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Issues in first language
acquisition
by
Shaimaa S.Yaseen
University of Duhok
Issues in first language acquistion
• Competence and Performance
• Comprehension and Production
• Nature or Nurture?
• Universals
• Systematicity and Variability
• Language and Thought
• Imitation
• Practice and Frequency
• Input
• Discourse
Competence and Performance
• Competence:
• It refers to one’s underlying knowledge of a system,
event, or fact.
• It is the non-observable ability to do something, to
perform something.
• Performance:
• It is the overtly observable and concrete
manifestation or realization of competence.
• It is the actual doing of something: walking, singing,
dancing, speaking.
In reference to language,
• Competence is one's underlying knowledge of the
system of a language-its rules of grammar, its
vocabulary, all the pieces of a language and how
those pieces fit together.
• Performance is the actual production (speaking,
writing) or the comprehension (listening, reading)
of linguistic events.
Comprehension and Production
• These two aspects should not be confused with the
competence/performance distinction; they are
aspects of both performance and competence.
• In child language, most observational and research
evidence points to the general superiority of
comprehension over production:
• children seem to understand "more" than they
actually produce.
• Even adults understand more vocabulary than they
ever use in speech, and also perceive more syntactic
variation than they actually produce.
• W. R. Miller gave us a good example of this
phenomenon in phonological development:
“Recently a three-year-old child told me her
name was Litha. I answered 'Litha?' 'No,
Litha: 'Oh, Lisa.' 'Yes, Litha.”
• The child clearly perceived the contrast
between English’s [s] and [θ], even though
she could not produce the contrast herself.
Nature or Nurture?
Nature or Nurture?
• Nativists claim that a child is born with an innate
knowledge of a willingness toward language, and that
this innate property (the LAD or UG) is universal in
all human beings.
• Environmental factors cannot by any means be
ignored.
• For years psychologists and educators have been
involved in the "nature-nurture" controversy:
• - What are those behaviors that "nature" provides
innately, in some sort of predetermined biological
timetable?
• - and what are those behaviors that are, by
environmental exposure - by "nurture,” by teaching -
learned and internalized?
• Language acquisition is universal; every child acquires
language. But how are the efficiency and success of that
learning determined by the environment the child is in? or
by the child's individual construction of linguistic reality in
interaction with others?
• An interesting line of research on innateness was pursued
by Derek Bickerton (1981), who found evidence, across a
number of languages, of common patterns of linguistic and
cognitive development.
• He proposed that human beings are "bio-
programmed" to proceed from stage to stage. Like
flowering plants, people are innately programmed
to "release" certain properties of language at
certain developmental ages. Just as we cannot
make a geranium bloom before its "time," so
human beings will "bloom" in predetermined,
preprogrammed steps.
Universals
 It is a controversial area of study: the claim that
language is universally acquired in the same
manner, and that the deep structure of language at
its deepest level may be common to all languages.
 Research on Universal Grammar continues to this
day.
 One of the keys to such inquiry lies in research
on child language acquisition across many different
languages in order to determine the commonalities.
• Slobin (1986, 1992, 1997) and his colleagues
gathered data on language acquisition in, among
others, Japanese, French, Spanish, German,
Polish, Hebrew, and Turkish.
• Interesting universals of pivot grammar and other
telegraphese emerged.
• Maratsos (1988) listed some of the universal
linguistic categories under investigation by a
number of different researchers: word order,
morphological marking tone, agreement (e.g., of
subject and verb), reduced reference (e.g.,
pronouns, ellipsis), nouns and noun classes, verbs
and verb classes, predication, negation, and
question formation
• Much of current UG research is centered around what have
come to be known as principles and parameters.
• Principles are invariable characteristics of human
language that apply to all languages universally.
• Cook (1997, pp. 250-251) offered a simple analogy:
• Rules of the road in driving universally require the driver
to keep to one side of the road; this is a principle.
• But in some countries you must keep to the left (e.g. UK &
Japan) and in others keep to the right (e.g. USA &
Taiwan); this is a parameter.
Systematicity and Variability
• One of the assumptions of a good deal of current research
on child language is the systematicity of the process of
acquisition.
