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Susan Mazur-Stommen, Ph.D. 
Director of Behavior and Human Dimensions, ACEEE 
(Research conducted for Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratories)
Findings about rebates 
 Rebates did not drive decision-making by customers 
with respect to material selection in cool roofs 
 Rebates were an insignificant portion of cost incurred 
 Rebates were always an after-thought 
 Rebates were often applied for by the contractors and 
not the consumers 
 Roof retrofit costs varied wildly, and so did rebates
Other relevant findings 
 Customers do not calculate ROI with respect to roof 
materials 
 E.g. customers typically do not track energy 
expenditures 
 ‘Longevity’ of material was a primary concern 
 Price was used to filter out contenders, grossly 
 Material selection is based upon factors like 
neighborhood fit and aesthetics, rather than 
performance and cost 
 Overall, customers were pleased with retrofits
Takeaways 
 Utilities and contractors need more dialogue: 
 Regarding appropriate materials for specific climate zones in 
California – contractors were warning consumers away from 
materials like steel on dubious grounds. 
 Contractors could offer insights into the material selection 
process at a level of granularity useful for planning purposes. 
 Utilities could better invest rebate money in contractor 
training, giving them the ROI information that can then be 
channeled to customers. 
 This could be a win-win-win, utilities see appropriate 
materials being promoted, contractors have sales tool, 
consumers save money.
Background 
 Summer of 2010, ethnographic research was conducted 
with nine households in the Bay Area and Sacramento 
region. 
 These nine households comprised fifteen respondents, 
and their dependents. 
 They were selected from among a pool of respondents to 
a mail solicitation of all Sacramento Municipal Utility 
District and Pacific Gas and Electric customers who had 
received a rebate for their cool roof retrofit. 
 Goal was to collect data on how and why consumers 
chose the cool roofing material used.
Methodology 
 Ethnographic methods 
of fieldwork, including: 
 Semi-structured 
ethnographic 
interviewing 
 Grand tour questions 
 Participant observation 
 Freelist techniques 
 Photography
Process 
 The ethnographic interview process included asking Grand 
Tour questions and being conducted on a home tour, as 
well as the elicitation of an oral history concerning 
occupancy and decision-making process . 
 Grand Tour questions are a classic method used by 
anthropologists negotiating entry into a field situation. 
 A typical Grand Tour set up might be, “tell me about your 
day” or “what do you do when you first get to work?” 
 This procedure provides a framework for the anthropologist 
to use in eliciting richly detailed data about specific cultural 
concepts and processes that can otherwise go under-analyzed.
Grand Tour 
 In this instance, Grand Tour questions included “show 
me your house” and “tell me about your experience 
with your roof.” 
 This type of question allowed informants to provide 
information that specific questions may have failed to 
anticipate. 
 One example would be that North Bay informants 
chose their roof type as much for its thermal and 
insulative qualities, as for its cooling and reflective 
properties.
Oral Histories 
 Mini-biographies were solicited with focus on selection, 
purchase and inhabitation of the house in question. 
 Informants had been in their homes 20, 30, 40, and even 50 
years! 
 Only one household still had children resident. 
 Most were retired, with two self-employed. 
 Income ranged from struggling to affluent 
 All claimed ‘some college’ with a few obtaining graduate 
degrees and professional certifications. 
 All exhibited high levels of social and cultural capital through 
their choice of neighborhoods, car makes (mostly late 
models), and leisure activities
Sample sizes and self selection bias 
 In the case of cool roof research, the number of people 
who applied for and received cool roof rebates through 
their local utility is very small in comparison to the 
roofing market as a whole. 
 The entirety of the data set received an invitation to 
participate, from which approximately 10% responded. 
 Since we are seeking specificity and not attempting to 
form general rules about the nature of a phenomenon, 
it becomes more important to reduce researcher bias 
than sample bias.
Discussion 
 Consumers typically stayed very close to the aesthetic 
of the original roof style when aesthetics were at issue: 
 Wood shake roofs generally became asphalt composite 
shingles mimicking shake 
 Concrete tile was replaced with concrete tile in cooler 
pigments. 
