1. Japanese mothers play an active role in developing their children's literacy both before and after they enter the school system. Mothers see it as their responsibility to teach skills like reading, writing, and counting to orient their children towards education. 2. The study examines the literacy development of two boys ages 6-12 living with their mother and the researcher. Observations and interviews show that the mother enrolls the children in supplemental English and calligraphy classes, gives them daily reading challenges, and encourages competition to improve their skills. 3. Interviews with other mothers reveal that reading is used to bond with children by sharing traditions and memories from their own childhoods. Mothers treat reading as a way to connect emotionally

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Head:
DEVELOPING
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LITERACY
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HOME
Developing Japanese Children’s Literacy at Home (by A.B.)
Nanzan University
Silver feet rushed through the forest, cutting through the dense thicket as though it were
paper, splashing through deep puddles of murky water in their haste. Faster. Faster. Run! You
can make it!
Heavy breathing echoed in the air and silver rimmed ears jerked towards the sound of
loud crashes and shouts approaching from behind, barely audible over the rumbling of thunder
that resonated throughout the trees, signaling the onslaught of yet another storm. Sirens sounded
in the distance, screeching into the crisp air as smoke billowed into the night sky. Faster! Faster!
Don’t look back!
The pace was brutal; the small silver paws of the creature were raw from overuse. I have
to keep going! All of a sudden, it went completely silent. The creature came to an abrupt halt,
alarmed by the sudden change of atmosphere. He turned slowly, examining the vicinity with his
ice blue eyes, when suddenly—SLAM! The book snapped shut, snatched away from the hands of
the child curled up on the leather couch.
“Oi! Yomu no ha yamenasai! Shodou no juugyou ga aru yo!” [Hey! Stop reading! You
have calligraphy class!]
The air was heavy with the scent of fish and rice—remains from dinner, no doubt. The
room was cluttered with stacks of books and papers that were sprawled out across the wooden
floor.
“Yada!!” [No!] With an exaggerated huff, the child tried to steal the book back from his
overbearing mother, only to have it placed on a shelf above his reach.

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Overview
The ability to read or write a story such as the one above is often taken for granted due to
the fact that literacy is a basic skill that nearly all humans acquire at one point or another. As a
result, the development of these skills is frequently overlooked. This paper will examine the
development of these skills, focusing not only on how Japanese children ages six to twelve years
old develop their literacy, but also placing a major focus on the role that the mother plays in this
development, as well as details about the literature that is utilized during this developmental
period.
According to Merry I. White (1987), Japanese mothers act as active teachers for their
children, utilizing methods of teaching aids such as games, songs, and so on, to engage the child.
In her article in the book Education and Training in Japan, she states that in Japan, “children are
believed to be born with no distinguishing abilities (or disabilities) and can be mobilized to
perform and achieve at high levels” with effort and commitment from the mother (p. 299). This
effort and commitment is a requirement and an expectation of a good mother. Likewise, White
states that in order to be a good mother, the mother must orient her child towards education by
acting as a teacher before the child enters the school system. This includes teaching them to read
and write the phonetic alphabet, teaching them to count, and teaching them to concentrate before
they entire preschool. Due to this expectation, many preschools do not offer such activities in
their curriculum (as cited in Steury, 1993, p. 36). Therefore, mothers play a large role in their
literary education before the children even begin schooling.
Mothers continue their involvement once a child enters the school system. According to
Susan Holloway (2010) in her book Women and Family in Contemporary Japan, parents enroll
their kids in supplementary classes (juku) because they want their children to be enriched
intellectually, assisted if they are struggling in the classroom, or to get a favorable score on high