• From pivot grammar to three- and four-word utterances,
and to full sentences of almost indeterminate length,to full
sentences of almost indeterminate length, children exhibit
a remarkable ability to infer the phonological, structural,
lexical, and semantic system of language.
• But in the midst of all this systematicity, there is an
equally remarkable amount of variability in the process of
learning.
• Researchers do not agree on how to define
various "stages" of language acquisition,
even in English.
• In both first and second language
acquisition, the problem of variability is
being carefully addressed by researchers.
• One of the major current research problems
is to account for all this variability
• Certain “typical” patterns appear in child language.
• For example,
• it has been found that young children who have not yet
mastered the past-tense morpheme (-ed) tend first to learn
past tenses as separate items (“walked,” “broke,”
“drank”) without knowledge of the difference between
regular and irregular verbs.
• Then, around the age of 4 or 5, they begin to perceive a
system in which the -ed morpheme is added to a verb,
and at this point all verbs become regularized (“breaked,”
“drinked,” “goed”).
• Finally, after school age, children perceive
that there are two classes of verbs, regular
and irregular, and begin to sort out verbs
into the two classes, a process that goes on
for many years and in some cases persists
into young adulthood.
Language and Thought
Language and Thought
• For years researchers have examined the relationship
between language and cognition.
• Piaget (1972) gives an opposing position. He
claimed that cognitive development is at the very
center of the human organism and that language is
dependent upon and springs from cognitive
development.
• Vygotsky (1962, 1978) also differed from Piaget
in claiming that social interaction, through
language, is a prerequisite to cognitive
development.He believes that every child reaches
his or her potential development through social
interaction with adults and peers.
• Others emphasized the influence of language on
cognitive development
• Thought and language were seen as two distinct
cognitive operations that grow together. (Schinkle-
Llano 1993)
• Thought and language were seen as two distinct cognitive
operations that grow together (Schinke-Llano 1993).
• Classical theorists like Plato and Aristotle argued that the
categories of thought determine the categories of language.
To them, language is only the outward form or expression
of thought.
• Another view was expressed by the behaviorist J. B.
Watson, an American psychologist and the founder of
Behaviorism. According to him, thought is language. He
believed hat thought is sub-vocal speech, that is , when we
“think aloud,” it is called speech; when we “speak
covertly,” it is called thinking.
• A less radical position is that language
determines thought. According to this view,
the categories of thought are determined by
linguistic categories. Theorists within this
group are divided between those who think
that language completely determines
cognitive categories and those who merely
say that language strongly influences
cognitive categories.
• One of the champions of the position that language affects
thought was Benjamin Whorf, who with Edward Sapir
formed the well-known Sapir Whorf hypothesi
• Namely, that each language imposes on its speaker a
particular “world view.”
• The issue at stake in child language acquisition is to
determine
• how thought affects language,
• how language affects thought,
• and how linguists can best describe and account for the
interaction of the two.
Imitation
• It is a common informal observation that children
are good imitators.
• So we might think that imitation is one of
the important strategies a child uses in the
acquisition of language.
• This is not inaccurate on a global level.
Indeed, research has shown that echoing is :
• a particularly important strategy in early
language learning
• and an important aspect of early
phonological acquisition.
• There are two types of imitation:
• Surface structure imitation: where a person
repeats or mimics the surface strings,
attending to a phonological code rather than
a semantic code.
• Deep structure imitation: where a person
concentrates on language as a meaningful
and communicative tool.
Practice:
•
practice
• Do children practice their language? If so,
how? What is the role of the frequency of
hearing and producing items in the
acquisition of those items?
• A behavioristic view would claim that
practice – repetition and association – is the
key to the formation of habits by operant
conditioning.
• One unique form of practice by a child is recorded by Ruth
Weir (1962).
• She found that her children produced rather long
monologues in bed at night before going to sleep.
• Here is one example: “What color ... What color blanket ...
What color mop ... What color glass ... Mommy's home
sick ... Mommy's home sick ... Where’s Mommy home
sick ... Where's Mikey sick ... Mikey sick.”
• Such monologues are not uncommon among children, who
tend to "play" with language just as they do with all objects
and events around them.
• Children's practice seems to be a key to language
acquisition.
• Practice is usually thought of as referring to speaking only.
But one can also think in terms of comprehension practice
(the frequency of linguistic input to the child).
