The Myth of The Secular Nigerian State and National Development

Middle East Journal of Applied Science & Technology (MEJAST)
(Peer Reviewed International Journal) Volume 2, Issue 3, Pages 01-10, July-September 2019
1 | P a g e ISSN (Online): 2582- 0974 Website: www.mejast.com
The Myth of The Secular Nigerian State and National Development
Loveday Enyinnaya Ogbuleke*
*Department of Peace and Conflict Resolution, College of Arts, Law, Administration and Management Sciences, Legacy University, The Gambia.
Email: l.ogbuleke@legacyuniversitygm.org
Article Received: 20 January 2019 Article Accepted: 12 May 2019 Article Published: 15 July 2019
INTRODUCTION
One of the most enduring debates in social science concerns the role of religion in society. This is reflected how
post-Cold War international relations might be marked by a ‗clash of civilizations‘ in the early 20th century
concerns the compatibility of Catholicism and liberal democracy, and contemporary concerns about the
compatibility of Islam and western culture, which have almost certainly played a role in the rise and sustaining of
liberal democracy (Andersen, Bentzen, Carl-Johan, Paul, 2017).
Furthermore, religion is a system of social unity commonly understood as a group of beliefs or attitudes concerning
an object, person, unseen or imaginary being, or system of thought considered to be supernatural, sacred, divine or
highest truth, and the moral codes, practices, values, institutions, and rituals associated with such belief or system
of thought (Ikechi-Ekpendu, Audu and Ekpendu, 2016).
In Nigeria mostly there are two types of religions, Islam and Christianity. Islam started from Arab and eventually
spread throughout the world. When Arab merchants entered in Kanem Borno Empire in nineteenth century then it
result in Jihad. So jihad results in the speedily spreading of Islam especially in Northern part of Nigeria. Then
gradually it also spread in Southern part of the country mostly in Eastern region of the country. Islam is a religion
which provides complete code of conduct for every human being and in Islam perspective all the Muslims are part
of Islamic Ummahsss. Muslims are related to each other as being Ummah, either they are in any part of the word.
Though every religion extremists in Islam are destroying the beauty of Islamic religion. People from both religions
are not in state of accepting each other, Muslim fanatic consider that Nigeria must be a Islamic State and the other
part consider that it must be Christian State. Their immediate outcome is massive loss of life and property
(Ogbuleke, 2019). Nigeria is mainly consisting of Igbo, Yoruba and Hausa tribes. And these tribes also have strong
effect on the social life as well. In Northern part Hausa people have more influence than any other tribe and they
ABSTRACT
Nigeria is a secular state in theory, religion supremacy functions has been the expression of political identity and facts obviously in conflicts over
resources, land, and political offices. Increasing clashes between religious groups, predominantly Muslim and Christian have taken the nation from
what used to be peaceful coexistence to violent disharmony. For the course of this paper, region in politics is as old as the history of the Nigerian state.
What is new in the current exclusion is the extent to which religion dominates national life. The myth of the secular Nigerian state that purports to
separate the institutions of religion from those of the government has failed to translate into reality. Indeed, there is evidence to show that Nigeria's
troublesome religious conflict, especially during election and beyond will negatively affect national development. It is against this backdrop that the
paper traces the historical and contemporary issues of religion plurality in the challenge of national development, with particular attention to the
security dilemma for Nigeria in the 21st century, paying attention to the growing influence of the unchecked religion in politics, and its significance
to modern politics and how this accounts for increasing manners of conflict in Nigerian states. This paper therefore makes some recommendations
and concludes that there cannot be any meaningful national development without proper interreligious peace and harmony.

considered themselves more strong practicing Muslims than any other tribe. But their practicing style results in
misconception about Islam in Eastern part.
Ethno-religions crises have its roots deep in the history of Nigeria. As a state, Nigeria came into being in 1914 as
the creation of Lord Lugard. Before that time, the different ethnic nationalities like the Hausa/Fulani, the Igbo and
Yoruba existed independently. There were no socio-cultural, linguistic and political ties among them. Therefore,
when Lord Lugard in 1914 through executive/administrative fiat amalgamated the northern and southern
protectorates into one and proclaimed it as a country, it was one that was lacking in socio-cultural, political and
economic bonding of any kind. There was no ―we‖ feeling or consciousness of kind. Nigeria was not seen as ―ours‖
but as ―theirs‖. The ordinary man saw himself, first as an Igbo, Hausa or Yoruba and only secondarily as a Nigerian.