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school entrance exams. “Mothers are usually responsible for determining what forms of
supplementary education are available, selecting options that are appropriate for the child’s
needs… and monitoring the child’s progress” (Holloway, 2010, p. 150). In the end, the child’s
achievement reflects the mother’s commitment.
This idea is also emphasized in White’s works involving sunao and wakaraseru. Sunao is
frequently translated into English as “obedient” but it actually holds the concept of cooperation.
In order to invoke this ‘cooperation’ of the child, one must “get the child to understand” or
wakaraseru. Wakaraseru is a process where the child is engaged in their mother’s goals,
therefore turning the mother’s goals into the child’s own, “thus producing an authentic
cooperation, as in sunao” (White, 1987, p. 300). When a mother gets her child to understand her
goals, she is able to morph the child’s goals into her own. Therefore, the child reflects her goals,
just as the child’s achievements reflect the mother’s achievements. This is important in the
development of literacy because the mother’s desires and commitment (her role) is revealed
through the child’s achievement.
In terms of content within literature, themes that tend to appear in Japanese stories
frequently revolve around 4 cultural values: harmony, empathy, loyalty, and patience (Kelly,
2008). In her study, Jane Kelley (2008), an assistant professor at Washington State University
specializing in multicultural analysis of children’s literature, evaluated children’s books in
Japanese and attempted to have them authenticated by native Japanese citizens. In other words,
she wanted to see if the morals within them were accepted as social norms of Japanese society.
This aspect is important in children’s literature due to the fact that these lessons are what
children are incorporating into their own morality through their reading. Moreover, these lessons
could be a contributing factor to a mother’s involvement in deciding what her child reads.

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Self Introduction
Ever since I was a child, I have been an avid reader. Some of my earliest memories
revolve around my mom curled up in a small, twin-sized bed with my sister and me, cradling us
to her sides as she read Green Eggs and Ham by Dr. Seuss. As I grew older, this interest in
literature progressed, spanning into a range of topics from non-fiction autobiographies to
medieval fantasy. Once I was introduced to Japanese, however, my interests suddenly narrowed.
I fell in love with the culture embedded deep within Japanese stories, and consequently, fell in
love with Japanese literature as well. My adoration of these topics followed me into college,
which eventually led me to pursue a major in Japanese Language and Literature and influenced
me to choose Japanese literature as my topic for my Honors College thesis.
Likewise, my interests in these topics encouraged me to participate in a yearlong study
abroad program at Nanzan University. Through this program, I have been given a unique
opportunity to live with a host family consisting of two young boys and two host parents. As
such, I am able to see what types of literature my host brothers read, as well as how they become
fluent readers. With my mom playing such a large role in the growth of my reading skills, I was
curious to see just how important mothers were to the Japanese literacy development. Therefore,
by using my host family as participants, I will be able to examine first-hand just how Japanese
children acquire literacy.
My Study
In order to determine how Japanese children develop literacy, I have decided to design a
case study around my living situation where I have the opportunity to observe how a Japanese
family develops their literacy on a day to day basis and how the mother assists this development.
Through the use of observation and interviews, I will be able to determine not only what types of
books the children read, but also when they read them, where they read them, and why they read

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those particular books, among other valuable information (such as what role the mother plays in
this development). This case study will be conducted with my host family based on convenience
sampling. Other data will be created using subsequent interviews with other mothers with
children ages six to twelve, also chosen by convenience through relations with the professor.
Through a thematic analysis of the data, I will be able to compare my case study with the various
interview responses and then determine patterns that arise between the diverse situations, which I
will then be able to use to create generalized claims about Japanese children and mothers as a
whole.
Permission to perform this research was granted by the Nanzan University Ethics
Committee, and the details of this research were individually explained to each participant using
an explanation form in Japanese or English. Once these explanation forms were read and
explained, participants then signed a consent form which was also presented in Japanese or
English.
Problems with my various techniques during this study include the inconsistencies
between formal interviews (for example, not asking each interviewee the same exact questions),
losing information due to my lack of Japanese skills, and being unable to perceive new details
from my observations due to the fact that I have become accustomed to the daily routine of my
host family. Also, I feel I should have had a larger sample size to make my results more accurate.
These issues may influence the consistency and detail of my results. It may also impact how
much one could generalize the data, consequently making it very difficult to make claims.
Claim 1: Japanese mothers are active teachers
Based on several interviews (and observations) with mothers of Japanese children, a
common theme arose: Japanese mothers act as teachers outside of school. Japanese mothers will