• Is the acquisition of particular words or structures directly
attributable to their frequency in the child’s linguistic
environment?
• Brown and Hanlon (1970) found that the frequency of
occurrence of a linguistic item in the speech of the mothers
was a strong predictor of the order of emergence of those
items in their children’s speech .Like what?
• Like questions, irregular past-tense forms, certain common
household items and persons
Input
• .
Input
• The role of input in the child's acquisition of
language is undeniably crucial.
• Whatever one's position is on the innateness
of language, the speech that young children
hear is primarily the speech heard in the
home, and much of that speech is parental
speech or the speech of older siblings
• Children react very consistently to the deep structure and
the communicative function of language, and they do not
react overtly to expansions and grammatical corrections.
Such input is largely ignored unless there is some truth or
falsity that the child can attend to.
• What many researchers have showed is that in the long
run, children will, after consistent, repeated models in
meaningful contexts, eventually transfer correct forms to
their own speech and thus correct past mistakes.
Thus, if a child says "Dat Harry" and the parent says "No,
that's John, " the child might readily self-correct and say "Oh,
dat John."
Discourse
Discourse
• While parental input is a significant part of the child's
development of conversational rules, it is only one aspect,
as the child also interacts with peers and, of course, with
other adults.
• Berko-Gleason (1982) described the perspective:
• “While it used to be generally held that mere exposure to
language is sufficient to set the child's language generating
machinery in motion, it is now clear that, in order for
successful L1 acquisition to take place, interaction, rather
than exposure, is required; children do not learn language
from overhearing the conversations of others or from
listening to the radio, and must, instead, acquire it in the
context of being spoken to.”
• While conversation is a universal human activity
performed routinely in the course of daily living, the
means by which children learn to take part in conversation
appear to be very complex.
• Sinclair and Coulthard (1975) proposed that conversations
be examined in terms of initiations and responses.
•
• The child learns not only how to initiate a conversation but
how to respond to another's initiating utterance.
• Questions are not simply questions but are recognized
functionally as requests for information, for action, or for
help.
• At a relatively young age, children learn
that utterances have both a literal and an
intended or functional meaning.
• Thus, in the case of a question “Can you go
to the movies tonight?,” the response “I'm
busy,” is understood correctly as a negative
response (“I can't go to the movies”).
Issues in first language acquisition

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Issues in first language acquisition

  • 1. Issues in first language acquisition by Shaimaa S.Yaseen University of Duhok
  • 2. Issues in first language acquistion • Competence and Performance • Comprehension and Production • Nature or Nurture? • Universals • Systematicity and Variability • Language and Thought • Imitation • Practice and Frequency • Input • Discourse
  • 3. Competence and Performance • Competence: • It refers to one’s underlying knowledge of a system, event, or fact. • It is the non-observable ability to do something, to perform something. • Performance: • It is the overtly observable and concrete manifestation or realization of competence. • It is the actual doing of something: walking, singing, dancing, speaking.
  • 4. In reference to language, • Competence is one's underlying knowledge of the system of a language-its rules of grammar, its vocabulary, all the pieces of a language and how those pieces fit together. • Performance is the actual production (speaking, writing) or the comprehension (listening, reading) of linguistic events.
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  • 6. Comprehension and Production • These two aspects should not be confused with the competence/performance distinction; they are aspects of both performance and competence. • In child language, most observational and research evidence points to the general superiority of comprehension over production: • children seem to understand "more" than they actually produce. • Even adults understand more vocabulary than they ever use in speech, and also perceive more syntactic variation than they actually produce.
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  • 8. • W. R. Miller gave us a good example of this phenomenon in phonological development: “Recently a three-year-old child told me her name was Litha. I answered 'Litha?' 'No, Litha: 'Oh, Lisa.' 'Yes, Litha.” • The child clearly perceived the contrast between English’s [s] and [θ], even though she could not produce the contrast herself.
  • 10. Nature or Nurture? • Nativists claim that a child is born with an innate knowledge of a willingness toward language, and that this innate property (the LAD or UG) is universal in all human beings. • Environmental factors cannot by any means be ignored. • For years psychologists and educators have been involved in the "nature-nurture" controversy: • - What are those behaviors that "nature" provides innately, in some sort of predetermined biological timetable? • - and what are those behaviors that are, by environmental exposure - by "nurture,” by teaching - learned and internalized?