This situation was further compounded with the introduction of regions which made the northern region
disproportionately bigger than the East and the West put together.
The colonialists further perfected their plan of divide and rule by deliberating pursuing different educational
policies in the north and south. Though the North was more population than the South and West, the British pitched
the regions against themselves by pursuing different educational policies for them. In the East and West,
conventional education was pursued. But in the North, Islamic education was pursued in the name of preserving
traditional institutions. All of these stresses and strains were built into the fabric of the Nigerian state by the colonial
masters to ensure disunity. It was for this reason that, in 1953 when a motion for independence for Nigeria in 1956,
was moved, the north claimed that they were not ready thereby delaying Nigeria‘s independence till 1960. Thus,
upon the attainment of political independence, Nigeria was a state already fragmented along ethnic, religious,
linguistic and political lines. Therefore, when after only six years of independence a civil war broke out, it was
germination of the seed of acrimony and intolerance that was planted in 1914.
This paper examines the historical and contemporary issues of religion plurality (often referred to as
multiculturalism, although a little different) in the challenge of national unity and development, with particular
attention to the security dilemma for Nigerian state in recent time.
RELIGION, POLITICS AND NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN THE STATE: A THEORETICAL
DISCOURSE
Assumed the aforementioned, religion means different things to different people. There is no consenting of opinion
on its meaning that is why Egwu (2001) argued that religion is a difficult subject of inquiry including attempts at its
definition and conceptualization. Religion is thus defined in many ways and the definitions usually vary among
scholars. According to Adeniyi (1993), religion is a body of truths, laws and rites by which man is subordinated to
the transcendent being. This implies that religion deals with norms and rules that emanated from God and which
must be followed by the believers. Ejizu (1993) provides another definition of religion. According to him, religion
is man‘s intuition of the sacred and ultimate reality and his expression of that awareness in concrete life.
Furthermore, scholars as Goody (1961) and Horton (1960) agree that the nation of ‗sacred‘ at once indicates the
idea of the transcendent in the concept of religion and they both go further to underline the fact that the ‗sensuous
religions‘ in a district type of experience that is essentially characterized by a feeling of mystery and awe.

Mc-Henry (Ayinla, 2003) understand religion as a particular system or set of systems in which doctrines, myths,
rituals, sentiments and other similar elements are interrelated. In submission Aldasheva and Jean-Philippe (2014),
there are at least two fundamental reasons why an economist might be interested in understanding the functioning
of religious institutions and their relationship with economic development.
Peter (1998) sees it as a system of symbols which acts to establish powerful, pervasive and long lasting moods and
motivations in men by formulating conceptions of a general order of existence and clothing these conceptions with
such an aura of factuality that the moods and motivations seem uniquely realistic. Religion according to the Oxford
dictionary is defined as ‗one of the systems of faith that are based on the beliefs in the existence of a particular God
or gods. The concept has also been defined as a particular interest or influence that is very important in one‘s life. In
its own definition, the Oxford learner‘s dictionary explained religion as the belief in a super human controlling
power that is entitled to obedience and worship. It goes further to state that it is a particular system of faith and
worship that one is entitled to.
On the other hand, national development is a multi-disciplinary concept exemplifying an extensive range of
concerns in the life of a nation. Its definition therefore varies depending on the various indices considered by the
author. Varaprasad (2004) defines national development as the valued and positive changes that bring about a better
life for the population as a whole by increasing the production system of a country. Varaprasad‘s view of national
development focuses more on the improvements in the economy. National development is however, a concept
which includes human, social, political and infrastructural dimensions, which concept does not cover.
Kwanashie (2000) defines national development as a process of cumulative change resulting from positive forces
that raises productivity, real income per head and create more employment opportunities. The positive forces that
raise productivity and create employment opportunities are numerous. These include security, enabling
environment and financial resources that need to be distributed among the competing establishments.
In the same vein, Todaro and Smith (2006) view national development as improvements in the standard of living of
the people, which encompass economic growth, better education and infrastructure, access to health care, equality
of opportunity and increase in employment. It also involves the capacity of a national economy to generate and
sustain an actual increase in its Gross National Product (GNP) at rates of perhaps 5 to 7 per cent or more. This
definition provides a multi-dimensional opinion, which condenses both the economic and human aspects of
national development. It encapsulates the indices of national development in relation to the elements of economic
growth, education, and infrastructural development amongst others. This definition is all encompassing and
therefore adopted for this study.