 “I liked what we had with the concrete tile, I like the way it 
looked,” says Melvin Chen. 
 Tar and gravel was replaced by membrane and foam, but 
these were roofs where the material type cannot be seen
Concrete Shake 
SMUD Territory – this 
housing development had a 
HOA and CCRs. Social 
pressure to conform will be 
backed up by legal pressure, 
making decisions based upon 
strictly technical 
specifications meaningless.
Discussion 
 Customers confront a complex universe of decision 
points – therefore they rely on contractors to ‘decide’ 
for them 
 Consumers are confronted by a wide field of products, 
materials, colors, features, benefits, drawbacks, and 
price 
 A cool roof is not an infrastructural upgrade, it is a 
consumable, therefore decisions are made based upon 
one’s identity and position vis-à-vis other neighbors, 
than on technical specifications.
‘Copycat’ white 
roof in Sacramento 
Where roofs cannot be seen 
from the street, white vinyl 
and foam are easy choices to 
make to replace tar and 
gravel.
Role of the Utility 
 Rebate had little role to play in terms of incentivizing 
customers to choose cool materials. 
 In all cases, the rebate was discovered ‘after the fact’ 
and was seen as a ‘nice bonus.’ 
 No one learned about cool roofs from their utility 
 Most reported reading utility company inserts 
regularly 
 Though provided with energy use data by the utility 
company, eight of the nine households gave it little 
attention.
Conclusions 
 Good news – consumers are primed to hear an 
appealing narrative about energy savings 
 Bad news – that narrative has little role to do with 
decision-making process 
 Energy savings is seen a bonus, not a driver 
 Good news – consumers were willing to pay a premium 
to get a cool roof: 
 There may be no upside to the contractor in carrying 
non-cool materials.
Final thoughts 
 If customers do not measure temperature change or 
energy savings before and after the retrofit, why are 
they so uniformly satisfied with their installations? 
 Perceived benefit? Most of them wanted to ‘never put 
on another roof again’ and the products seemed to 
promise this. 
 The role of a utility rebate may not be as driver but as 
signifier, closing out the process and symbolizing its 
completion as a ‘job well done’. However, the halo 
accrues to the contractor, not the utility.

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Ethnography of Cool Roof Retrofits: BECC 2011

  • 1. Susan Mazur-Stommen, Ph.D. Director of Behavior and Human Dimensions, ACEEE (Research conducted for Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratories)
  • 2. Findings about rebates  Rebates did not drive decision-making by customers with respect to material selection in cool roofs  Rebates were an insignificant portion of cost incurred  Rebates were always an after-thought  Rebates were often applied for by the contractors and not the consumers  Roof retrofit costs varied wildly, and so did rebates
  • 3. Other relevant findings  Customers do not calculate ROI with respect to roof materials  E.g. customers typically do not track energy expenditures  ‘Longevity’ of material was a primary concern  Price was used to filter out contenders, grossly  Material selection is based upon factors like neighborhood fit and aesthetics, rather than performance and cost  Overall, customers were pleased with retrofits
  • 4. Takeaways  Utilities and contractors need more dialogue:  Regarding appropriate materials for specific climate zones in California – contractors were warning consumers away from materials like steel on dubious grounds.  Contractors could offer insights into the material selection process at a level of granularity useful for planning purposes.  Utilities could better invest rebate money in contractor training, giving them the ROI information that can then be channeled to customers.  This could be a win-win-win, utilities see appropriate materials being promoted, contractors have sales tool, consumers save money.
  • 5. Background  Summer of 2010, ethnographic research was conducted with nine households in the Bay Area and Sacramento region.  These nine households comprised fifteen respondents, and their dependents.  They were selected from among a pool of respondents to a mail solicitation of all Sacramento Municipal Utility District and Pacific Gas and Electric customers who had received a rebate for their cool roof retrofit.  Goal was to collect data on how and why consumers chose the cool roofing material used.
