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Policy Review: December 1, 2009
among the top 100 American intellectuals as measured by academic
citations in Richard Posner’s book, Public Intellectuals: A Study of
Decline
 The starting point for a bottom-up approach is the
communitarian recognition that societies — even modern, so-
called "mass" societies — are not composed of just millions
upon millions of individual citizens. Instead,
most societies are communities of communities.
 Most people come in social packages. They are greatly
influenced by the communities of which they are members and
by their natural leaders.
› IRAQ: Sunni, Shia, Kurds, and a few smaller ones - Arabs and Turkmens -
distinct religious beliefs and rituals, tribal leaders, and tribal
councils. And they have armies, arms, and ways of raising
revenue
Top down processing is
information processing
guided by higher level
mental processes as we
construct perceptions,
drawing on our experiences
and expectations.
Bottom up processing is
any form of information
processing that is guided
by input, and proceeds in
subsequent stages.
Kontseptsioon,
kogemus, ootused
Sisend, millele
järgnevad edasised
arengud
 When asked overseas, "Where are you from?" Americans used
to answer, "I am Virginian" or "I am Bostonian."
 Only after the 1870s did more and more Americans respond, "I
am American."
 Only during the Reconstruction period (20th century) did the
Supreme Court stop referring to the United States as a plurality
("The United States are") and start referring to the nation as a
singular entity ("The United States is").
  United Kingdom, Germany, Italy, and Switzerland..
 Mitmetes piirkondades on “rahvus” sobitatud võõrvõimu poolt ja
tegelikkuses hõimud konkureerivad omavahel
 Do we make our starting point the notion that there is a central
national government, whose troops and police we can train as a
national force and whose administration of justice and social
services we can improve?
 Or, do we realize that such a center-to-periphery approach is
unworkable, and that we need to build from the periphery to the
center?
› Hõimkonnad, kogukonnad – eristuvad sidemete poolest, mida neil
teiste kogukondade liikmetega ei ole.
› Paljudel rahvastel on teiste rahvaste poolt pandud koguminimetused,
mis neid sisemiselt ei iseloomusta vaid annavad geograafilise tunnuse
väljapoole
› Kui hõimkondlik lojaalsus satub konflikti rahvuslikuga ,
lähtutakse hõimkondlikust
 George W. Bush – nation-building (Iraq)
 Ombama - defeat al Qaeda (Pakistan & Afghanistan) and to prevent their return to either country
in the future
 "design" approach - promote good local governance, root out
corruption, reform the justice sector, pursue narcotics traffickers, and
increase reconstruction activities
 Oluline on näha juba toimivaid trende kohaliku kommuuni
sotsioloogilises ajaloos, määratleda võime neid suunata ja “teha
parajaks olemasolevad rõivad, mitte hakata uusi kangast välja
lõikama”
› there are great limits to social engineering,
› societies tend to be highly resistant to change
› that design drives initiated by governments are prone to failure
 These communities are not necessarily residential — the
traditional village — but may be ethnic, religious, or based on
national origin.
› Communities have a profound effect on what seem like individual
choices, from voting to purchasing to eating and beyond
-----------------------------
› the deal the United States made with a group of Sunni sheikhs in Iraq —
a deal known as the "Awakening“
› In Afghanistan, the Taliban were defeated in 2001, with very few American
casualties. During the 2001 air and ground campaign that drove the Taliban out
of major Afghan cities, only 12 American service members were lost. The war
was instead won by an American-supported coalition of several tribes, mainly
Tajik, Uzbek, and Hazara, known as the Northern Alliance.
 In Iraq the United States and its allies tried to create a national force in Iraq by
insisting that Sunni, Shia, and Kurdish units either disarm or integrate. Moreover, the
United States positioned Shia forces in Sunni areas and Sunni forces in Shia areas,
on the grounds that they should cease to view themselves as tribal forces and start
acting like "Iraqis." The result was often increased bloodshed.
› One may argue that Saddam had a national army. However it was in effect dominated by one tribal
grouping, the Sunnis, with most officers drawn from one clan, Albu Ghafour.
› The Shia majority felt alienated and oppressed. Indeed, both the Shia and the Kurds fought against
Saddam's "national" army.
----------------------------------------
 A similar development took place in Afghanistan (next to Tajik). However, there are
still a great number of unofficial tribal forces. Estimates of their size run between
65,000 and 180,000.
 United States has helped the Tajik minority gain control of many key levels of
government, including the armed forces and important security agencies. These
forces often operate in the Pashtun areas in which the Taliban are particularly
strong, due to their proximity to Pakistan (the Pashtun are concentrated in
southeastern Afghanistan) and because the Pashtun are more supportive of the
Taliban than other tribes.
Map represents the mix of tribes who voted freely to elect a democratic
Government... (Green "Yes" and Red represents "NO" to referendum)
Kus peab asuma pealinn?
 Beyond the very serious issue of loyalty,
the center-to-periphery nation-building
approach runs into difficulties because
of especially high levels of corruption and
attempts to hold the new national forces
to Western standards.
 When local Afghans deal with members
of the national police or army, they report that they are exploited, subjected to
endless demands for cash and goods, and given little protection.