RELIGION IN NIGERIAN POLITICS
In many countries around the world, religion serves as a unifying force. Yet in others, religion has been a point of
contention and a source of and fuel for conflict and violence, thus a double-edged sword. The clashes among
various religious-identity groups have no geographical boundaries. They stretch across the globe from the Arabian
Peninsula, prairielands of Siberia, eastern Africa, and the South Pacific, to the United States of America (cited in

Griswold, 2010). Obodoagha (2015) notes that Nigeria, with her multiple religious and ethnic identity groups, is
not immune to this violence and conflict. There are in Nigeria a variety of forces driving the violence and conflict.
In 2014, following the use of Ayo Oritsejafor, the president of the Christian Association of Nigeria, CAN, with a
stack of $10 million in cash meant for arms purchase which was not declared in South Africa until immigration
officials discovered it, the CAN president was linked to the arms deal with critics condemning his role in the arms
deal like the Chairman of The Buhari Vanguard, Jasper Azuatalam, demanded that Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor be
arrested for his involvement in the South African arms smuggling operation, which was foiled leading to the arrest
of two Nigerians and an Israeli man in South African with close to $10 million in cash. He further argued that
Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor is a very close confidant and friend/brother to President Goodluck Jonathan and his family.
We have several reasons to believe that this is in preparation for the 2015 general election‖ (cited in Odunsi, 2014).
According to information by Sahara Reporters, the jet of the former CAN chairman is grounded due to cost of
maintenance. It will be recollected that the embattled jet was used to launder cash to South Africa during the
procurement of arm and ammunition for the Nigeria arm force during President Jonathan fight against Boko haram
insurgent in 2014.
We will recall ahead of elections in 2015, some fear the country's unity will face a new test and divisions will be
exacerbated by a vote which sees a Christian presidential candidate from the south, Goodluck Jonathan, facing stiff
competition from Muhammadu Buhari, a Muslim candidate from the north. In Will Rose assessment, if the
Christian leader does not have what it takes to provide good leadership I will not vote for him merely because he is
a Christian," says Arome Okwori at his home in Jos where the Christmas decorations still twinkle. "However, I will
make a choice between that Christian leader and a Muslim leader who may not guarantee freedom of religion… so
to that extent I may lead to the Christian leader but that is not how it should be," the father of two young children
adds (Cited in Ross, 2015). He however, concluded that many other Christians who fear that Mr Buhari has a
hard-line Islamist agenda and wants stricter implementation of Sharia - Islamic law is already in place across the
north will rather vote for President Goodluck Jonathan.
Like the immediate fallout of Nigeria‘s full membership of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), Faseke
(2019) ushered that both Christians and Muslims anchored their opposition and support on the interpretation of the
secular status of the country. Christians demanded an immediate withdrawal from the organization because the
1979 constitution clearly makes the nation a secular one. Muslims, on the other hand, argued that the secular
posture of the country had not been violated in any respect since the country was not adopting Islam as a state
religion (Ibid). Faseke (2019), however, believed that Nigeria will be the better for it if both the Christian and
Muslim segments of the population embrace the OIC as a whole or are unanimous in discarding it. The divisive
tendency that Nigeria‘s membership breeds, however, will be detrimental to the nation‘s unity and development.
Therefore, the fear of other religion organizations as the leadership of Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN's)
Northern Zone puts it; our schools and colleges have been taken over by government and yet we see schools and
colleges established under the umbrella of another religion [that is, Islam] being sponsored and entirely financed
and administered by government; we have been denied access to the use of the electronic media in certain parts of

the country and yet another religion has the monopoly of rendering a near-24-hours religious broadcast in the same
areas; some States have deliberately refused to accept and recognize the growing population of Christians in the
States, thus depriving the Christians not only of their rights, but also questioning their claim to being indigenes of
such states as claim to be religiously homogeneous.
