, Sectrio also runs AI-based advanced threat and payload engagement facilities that serve as sinks to attract and engage sophisticated threat actors, and newer malware including new variants and latent threats that are at an earlier stage of development.
The latest edition of the OT/ICS and IoT security Threat Landscape Report 2024 also covers:
State of global ICS asset and network exposure
Sectoral targets and attacks as well as the cost of ransom
Global APT activity, AI usage, actor and tactic profiles, and implications
Rise in volumes of AI-powered cyberattacks
Major cyber events in 2024
Malware and malicious payload trends
Cyberattack types and targets
Vulnerability exploit attempts on CVEs
Attacks on counties – USA
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In-depth analysis of the cyber threat landscape across North America, South America, Europe, APAC, and the Middle East
Why are attacks on smart factories rising?
Cyber risk predictions
Axis of attacks – Europe
Systemic attacks in the Middle East
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https://sectrio.com/resources/ot-threat-landscape-reports/sectrio-releases-ot-ics-and-iot-security-threat-landscape-report-2024/
Observability Concepts EVERY Developer Should Know -- DeveloperWeek Europe.pdfPaige Cruz
Monitoring and observability aren’t traditionally found in software curriculums and many of us cobble this knowledge together from whatever vendor or ecosystem we were first introduced to and whatever is a part of your current company’s observability stack.
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I, a former op, would like to extend an invitation to all application developers to join the observability party will share these foundational concepts to build on:
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Machiavelli and hobbes share a similar analysis of political power
1. Machiavelli and Hobbes Political Power 1
Machiavelli and Hobbes share a similar Analysis of Political Power. Discuss
Anurag Gangal
Professor and Head of Department, Political Science and
Director, Gandhian Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies,
University of Jammu, Jammu, Jammu and Kashmir, India.
Machiavelli in his Prince is primarily a practical observer and diplomat analyst
prescribing numerous ethical and political instructions to Cesar Borgia for, as it were,
pyramidical maintenance, sustenance and enhancement of political power at various stages of
capturing, nurturing, preserving and augmenting power and absolute power at the helm of the
State.
Hobbes’s aim in his Leviathan is similar to that of Machiavelli’s Prince. Both are equally
concerned for bringing about order out of chaotic civil war like situation in England and
arbitrary rule of the Papal State in Italy respectively. Hobbes is making an all out effort to
create an edifice and basis of scientific foundation for the need of a sovereign power through
his so called scientific materialism. That is why he discusses at length human nature, psyche
and need for sociological order in society. Hobbes places the Sovereign – all powerful
political ruler -- at the apex of all other aspects and activities of life.
There must be absolute ruthlessness in capturing, sustaining and enhancing political power
by the ruler for Machiavelli. Even the slightest sign of departure from this act must be
crushed for good. However for preservation of political power, Machiavelli forewarns his
prince or king or ruler alongwith advising murder and all type of brutalities. An example of
such ideas is to be seen in the following theme or suggestion that runs through three chapters
of The Prince:
A man may forget the murder of his father but not the confiscation
of his patrimony and woman.1
In Machiavelli’s time, as Sabine also says, absolutism was emerging as a powerful force in
different ways while demolishing the medieval yardsticks of order and monarchies.
Absolute monarchy overturned feudal constitutionalism and the free
city-states, on which medieval civilization had largely depended, just
as nationalism later overturned the dynastic legitimacy to which
absolute monarchy gave rise. The church itself, the most
characteristic of all medieval institutions, fell a prey to it, or to social
forces upon which it depended. Weak and rich -- a fatal combination
in an age of blood and iron -- the monasteries were expropriated by
Protestant and Catholic monarchies alike, to provide the wealth of a
new middle class which was the main strength of the monarchy.
2. Machiavelli and Hobbes Political Power 2
Ecclesiastical rulers were everywhere subjected more and more to
royal control, and in the end the church's legal authority disappeared.