  • 11. • Language acquisition is universal; every child acquires language. But how are the efficiency and success of that learning determined by the environment the child is in? or by the child's individual construction of linguistic reality in interaction with others? • An interesting line of research on innateness was pursued by Derek Bickerton (1981), who found evidence, across a number of languages, of common patterns of linguistic and cognitive development.
  • 12. • He proposed that human beings are "bio- programmed" to proceed from stage to stage. Like flowering plants, people are innately programmed to "release" certain properties of language at certain developmental ages. Just as we cannot make a geranium bloom before its "time," so human beings will "bloom" in predetermined, preprogrammed steps.
  • 13. Universals  It is a controversial area of study: the claim that language is universally acquired in the same manner, and that the deep structure of language at its deepest level may be common to all languages.  Research on Universal Grammar continues to this day.  One of the keys to such inquiry lies in research on child language acquisition across many different languages in order to determine the commonalities.
  • 14. • Slobin (1986, 1992, 1997) and his colleagues gathered data on language acquisition in, among others, Japanese, French, Spanish, German, Polish, Hebrew, and Turkish. • Interesting universals of pivot grammar and other telegraphese emerged. • Maratsos (1988) listed some of the universal linguistic categories under investigation by a number of different researchers: word order, morphological marking tone, agreement (e.g., of subject and verb), reduced reference (e.g., pronouns, ellipsis), nouns and noun classes, verbs and verb classes, predication, negation, and question formation
  • 15. • Much of current UG research is centered around what have come to be known as principles and parameters. • Principles are invariable characteristics of human language that apply to all languages universally. • Cook (1997, pp. 250-251) offered a simple analogy: • Rules of the road in driving universally require the driver to keep to one side of the road; this is a principle. • But in some countries you must keep to the left (e.g. UK & Japan) and in others keep to the right (e.g. USA & Taiwan); this is a parameter.
  • 16. Systematicity and Variability • One of the assumptions of a good deal of current research on child language is the systematicity of the process of acquisition. • From pivot grammar to three- and four-word utterances, and to full sentences of almost indeterminate length,to full sentences of almost indeterminate length, children exhibit a remarkable ability to infer the phonological, structural, lexical, and semantic system of language. • But in the midst of all this systematicity, there is an equally remarkable amount of variability in the process of learning.
  • 17. • Researchers do not agree on how to define various "stages" of language acquisition, even in English. • In both first and second language acquisition, the problem of variability is being carefully addressed by researchers. • One of the major current research problems is to account for all this variability
  • 18. • Certain “typical” patterns appear in child language. • For example, • it has been found that young children who have not yet mastered the past-tense morpheme (-ed) tend first to learn past tenses as separate items (“walked,” “broke,” “drank”) without knowledge of the difference between regular and irregular verbs. • Then, around the age of 4 or 5, they begin to perceive a system in which the -ed morpheme is added to a verb, and at this point all verbs become regularized (“breaked,” “drinked,” “goed”).
  • 19. • Finally, after school age, children perceive that there are two classes of verbs, regular and irregular, and begin to sort out verbs into the two classes, a process that goes on for many years and in some cases persists into young adulthood.
  • 21. Language and Thought • For years researchers have examined the relationship between language and cognition. • Piaget (1972) gives an opposing position. He claimed that cognitive development is at the very center of the human organism and that language is dependent upon and springs from cognitive development.
  • 22. • Vygotsky (1962, 1978) also differed from Piaget in claiming that social interaction, through language, is a prerequisite to cognitive development.He believes that every child reaches his or her potential development through social interaction with adults and peers. • Others emphasized the influence of language on cognitive development • Thought and language were seen as two distinct cognitive operations that grow together. (Schinkle- Llano 1993)
  • 23. • Thought and language were seen as two distinct cognitive operations that grow together (Schinke-Llano 1993). • Classical theorists like Plato and Aristotle argued that the categories of thought determine the categories of language. To them, language is only the outward form or expression of thought. • Another view was expressed by the behaviorist J. B. Watson, an American psychologist and the founder of Behaviorism. According to him, thought is language. He believed hat thought is sub-vocal speech, that is , when we “think aloud,” it is called speech; when we “speak covertly,” it is called thinking.