In the same vein, Bishop Emmanuel Badejo, Catholic Diocese of Oyo, argues that the merging of schools formerly
belonging to Christian missions with others in Osun State Governor Rauf Aregbesola without regard for the vision
of the original owners is simply a continuation of the injustice done in the 70s to those organisations and education
in Nigeria. The take-over of schools has been regarded by many honest analysts as ill-advised. This is the reason
why some governors, who have mustered enough courage, sincerity and humility, have handed them back to the
original owners and even apologised. The allegations levelled against credible religious organisations as reasons
for taking over their schools, such as accusing them of undue profiteering, marginalisation of people of other
religions or discrimination against certain groups, simply do not hold water. Many Nigerian dignitaries have
testified to the fact that they went to mission schools belonging to religions other than theirs and were never forced
to convert, nor were they marginalized (see;
https://guardian.ng/sunday-magazine/ibru-ecumenical-centre/crisis-in-osun-state-is-handing-over-of-schools-to-
original-owners-a-better-option).
On a very serious note, he noted that Osun State governor is playing politics of distraction. He has craftily hidden
this in his hijab decree. The governor is doing this hijab rumpus in the face of the collapsed economy of Osun State,
the unresolved problem of unpaid hungry state workers, the impoverished and penurious condition of pensioners,
neglected sick and frail elderly citizens. Now this hijab matter is helping to heighten workers‘ plight and other
socioeconomic problems. Or does he think that this will make the problems invisible? Is Nigeria a religious or
secular nation? If the country is secular, then state owned schools should be state schools and secular indeed.
However, more Nigerian states are returning public schools seized from churches decades ago, refueling debate
over the high tuition charged by mission schools. According to Oguntola (2012), missionary schools, which since
the 1800s offered free or low-cost education to the majority of Nigeria's youth, were nationalized after the West
African nation's civil war ended in 1970 in an attempt to defuse tribalism. In 2001, Lagos became the first state to
return hundreds of seized mission schools to churches in hopes of seeing quality of education improve. The states
of Imo, Ogun, and Plateau—home of conflict-ridden Jos—followed suit. Recently, the southern state of Anambra
returned 1,040 primary schools to their original church owners, while neighboring Delta handed over 40 schools
with more to come. Four other southern states have expressed interest in doing the same and these will go a long
way to justified peaceful co-exist of Nigerian state (Ibid).
According to Anglican archbishop of Jos Archbishop Benjamin Kwashi explains how politicians use religion for
their own political gain, further emphasis that religions like Christianity and Islam have a huge following of hungry
not very educated people on both sides then politicians will explore the areas of religion to get them on their sides.
That's a very dangerous and bad thing to do. It's not fair and it's not right for national development.

THE EFFECTS OF RELIGIOUS CRISES ON NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
While the causes for violence are rarely strictly religious--they have more to do with unequal access to land and
resources--conflict between Muslim and Christian ethnic groups often makes it appear that way. However,
Nigerian politicians frequently use religious affinity as a way to garner votes (Rose, 2015).
Though this paper is not primarily about the causes ethno-religious crises, a digression into it will give this
presentation a proper focus. There are a number of reasons why differences in ethnicity and religion will sometimes
result into violent crisis with far reaching and profound consequences on national development. One of such
reasons is religious intolerance arising out of the belief that one religion is superior to the other. It could come in the
form of attempting to impose one religion on another (Bagaji). The Boko Haram and others are good cases in point.
Beyond this is the question of the violation of the tenets of the beliefs of one religion by the adherents of the other.
The Bauchi religious uprising of the nineties resulted because it was alleged that some Christians in Bauchi
slaughtered pigs in a market in Bauchi. Recall that pork (pig meat) is strictly forbidden by Moslems. On the other
hand, communal clashes occur either due to historical reasons, the struggle for supremacy, border clashes, land
disputes such as between Umuleri-Aguleri and Ife/Modakeke (Nwaolise 2005).
When one considers the level of organization, the sophistication of the weaponry used, one cannot but conclude
that only knowledgeable people who have the mental ability, intellectual exposure, and material resources could
plan, finance and execute such levels of violent crises. In addition to the above, is the issue of xenophobia or more
appropriately the hatred and intolerance for strangers. Though this assertion has not been subjected to critical
interrogation, yet the frequency of the occurrence of crises might tempt any objective mind to reason along the line
that xenophobia could in some instances account for communal and ethnic crises.
In some quarters, it is believed that some of the crises have to do with the deep rooted contradictions and crises of
the Nigerian society. Nigeria is a richly endowed country, yet, the wealth is in the hands of only of few rich persons.