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go out of their way to teach their kids useful skills in life, whether or not it is detrimental to their
relationship. This includes offering corrections, providing extra materials for the children, and
teaching them a new language.
For a mother of a bicultural family, AJM (Australian-Japanese Mother) feels that it is
imperative to share her culture and language with her children. In our interview, AJM spoke of
how her bilingualism impacts the way she influences and encourages her children to read. Since
she is a native English speaker while her children are Japanese, she feels that she is the only one
in their environment who can improve their skills in English. After all, the majority of their
environment—school, stores, and friends, for example—uses Japanese as the main form of
communication. So, the majority of books she reads to her children are in English. However,
reading books in English (when the children prefer books in Japanese) creates a pressured,
hurried, and stressful environment. She wants her children to enjoy reading and tries not to force
them to read (other than for their homework), but also wants them to improve their skills (in both
languages). Therefore, she forces them to practice their English whether they want to or not.
My host mother (HM), on the other hand, enrolled both of her children (HB1 and HB2)
into her ECC program—a private supplementary school where kids go to learn English—where
she is their actual teacher. These classes take place four times a week, but due to her status as a
teacher, her English lessons extend outside of the homebound classroom. When asked about why
children join ECC, HM replied “because some of them… like English and they want to learn.
And some of them, their parents want them to learn because they're not good at English or
they're good at English. I don't know which one” (personal communication, November 10, 2013).
While this answer is still rather vague, it emphasizes the parent’s involvement in children’s
literacy attainment. Moreover, it conveys how a parent’s desires can be pushed onto the child’s
actions, and quite possibly the child’s desires as well.

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Likewise, HM registered both of her children into a calligraphy class in order to promote
their kanji writing skills. She also buys her children challenge books each month, which they do
at the beginning and end of each day—before breakfast and after dinner. These challenge books
include a range of subjects, spanning from math to writing, but are treated as a game and a
competition between the brothers. This competition is one of the strategies HM uses to get her
kids (and her students) to form an interest in a topic—especially English. That is why, during
events such as the ECC Christmas Party, HM makes sure to put them on opposite teams—to
encourage competition and spark their interest in practicing their languages.
Claim 2: Japanese children do not share a common book, just folktales
Unlike in Australia, where a large amount of kids read stories such as Diary of a Wombat
and Wombat Stew (AM, personal communication, December 13, 2013), there is no set book in
Japanese society that all children are familiar with other than folktales.
HM introduced a book from her childhood called Guri to Gura that many kids in her
generation read, but upon further contemplation, she stated that it is probably not well known. As
soon as she mentioned this book, HB1 expressed his distaste, so it is quite possible that the
generation gap has shifted this book towards the back of the shelf—away from this generation.
When HB1 was asked (in Japanese by his mother) about whether or not all children know of or
have read a certain book, he also does not give a response. They both state that all Japanese
children know Momotarou and Urashimataro though.
Since all children know folktales but are unfamiliar with a set of books that all children
would know, I am inclined to believe that there is not a set of books that all children are familiar
with as there is in Australia.

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Claim 3: Mothers treat reading as a bonding activity
For many Japanese mothers, reading to their children is not only a way to increase their
children’s abilities in reading, it is also a way to transmit traditions and share their childhood
memories, which, in turn, makes their relationship stronger and strengthens the child’s interest in
literature. Mothers of Japanese children explain the way the feel about reading to their children.
“I guess one more thing that I should mention when I read to the children… there is a
kind of a selfish-parent kind of thing… I feel like it is a way to, should I say, to pass on the
tradition. To share the stories that I enjoyed in my childhood. It is a way to share their stories
with them,” reflected AJM, a mother of an interracial Australian-Japanese family (personal
communication, December 13, 2013).
In an informal interview, HM, a native Japanese mother of two boys, remarked that when
she is teaching her children about Japanese folktales, she is also teaching them about Japanese
history and culture (personal communication, n.d.).
By using reading to their children as a tool to share traditions and memories, mothers are
not only connecting with their children, but they are also strengthening their roles in their
children’s literacy and increasing their children’s interest in reading.
Claim 4: The focus of reading is for personal development,
not academic development
Many Japanese mothers consider the personal benefits reading has on their child rather
than the benefits it has for the future. Two mothers of Japanese children consider the benefits of
their children reading.
AJM considers how she reads with her daughter and whether or not she corrects her. As
she does this, she states “I guess I do correct her but I want her to read for enjoyment so I try to