  • 24. • A less radical position is that language determines thought. According to this view, the categories of thought are determined by linguistic categories. Theorists within this group are divided between those who think that language completely determines cognitive categories and those who merely say that language strongly influences cognitive categories.
  • 25. • One of the champions of the position that language affects thought was Benjamin Whorf, who with Edward Sapir formed the well-known Sapir Whorf hypothesi • Namely, that each language imposes on its speaker a particular “world view.” • The issue at stake in child language acquisition is to determine • how thought affects language, • how language affects thought, • and how linguists can best describe and account for the interaction of the two.
  • 26. Imitation • It is a common informal observation that children are good imitators.
  • 27. • So we might think that imitation is one of the important strategies a child uses in the acquisition of language. • This is not inaccurate on a global level. Indeed, research has shown that echoing is : • a particularly important strategy in early language learning • and an important aspect of early phonological acquisition.
  • 28. • There are two types of imitation: • Surface structure imitation: where a person repeats or mimics the surface strings, attending to a phonological code rather than a semantic code. • Deep structure imitation: where a person concentrates on language as a meaningful and communicative tool.
  • 30. practice • Do children practice their language? If so, how? What is the role of the frequency of hearing and producing items in the acquisition of those items? • A behavioristic view would claim that practice – repetition and association – is the key to the formation of habits by operant conditioning.
  • 31. • One unique form of practice by a child is recorded by Ruth Weir (1962). • She found that her children produced rather long monologues in bed at night before going to sleep. • Here is one example: “What color ... What color blanket ... What color mop ... What color glass ... Mommy's home sick ... Mommy's home sick ... Where’s Mommy home sick ... Where's Mikey sick ... Mikey sick.” • Such monologues are not uncommon among children, who tend to "play" with language just as they do with all objects and events around them. • Children's practice seems to be a key to language acquisition.
  • 32. • Practice is usually thought of as referring to speaking only. But one can also think in terms of comprehension practice (the frequency of linguistic input to the child). • Is the acquisition of particular words or structures directly attributable to their frequency in the child’s linguistic environment? • Brown and Hanlon (1970) found that the frequency of occurrence of a linguistic item in the speech of the mothers was a strong predictor of the order of emergence of those items in their children’s speech .Like what? • Like questions, irregular past-tense forms, certain common household items and persons
  • 34. Input • The role of input in the child's acquisition of language is undeniably crucial. • Whatever one's position is on the innateness of language, the speech that young children hear is primarily the speech heard in the home, and much of that speech is parental speech or the speech of older siblings
  • 35. • Children react very consistently to the deep structure and the communicative function of language, and they do not react overtly to expansions and grammatical corrections. Such input is largely ignored unless there is some truth or falsity that the child can attend to. • What many researchers have showed is that in the long run, children will, after consistent, repeated models in meaningful contexts, eventually transfer correct forms to their own speech and thus correct past mistakes. Thus, if a child says "Dat Harry" and the parent says "No, that's John, " the child might readily self-correct and say "Oh, dat John."
  • 37. Discourse • While parental input is a significant part of the child's development of conversational rules, it is only one aspect, as the child also interacts with peers and, of course, with other adults. • Berko-Gleason (1982) described the perspective: • “While it used to be generally held that mere exposure to language is sufficient to set the child's language generating machinery in motion, it is now clear that, in order for successful L1 acquisition to take place, interaction, rather than exposure, is required; children do not learn language from overhearing the conversations of others or from listening to the radio, and must, instead, acquire it in the context of being spoken to.”
  • 38. • While conversation is a universal human activity performed routinely in the course of daily living, the means by which children learn to take part in conversation appear to be very complex. • Sinclair and Coulthard (1975) proposed that conversations be examined in terms of initiations and responses. • • The child learns not only how to initiate a conversation but how to respond to another's initiating utterance. • Questions are not simply questions but are recognized functionally as requests for information, for action, or for help.
  • 39. • At a relatively young age, children learn that utterances have both a literal and an intended or functional meaning. • Thus, in the case of a question “Can you go to the movies tonight?,” the response “I'm busy,” is understood correctly as a negative response (“I can't go to the movies”).