The result is that poverty is pervasive and unemployment is high especially among the youths. The allusion to
poverty and youth unemployment has been made because it is the poor and unemployed youths that are mostly used
in communal, ethnic and religious conflicts, (Oni, 2011). Sadly enough, it is the same youths, women and children
who are the worst casualties and victims of crises. It has been argued that, beyond religion and beyond communal
and ethnic considerations some of the crises have political undertones (Ezeibe, 2012).
The consequences of crises and conflicts have torn apart by the twin forces of religion and ethnicity and
worrisomely, there seem to be no solution in sight. The current Boko Haram crisis which has so far claimed
innumerable lives and damaged unquantifiable properties is fast becoming an issue for which every Nigerian
should be concerned. From all conceivable indications, its alleged links with the notorious Al Qaeda terrorist group
makes it seemingly difficult and intractable. The painful issue is, beyond the immediate effects, it also has some far
reaching implications for the development of Nigeria. The effects of religious crises would be best appreciated if
we focus a little bit more on Boko Haran. According to information posted by the world press on the internet, from
July 2009 till date about 900 lives have been lost in roughly 160 different attacks. The same report stated that, since

the beginning of 2012 up to the time the report was posted on the internet, 200 people have so far lost their lives
(www.worldpress.com).
When the sect attacked the United Nations building in Abuja on the 26th
, August 2011, 23 died and about 800
wounded. In another report, it was stated that the Federal Government of Nigeria spent a whopping sum of
N3.2billion to enable the United Nation rent an alternative accommodation and reconstruct its damaged building.
While N2.6 billion was spent on reconstruction of the building, N.6 billion would be used to rent another
accommodation (www.dailytrust.com.ng). Subjected to deeper analysis, it could be seen that, for one single attack,
the nation lost such huge sum which would otherwise have been channeled into other development projects. In
economic terms, it damages resources and facilities which took time to acquire. More seriously, the time of crisis,
be it ethnic or religious is a time when direct foreign investment is discouraged. No foreign investor will like to
invest funds in a country that is divided by communal and ethno religious conflicts (Ayinla, 2003).
There are fears at two levels. Firstly, the basic aim of foreign investment is to make profit which is not possible in
an environment of crisis. Secondly, the resources invested already will definitely go down the drains. Foreigners
will not want to live in a country where there is no guarantee of lives and property (Esezebor, 2011 unpublished
M.A. thesis). A corollary to the above is that it portrays Nigeria in a very bad light internationally. It depicts our
leaders, at all levels and in different facets of life as weak, naïve, selfish and self centered. In an environment of
strong, dedicated and selfless leadership, the diversity and complexity of the Nigerian society would have been
harnessed and channeled into national development efforts. Nigeria estimated has about 450 languages and ethnic
groups (Onwuejeogwu 1984).
Geographically and by implication climatically, she is also diverse with the result that resources which are not
available in one area are more than abundant in the other. With an abundance of human and material resources, with
religious and cultural diversity, Nigeria only needed the right kind of leadership to propel it to greatness and into the
league of developed nations of the world. Rather than being a source of strength, diversity has been subverted by
the Nigerian elite into source of conflict and disunity. In ordinary terms, Nigeria would have been a tourist haven,
but the frequent occurrence of conflicts and crises in different parts of the country at different points in time will
definitely discourage foreign tourists (Onwumah: 2010).
The effect of it is that, foreign exchange needed to drive development, that could have been brought in by
foreigners is lost. Though Nigeria is richly endowed in terms of tourism and resources, it is said that, by African
standards, her performance is an abysmal failure. Places like Kenya, Ghana, Egypt and others have more people
coming into their countries than Nigeria. The reason for this is not farfetched. Nigeria is perceived as unsafe and
indeed not conducive in terms of security caused mainly by communal and ethno-religious crises. From the
Nigerian experience, crises and conflicts appear to have a multiplier effects. Instances abound where crisis in one
part of the country provoked similar crisis in another part of the country. For example, when Igbos was attacked in
Kano in 1986, it provoked reprisal attacks against Hausa/Fulanis in the East. In 1999, when Yoruba and Hausa
clashed in Shagamu during an Oro festival, it triggered off similar clashes between Hausa and Yoruba in Kano
(Esezebor Lucky 2011).