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keep the pace fast enough that we can enjoy it rather than just struggle through. And I tend to
have her read one page and then I read one page, or make it so that it’s not too tough for her”
(personal communication, December 13, 2013).
HM views this in a very different way. When asked what she want is important about her
children reading, she says “kanjou toka souzou toka wakaru [So they can understand things such
as feelings and imagining] So they can imagine? So if you watch TV it shows what they look
like, but if they… read, they don't know what kind, what’s the shape, what kind of smell. So they
can imagine” rather than reading for enjoyment (personal communication, November 10, 2013).
Enjoyment and imagination are personal goals rather than attributes that would assist the
children in the future (for careers or for school). Therefore, mothers of Japanese children focus
on the qualities that impact their children’s happiness and personal life rather than concentrating
on academic characteristics.
Discussion
As a result of the various strategies mothers implement to improve their children’s skills,
mothers have adopted the substantial role of a teacher to their children and reading has become a
method of transmitting traditions and childhood memories—a strategy used to relate and connect
to the kids while improving their literacy. The focus of having the children read, though, is on
allowing them to gain qualities that impact their personal life, such as enjoyment or the ability to
imagine. Common books that are read by all children are not usual in Japanese society either,
extending only to folktales.
This research is significant because it shows how much of a function the mother plays in
the child’s literacy attainment. Her feelings on reading impact how her children read, so it is very
important to see what she believes. Likewise, the types of books that are read by children have

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an influence on common morals and lessons that they learn. If children are reading different
books, there is no real congruency between children and what values they learn.
Unfortunately, this small-scale project could not produce a significant amount of data to
make completely generalized claims about Japan. With the small sample size (due mainly to the
inaccessibility to other participants), a language barrier that prevented me from understanding
accurately, and a biased relationship with my participants, I was unable to gather accurate data to
fit the entire population. I was also unable to complete all the goals I set out to achieve since I
could not answer a variety of my questions definitively.
In addition to these problems, there is another problem with this research: although it
reflects Japan, it is also true of many other countries, making it difficult to specify Japan’s
unique qualities in literacy development. Australian mothers treat reading in much the same way
as Japan. Australian mothers teach their children that reading is a “lovely, warm, cuddly, nice
thing to do” for bonding, enjoyment, and to encourage their children’s interests. They also
provide their children with all of the materials necessary for them to expand upon their literacy—
such as a $200 book budget per month that supplies them with age-appropriate books (AM,
personal communication, December 13, 2013). Perhaps we are not so different after all, though.
If I were to continue this topic in the future, I would put more emphasis on both sides of
literacy—reading and writing. Similarly, I would conduct more case studies to gain a more
general idea of what methods are used to develop literacy. It may also be interesting in the future
to see what role the father plays in the children’s literacy when he is with them. More research is
definitely needed in this topic.

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And with that, the child hopped up from the couch and rushed off to gather his
calligraphy gear—his paper, his brushes, and his ink—with one sidelong glance in the direction
of his beloved book. Yup, it was just another Friday night.
References
Holloway, Susan D. (2010). Women and family in contemporary Japan. New York, NY:
Cambridge University Press.
Kelley, Jane E. (2008). Harmony, empathy, loyalty, and patience in Japanese children's literature.
The Social Studies, 99, 2. (61). Retrieved from General OneFile.
Steury, Jill. (1993). Working mothers in Japan and the effects on children and society. ICS, 3,
number 2. Retrieved from
http://www.uri.edu/iaics/content/1993v3n2/04%20Jill%20Steury.pdf
White, Merry I. (1987). Inside the Japanese School. In Rohlen, Thomas P., Bjork. (Eds.),
Education and training in Japan. (Vol. 1). (299-300). London: Routledge.