 This is due to a culture in which corruption is endemic and to the fact that the
soldiers and police are not locals. They take their cut and are soon assigned
elsewhere.
*** need, kes on ühinenud nn rahvusarmeega, pole tegelikult kellelegi lojaalsed, sest
rahvuslikku lojaalsust pole tekkinud
 sociological ignorance - Western
trainers and advisers are trying to
convert the Afghan army and police forces into units that
adhere to Western ethical and legal standards of
professionalism. Thus, a Western trainer cannot stand by if
an Afghan trainee does not show the proper attitude
toward women, suspects, or minors.
 No wonder that after eight years, the number of
successfully trained police officers is still rather small. The
training of the army has progressed more successfully, but
for the same reasons it is still far below the level needed if
national forces are to be relied upon.
Töötada kohalike tegelike
juhtidega
Mitte detsentraliseerida vaid
lähtuda kultuurilistest eripäradest
ja sotsioloogilisest ajaloo etapist
Tugevdada ja sh anda ressursse
kohalikele gruppidele, mitte
tsentraalsele
(need on vastutavad ka
kohaliku julgeoleku eest siis)
Diilide tegemisel ja vastutuste
jagamisel arvesta tegelikke olusid
Keskvalitsus, aga
väga nõrk
Afghans have a high level of
regional, cultural, social, and
even political self-
determination.
They reject the government
in Kabul, especially
because it was fashioned by
foreigners
Kesk
valits
us
Tegelikud kohalikud hõimuliidrid
ballots will replace
bullets :
In Iraq and Afghanistan,
the United States
and its allies invested
considerable effort into
introducing free and fair
elections
•Tegelik liider
•kultuuri eripärad
Think tribes,
not a nation
 Professor of Sociology at Columbia University for twenty-two years and served
as chair of the of the department from 1969-71.
 A guest scholar at the Brookings Institution in 1978 before serving as a Senior
Advisor to the White House on domestic affairs from 1979-1980.
 In 1980, Etzioni was named the first University Professor at GW. From 1987-
1989, he served as the Thomas Henry Carroll Ford Foundation Professor at
the Harvard Business School.
 Dr. Etzioni served as the president of the American Sociological Association in
1994-95, and in 1989-90 was the founding president of the International
Society for the Advancement of Socio-Economics.
 In 1990, he founded the Communitarian Network, a not-for-profit, non-partisan
organization dedicated to shoring up the moral, social and political foundations
of society.
 Security First
 From Empire to Community
 How Patriotic is the Patriot Act?
 The Monochrome Society
 The Limits of Privacy
 The New Golden Rule
 The Moral Dimension
 The Spirit of Community
 The Active Society

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Etzioni - bottom up

  • 1. Policy Review: December 1, 2009 among the top 100 American intellectuals as measured by academic citations in Richard Posner’s book, Public Intellectuals: A Study of Decline
  • 2.  The starting point for a bottom-up approach is the communitarian recognition that societies — even modern, so- called "mass" societies — are not composed of just millions upon millions of individual citizens. Instead, most societies are communities of communities.  Most people come in social packages. They are greatly influenced by the communities of which they are members and by their natural leaders. › IRAQ: Sunni, Shia, Kurds, and a few smaller ones - Arabs and Turkmens - distinct religious beliefs and rituals, tribal leaders, and tribal councils. And they have armies, arms, and ways of raising revenue
  • 3. Top down processing is information processing guided by higher level mental processes as we construct perceptions, drawing on our experiences and expectations. Bottom up processing is any form of information processing that is guided by input, and proceeds in subsequent stages. Kontseptsioon, kogemus, ootused Sisend, millele järgnevad edasised arengud
  • 4.  When asked overseas, "Where are you from?" Americans used to answer, "I am Virginian" or "I am Bostonian."  Only after the 1870s did more and more Americans respond, "I am American."  Only during the Reconstruction period (20th century) did the Supreme Court stop referring to the United States as a plurality ("The United States are") and start referring to the nation as a singular entity ("The United States is").   United Kingdom, Germany, Italy, and Switzerland..  Mitmetes piirkondades on “rahvus” sobitatud võõrvõimu poolt ja tegelikkuses hõimud konkureerivad omavahel
  • 5.  Do we make our starting point the notion that there is a central national government, whose troops and police we can train as a national force and whose administration of justice and social services we can improve?  Or, do we realize that such a center-to-periphery approach is unworkable, and that we need to build from the periphery to the center? › Hõimkonnad, kogukonnad – eristuvad sidemete poolest, mida neil teiste kogukondade liikmetega ei ole. › Paljudel rahvastel on teiste rahvaste poolt pandud koguminimetused, mis neid sisemiselt ei iseloomusta vaid annavad geograafilise tunnuse väljapoole › Kui hõimkondlik lojaalsus satub konflikti rahvuslikuga , lähtutakse hõimkondlikust
  • 6.  George W. Bush – nation-building (Iraq)  Ombama - defeat al Qaeda (Pakistan & Afghanistan) and to prevent their return to either country in the future  "design" approach - promote good local governance, root out corruption, reform the justice sector, pursue narcotics traffickers, and increase reconstruction activities  Oluline on näha juba toimivaid trende kohaliku kommuuni sotsioloogilises ajaloos, määratleda võime neid suunata ja “teha parajaks olemasolevad rõivad, mitte hakata uusi kangast välja lõikama” › there are great limits to social engineering, › societies tend to be highly resistant to change › that design drives initiated by governments are prone to failure
  • 7.  These communities are not necessarily residential — the traditional village — but may be ethnic, religious, or based on national origin. › Communities have a profound effect on what seem like individual choices, from voting to purchasing to eating and beyond ----------------------------- › the deal the United States made with a group of Sunni sheikhs in Iraq — a deal known as the "Awakening“ › In Afghanistan, the Taliban were defeated in 2001, with very few American casualties. During the 2001 air and ground campaign that drove the Taliban out of major Afghan cities, only 12 American service members were lost. The war was instead won by an American-supported coalition of several tribes, mainly Tajik, Uzbek, and Hazara, known as the Northern Alliance.