Similarly, in 2000, religious and ethnic uprisings in Kaduna triggered off retaliatory attacks targeted at
Hausa/Fulani in places like Enugu. Therefore, crises and conflicts aggravate disunity, weakens patriotism, and
national development cannot occur in such an environment of disunity. A time of crisis and conflict is a time that
brings out the worst instincts and impulses in man. It is a time when social relationship is at its worst. No one would
want to relate happily to a group of people, who have or perceived to have killed or maimed one‘s relations. It is
difficult, if not impossible to associate and be at home with persons who are hostile to you or people from your
ethnic group. Beyond these are the socio-cultural consequences.
It is also a time when the promotion of culture cannot take place. At such times, cultural activities such as festivals,
folktales, moonlight games, and others cannot take place. Even cultural industries such as pottery, ceramics,
blacksmithing, tie and dye will all come to a halt for as long as the crises last. The psychological consequences of
conflicts are no less severe and unsalutory. It also breeds fear, hatred, acrimony and suspicion. A psychologically
depressed, fearful, and suspicious person or group of persons cannot contribute meaningfully to the national
development drive. So far, we have shown that crises and conflicts are antithetical to peace and development.
Because it is easier to destroy than to build, this writer is of the view that one month of destruction and decay caused
by crises will take more than a year of sustained effort to rebuild.
Generally, conflicts and crises are religious, ethnic or communal is an ill wind that blows no one any good. It
disrupts the educational system, restricts the movement of people, occasioning the loss of man hours. Nigeria‘s
former President, Olusegun Obasanjo presented a graphic picture of the consequence of crises in the following
statement: ―Violence has reached unprecedented levels and hundreds have been killed with much more wounded or
displaced from their homes on account of their ethnic or religious identification. Schooling for children has been
disrupted and interrupted; businesses lost billions of naira and property worth much more destroyed (Obasanjo,
2004)‖.
In the state of affairs in recent time, Olusegun Obasanjo cited in Campbell (2019) that Nigeria is on the precipice
and dangerously reaching a tipping point where it may no longer be possible to hold danger at bay,‖ said former
President Olusegun Obasanjo in a letter to President Muhammadu Buhari on the deteriorating security situation in
Nigeria. His focus in the letter is on Boko Haram and the ―herdsmen/farmers crises,‖ and his sense of urgency is
palpable. He writes, ―When people are desperate and feel that they cannot have confidence in the ability of
government to provide security for their lives and properties, they will take recourse to anything and everything that
can guarantee their security individually and collectively. Therefore, issue he (Obasanjo) emphasized is very
weighty and must be greatly worrisome to all concerned Nigerians and that means all right-thinking Nigerians and
those residents in Nigeria.
THE WAY FORWARD
Advocating for religious tolerance, Adebayo (2010), call to forget the differences of the ethnic diversity and
religious affiliation of Nigerians seems to be not working for the unity of country.
Therefore, there is need for proper education and knowledge of the plight of each ethnoreligious groups,
amicable settlement of the differences could be facilitated.

Is like religion has divided us more than unity, therefore, there is need to established a culture of
sustained mutually friendly dialogue of stakeholders before a major far-reaching decision is taken by
governments and organizations.
There is also the need to revamp the educational policy of the country in such a way to accommodate
Nigerians rather than promoting religion division for political reasons.
There is need to organize a national sensitization program by the National Orientation Agency to
persuade the religious leaders to socialize people under their guidance in a manner that promotes
interreligious tolerance, harmony and peaceful coexistence.
There is need to create awareness among the Muslim and Christians to bear each other and show some
responsibility towards their country and their system must also be changed which also create more
instability among the lives of people.
Beyond all of these, is the need to address youth unemployment. Youths are the engine room of any
society. If their unutilized energy is allowed to remain dormant for too long, it could have very
disastrous consequences for the state.
CONCLUSION
So far, attempts have been made to discuss the conflicts between Muslims and Christians remains the same then
definitely its effect will continue not only lives of people but also on the economic growth, country's reputation at
international level, political, social and economic instability. In Nigeria, politics is winners takes all affairs and
divide and rule syndrome, which should not be. Indeed it has been said time without number that politics is the
quickest way to wealth and affluence. Therefore, there cannot be any meaningful national development without
proper interreligious peace in Nigerian states.
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