  • 6. Methodology  Ethnographic methods of fieldwork, including:  Semi-structured ethnographic interviewing  Grand tour questions  Participant observation  Freelist techniques  Photography
  • 7. Process  The ethnographic interview process included asking Grand Tour questions and being conducted on a home tour, as well as the elicitation of an oral history concerning occupancy and decision-making process .  Grand Tour questions are a classic method used by anthropologists negotiating entry into a field situation.  A typical Grand Tour set up might be, “tell me about your day” or “what do you do when you first get to work?”  This procedure provides a framework for the anthropologist to use in eliciting richly detailed data about specific cultural concepts and processes that can otherwise go under-analyzed.
  • 8. Grand Tour  In this instance, Grand Tour questions included “show me your house” and “tell me about your experience with your roof.”  This type of question allowed informants to provide information that specific questions may have failed to anticipate.  One example would be that North Bay informants chose their roof type as much for its thermal and insulative qualities, as for its cooling and reflective properties.
  • 9. Oral Histories  Mini-biographies were solicited with focus on selection, purchase and inhabitation of the house in question.  Informants had been in their homes 20, 30, 40, and even 50 years!  Only one household still had children resident.  Most were retired, with two self-employed.  Income ranged from struggling to affluent  All claimed ‘some college’ with a few obtaining graduate degrees and professional certifications.  All exhibited high levels of social and cultural capital through their choice of neighborhoods, car makes (mostly late models), and leisure activities
  • 10. Sample sizes and self selection bias  In the case of cool roof research, the number of people who applied for and received cool roof rebates through their local utility is very small in comparison to the roofing market as a whole.  The entirety of the data set received an invitation to participate, from which approximately 10% responded.  Since we are seeking specificity and not attempting to form general rules about the nature of a phenomenon, it becomes more important to reduce researcher bias than sample bias.
  • 11. Discussion  Consumers typically stayed very close to the aesthetic of the original roof style when aesthetics were at issue:  Wood shake roofs generally became asphalt composite shingles mimicking shake  Concrete tile was replaced with concrete tile in cooler pigments.  “I liked what we had with the concrete tile, I like the way it looked,” says Melvin Chen.  Tar and gravel was replaced by membrane and foam, but these were roofs where the material type cannot be seen
  • 12. Concrete Shake SMUD Territory – this housing development had a HOA and CCRs. Social pressure to conform will be backed up by legal pressure, making decisions based upon strictly technical specifications meaningless.
  • 13. Discussion  Customers confront a complex universe of decision points – therefore they rely on contractors to ‘decide’ for them  Consumers are confronted by a wide field of products, materials, colors, features, benefits, drawbacks, and price  A cool roof is not an infrastructural upgrade, it is a consumable, therefore decisions are made based upon one’s identity and position vis-à-vis other neighbors, than on technical specifications.
  • 14. ‘Copycat’ white roof in Sacramento Where roofs cannot be seen from the street, white vinyl and foam are easy choices to make to replace tar and gravel.
  • 15. Role of the Utility  Rebate had little role to play in terms of incentivizing customers to choose cool materials.  In all cases, the rebate was discovered ‘after the fact’ and was seen as a ‘nice bonus.’  No one learned about cool roofs from their utility  Most reported reading utility company inserts regularly  Though provided with energy use data by the utility company, eight of the nine households gave it little attention.
  • 16. Conclusions  Good news – consumers are primed to hear an appealing narrative about energy savings  Bad news – that narrative has little role to do with decision-making process  Energy savings is seen a bonus, not a driver  Good news – consumers were willing to pay a premium to get a cool roof:  There may be no upside to the contractor in carrying non-cool materials.
  • 17. Final thoughts  If customers do not measure temperature change or energy savings before and after the retrofit, why are they so uniformly satisfied with their installations?  Perceived benefit? Most of them wanted to ‘never put on another roof again’ and the products seemed to promise this.  The role of a utility rebate may not be as driver but as signifier, closing out the process and symbolizing its completion as a ‘job well done’. However, the halo accrues to the contractor, not the utility.