The sacerdotium vanished as a power, and the church became --
what it had never before been for Christian thought -- either a
voluntary association or a partner of national government.2
Machiavelli does not care to show his analysis to be having a scientific basis while Hobbes
appears to be bothered about this from the very beginning of his Leviathan. Machiavelli is a
sharp observer and a practitioner of mundane diplomacy and politics. Hobbes is basically a
philosopher finding support in erecting an apparent scientific basis for his fictional social
contract. Yet, what Sabine says is indeed true about Machiavelli and Hobbes – especially
about the point where their analysis of political power becomes similar:
Hence his cynical remark that a man more readily forgives the murder
of his father than the confiscation of his patrimony. The prudent ruler
may kill but he will not plunder. When completed by a systematic
psychology to explain and justify it, this phase of Machiavelli became
the political philosophy of Hobbes.3
Despite such sharing of the concept of political power in Machiavelli and Hobbes, there is
vast difference in their methodology, approach and thematic emphasis anent the major
perspectives and elements relating to successful and brutal kingly rule and establishment of
an all powerful sovereign ruler respectively. For Machiavelli, in The Prince, an individual
seldom emerges as important component of the entire statecraft and ‘princely’ rule. While,
for Hobbes, it is the individual writ large despite creation of his authoritarian sovereign after,
indeed, every individual in the state of nature enters into a contract one with one another for
surrendering their rights to the absolute ruler. This appears to be an interesting divergence in
the otherwise shared concept of political power in Machiavelli and Hobbes.4
Hobbes’s concept of political power is more systematic than Machiavelli. Sabine also
supports this view when he says, “It is notable chiefly for the logical clarity of the argument
and the consistency with which it carried through the presumptions from which it started. It
was in no sense a product of realistic political observation [of Machiavelli].”5
It is indeed surprising to see how both Hobbes and Machiavelli have come up with similar
concept of political power despite having different methods. Hobbes’s psychology, sociology
and political understanding in his Leviathan were not based on his observation of human
beings while Machiavelli was past master in this context. Maybe their social and political
context and purpose behind writing Prince and Leviathan were similar.
In reaching his concept of political power, Hobbes’s method was geometrical – moving
from simple to complex, i.e., from individual’s utilitarian need for security and comfort to a
3. Machiavelli and Hobbes Political Power 3
political order with government and law under the Sovereign ruler. Machiavelli’s method is
different and much ahead of his own time. Observation and empiricism is his method. For
him like Hobbes, good laws and armies are most important for uniting Italy and making it a
very powerful country. Hobbes however does not discuss the factor of army in his concept of
political power.6
There is yet another difference in the concept of political power of both thinkers.
Machiavelli is a strategist and a writer in statecraft or a practical advisor in matters of state
administration while Hobbes is a system builder and a philosopher.7
Machiavelli advises and
prescribes his concepts while Hobbes builds his philosophy of political power.
What Hobbes builds in his Leviathan? For him, there is apparently a state of nature where
man or human beings are sad, nasty, brutish and selfish living almost in a state of war of
every individual against each individual. These beings – out of sheer mutual disgust and
sadness – decide to enter into a social contract and repose their natural laws and rights by
virtue of natural reason into a Sovereign person for the purpose of security of life and order in
society through a leviathan Sovereign. Hence, Hobbes is hypothetically studying human
nature, psychology, need for society, sociological foundations and the quest for a political
order and political system in his own unique way or the geometrical method. Hobbes as such
knits his web of scientific materialism leading to near complete submission of every
individual to a Sovereign of course with certain qualifying limitations on the sovereign
power. As long as the Sovereign is able to protect the life of his subjects, he remains a
Sovereign. Otherwise, implicitly, the state of nature will emerge again. In Hobbes’s own
words:
First, because they Covenant, it is to be understood, they are not
obliged by former Covenant to anything repugnant hereunto. And
Consequently they that have already Instituted a Common-wealth,
being thereby bound by Covenant, to own the Actions, and
Judgements of one, cannot lawfully make a new Covenant, amongst
themselves, to be obedient to any other, in anything whatsoever,
without his permission. And therefore, they that are subjects to a
Monarch, cannot without his leave cast off Monarchy, and return to
the confusion of a disunited Multitude; nor transferred their Person
from him that bears it, to another Man, or other Assembly of men: for
they are bound, every man to every man, to Own, and be reputed
Author of all, that he that already is their Sovereign, shall do, and
judge fit to be done: so that any one man dissenting, all the rest
should break their Covenant made to that man, which is injustice: and
they have also every man given the Sovereignty to him that bears
4. Machiavelli and Hobbes Political Power 4
their Person; and therefore if they depose him, they take from which
is his own, and so again it is injustice.8
Machiavelli does not engage in such Hobbesian labyrinthine act of establishing the link of
human felicity of Reason between two hitherto fore mutually opposite nuances and concepts
of natural laws and natural rights. Hobbes is trying to knit a fabric of a social science if not
exact science behind his concept of political power.