  • 8.  In Iraq the United States and its allies tried to create a national force in Iraq by insisting that Sunni, Shia, and Kurdish units either disarm or integrate. Moreover, the United States positioned Shia forces in Sunni areas and Sunni forces in Shia areas, on the grounds that they should cease to view themselves as tribal forces and start acting like "Iraqis." The result was often increased bloodshed. › One may argue that Saddam had a national army. However it was in effect dominated by one tribal grouping, the Sunnis, with most officers drawn from one clan, Albu Ghafour. › The Shia majority felt alienated and oppressed. Indeed, both the Shia and the Kurds fought against Saddam's "national" army. ----------------------------------------  A similar development took place in Afghanistan (next to Tajik). However, there are still a great number of unofficial tribal forces. Estimates of their size run between 65,000 and 180,000.  United States has helped the Tajik minority gain control of many key levels of government, including the armed forces and important security agencies. These forces often operate in the Pashtun areas in which the Taliban are particularly strong, due to their proximity to Pakistan (the Pashtun are concentrated in southeastern Afghanistan) and because the Pashtun are more supportive of the Taliban than other tribes.
  • 9. Map represents the mix of tribes who voted freely to elect a democratic Government... (Green "Yes" and Red represents "NO" to referendum) Kus peab asuma pealinn?
  • 10.  Beyond the very serious issue of loyalty, the center-to-periphery nation-building approach runs into difficulties because of especially high levels of corruption and attempts to hold the new national forces to Western standards.  When local Afghans deal with members of the national police or army, they report that they are exploited, subjected to endless demands for cash and goods, and given little protection.  This is due to a culture in which corruption is endemic and to the fact that the soldiers and police are not locals. They take their cut and are soon assigned elsewhere. *** need, kes on ühinenud nn rahvusarmeega, pole tegelikult kellelegi lojaalsed, sest rahvuslikku lojaalsust pole tekkinud
  • 11.  sociological ignorance - Western trainers and advisers are trying to convert the Afghan army and police forces into units that adhere to Western ethical and legal standards of professionalism. Thus, a Western trainer cannot stand by if an Afghan trainee does not show the proper attitude toward women, suspects, or minors.  No wonder that after eight years, the number of successfully trained police officers is still rather small. The training of the army has progressed more successfully, but for the same reasons it is still far below the level needed if national forces are to be relied upon.
  • 12. Töötada kohalike tegelike juhtidega Mitte detsentraliseerida vaid lähtuda kultuurilistest eripäradest ja sotsioloogilisest ajaloo etapist Tugevdada ja sh anda ressursse kohalikele gruppidele, mitte tsentraalsele (need on vastutavad ka kohaliku julgeoleku eest siis) Diilide tegemisel ja vastutuste jagamisel arvesta tegelikke olusid Keskvalitsus, aga väga nõrk Afghans have a high level of regional, cultural, social, and even political self- determination. They reject the government in Kabul, especially because it was fashioned by foreigners
  • 13. Kesk valits us Tegelikud kohalikud hõimuliidrid ballots will replace bullets : In Iraq and Afghanistan, the United States and its allies invested considerable effort into introducing free and fair elections •Tegelik liider •kultuuri eripärad Think tribes, not a nation
  • 14.
  • 15.  Professor of Sociology at Columbia University for twenty-two years and served as chair of the of the department from 1969-71.  A guest scholar at the Brookings Institution in 1978 before serving as a Senior Advisor to the White House on domestic affairs from 1979-1980.  In 1980, Etzioni was named the first University Professor at GW. From 1987- 1989, he served as the Thomas Henry Carroll Ford Foundation Professor at the Harvard Business School.  Dr. Etzioni served as the president of the American Sociological Association in 1994-95, and in 1989-90 was the founding president of the International Society for the Advancement of Socio-Economics.  In 1990, he founded the Communitarian Network, a not-for-profit, non-partisan organization dedicated to shoring up the moral, social and political foundations of society.
  • 16.  Security First  From Empire to Community  How Patriotic is the Patriot Act?  The Monochrome Society  The Limits of Privacy  The New Golden Rule  The Moral Dimension  The Spirit of Community  The Active Society