Machiavelli is an observer, historian and an empiricist going towards becoming strategist
and an expert in statecraft and administration.
In both the thinkers, concept of political power goes for establishing an absolutist ruler
who at best can otherwise be an authoritarian king and sovereign. Sovereignty by definition is
also indivisible and absolute in nature. No one can be above a sovereign.
Both are quite ethical in explaining their concept of political power inasmuch as they both
put certain limitations upon the conduct of their all powerful rulers. Machiavelli does not
allow his brutal and ruthless rulers to touch the property and women of their subjects. His
ruler may mercilessly murder and kill but not plunder. For Machiavelli, glory and power are
needed for a ruler to be really successful and long lasting.
For both, a strong ruler and powerful political order in society was needed. Their approach
in this matter is highly objective, secular and singular with their aim of having an ordered
united country for the prosperity and security of citizens and ever augmenting power of their
political rulers and the sovereign.
Machiavelli’s political power is however required for ever increasing power. Power for the
sake of power is needed here. Other things will follow suit. Hobbes’s position is again in this
context. Hobbes is not Machiavellian though he may be an authoritarian in nature.
Machiavelli is crude and brutal in his Prince. Hobbes is not like Machiavelli in terms of
ruthlessness and brutality of the Sovereign.9
Machiavelli’s concept of political power is such that no one can match his genius even in
the present age of the most inhuman destructive nuclear technology. Machiavelli’s Prince
does not need Max Lerner’s age of overkill for killing and murdering mercilessly.
Machiavelli’s boldness makes him the first modern political thinker. Hobbes’s concept of
political power is at best a more systematic extension of the Machiavellian enunciation.
Even otherwise, there are authors who do not regard Hobbes’s idea of political power as
his original contribution vis-a-vis Machiavelli. Leo Strauss and others see that perhaps
5. Machiavelli and Hobbes Political Power 5
Hobbes was inspired by Aristotle, Thucydides and Machiavelli in evolving his concept of
political power and what Machiavelli often refers to as “glory”.10
Whoever might have inspired Hobbes in his ideas on political power, it appears
undoubtedly clear that Machiavelli and Hobbes have contributed very meaningfully in
expanding the horizons of understanding and knowledge concerning political power. They
both have been much ahead of their own time. The political realism of the modern age indeed
owes a lot to the modern tradition of realist political analytical perspectives laid by Hobbes
and Machiavelli.
While comparing the concept of political power of Machiavelli and Hobbes, it emerges
clearly that Hobbes is a little lesser of a realist than Machiavelli while Machiavelli is not as
much of an idealist as Hobbes is despite being a progenitor of the concept of political power.
Who among these two is a more ruthless proponent of gaining political power upon political
power endlessly? The answer is obvious – none other than Machiavelli.
6. Machiavelli and Hobbes Political Power 6
References
1
Machiavelli, Niccolo, The Prince, London: Plain Label Books, 1952, Chapters – VII to IX, pp. 33-85.
2
Sabine, George H., A History of Political Theory, New York: Holt Rinehart and Winston, 1961, pp. 333-334.
3
Ibid. pp. 343. Emphasis added.
4
Ibid. pp. 473-475.
5
Ibid. p. 474.
6
Skinner, Quentin, Machiavelli: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2000, pp. 33-36.
7
Femia, Joseph V. Machiavelli Revisited, Cardiff, Wales: Universal Publication, 2004, pp. 30-32.
8
Hobbes, Thomas. Leviathan: Or, the Matter, Form and Power of a Commonwealth, Ecclesiastical and Civil,
Editor, A. R. Waller, Cambridge: CUP, 1904, p. 120-121.
9
Ibid. Hobbes, Thomas. p. 120.
10
Slomp, Gabriella. Thomas Hobbes and the Political Philosophy of Glory, Houndmills: Macmillan, 2000, pp. 49-
51.