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EDUCATION POLICY INITIATIVE at CAROLINA 1
The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
Access to a Well-Credentialed, Effective, and Diverse
Teacher Workforce in North Carolina
In this research brief, we assess the distribution of well-credentialed, effective, and diverse teachers in North Carolina. There
are three primary takeaways from these analyses. First, across every teacher measure considered, we find that students
from historically marginalized populations have less access to well-credentialed and effective teachers. These differences in
access are meaningful in size and show that teachers are distributed in ways that compound societal inequalities. Second,
we find that the largest source of variation in access to well-credentialed and effective teachers is between schools in
the same district. Although smaller in magnitude, there are also meaningful differences in access to teachers between
districts and within schools. Lastly, we find large mismatches between the demographics of K–12 students and the teacher
workforce. White students frequently have White teachers; it is rare for students of color to have a same race teacher.
Introduction
Teachers are the most important school-based resource explaining
students’ academic development. Relative to peers taught by
ineffective teachers, students taught by highly-effective teachers
gain 7.5 additional months of learning in mathematics and 3
additional months of learning in reading. Likewise, students of color
taught by a same race teacher are less likely to face exclusionary
discipline practices, make larger achievement gains, and are more
likely to graduate from high school and enroll in college.
Given the importance of teachers, it is imperative that state and
local education officials understand their distribution, especially
to students from historically marginalized groups. Teachers can
be distributed equitably, such that all students have the same
likelihood of being taught by an effective instructor. Teachers
may also be distributed in ways that compound or compensate
for societal and educational inequalities. Prior work shows that
teachers are distributed in ways that compound inequality, with
students from historically marginalized populations being less
likely to have well-credentialed and highly-effective teachers.1
In these analyses, EPIC uses recent data from North Carolina
to update prior work on the distribution of well-credentialed
and effective teachers. Furthermore, we extend analyses on
the distribution of teachers by assessing the extent to which
students are taught by same race teachers and other teachers
of color. Our work is unique in its comprehensiveness, as we
examine students in all grade levels (K–12), consider multiple
indicators of student marginalization, and assess a range of
teacher credential, performance, and demographic measures.
In particular, we address the following questions: (1) What
is the distribution of well-credentialed and effective teachers
in North Carolina? (2) What explains differences in access
to well-credentialed and effective teachers? and (3) What
is the distribution of diverse teachers in North Carolina?
1
	Examples of this prior work include Lankford, Loeb, & Wyckoff (2002); Clotfelter, Ladd, &Vigdor (2005); and Goldhaber, Lavery, & Theobald (2015).
EDUCATION POLICY INITIATIVE at CAROLINA 2
The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
With answers to these questions, we hope to elevate the
issue of access to an effective and diverse teacher workforce.
Highlighting this issue is especially important as North
Carolina confronts issues—e.g. Leandro recommendations,
COVID-19—of educational inequality.
Background
In these analyses we focus on students and their core content
area teachers (e.g. English/reading, mathematics, science, and
social studies) in the 2018–19 school year.2
In particular, we
use classroom roster data from the North Carolina Department
of Public Instruction (NCDPI) and keep observations for all
core content area classes. By connecting student and teacher
characteristics to these course taking data, we assess the
distribution of well-credentialed, effective, and diverse teachers.
We are interested in differences in access to teachers based on
students’race/ethnicity,economic status,and measures of prior-year
(2017–18) test performance. The top panel of Table 1 presents
descriptive data for K–12 students in 2018–19. Overall, 33 percent
of North Carolina K–12 students are white and non-economically
disadvantaged.The next highest percentages are for students who
are Black and economically disadvantaged (17.4%),White and
economically disadvantaged (14.0%),and Hispanic and economically
disadvantaged (12.2%).A unique aspect of this work,relative to prior
studies, is that we jointly consider student race/ethnicity and
economic status—e.g. comparing access to teachers for White
non-economically disadvantaged students versus Black economically
disadvantaged students. For students with prior test score data, we
classify approximately 15 percent as high-performing,69 percent as
middle-performing,and 16 percent as low-performing.3
At the teacher level, we want to assess the distribution of well-
credentialed, effective, and diverse educators. The bottom panel
of Table 1 displays these focal characteristics for core content
teachers in 2018–19. Demographically, approximately 84 percent
of these teachers are female, 81 percent are White, and 15 percent
are Black. Nearly eight percent are first-year teachers and 10
percent hold National Board Certification (NBC).We assess the
distribution of teachers with these credentials since prior work
shows that first-year teachers are less effective than their more
experienced peers and that NBC teachers are more effective than
peers without the credential.4
Lastly, descriptive data indicate that
Table 1. Characteristics of Students and Teachers in Core
Content Area Classes
STUDENT CHARACTERISTICS MEAN VALUES
% White/Non-EDS 32.89
% White/EDS 14.02
% Black/Non-EDS 7.50
% Black/EDS 17.44
% Hispanic/Non-EDS 6.64
% Hispanic/EDS 12.16
% Asian/Non-EDS 2.70
% Asian/EDS 0.95
% American Indian/Non-EDS 0.32
% American Indian/EDS 0.85
% Multiracial/Non-EDS 2.06
% Multiracial/EDS 2.47
% High-Performing Students 14.69
% Middle-Performing Students 68.97
% Low-Performing Students 16.34
TEACHER CHARACTERISTICS MEAN VALUES
% Female 83.77
% White 80.52
% Black 14.65
% Hispanic 2.55
% Asian 0.93
% American Indian 1.09
% First-Year Teacher 7.86
% Nationally Board Certified 10.09
Avg. Prior-Year NCEES Rating 3.72
Avg. Prior-Year EVAAS Estimates (Std.) 0.053
teachers’ average prior-year NCEES ratings are 3.72—between
proficient (level 3) and accomplished (level 4)5
—and that
teachers’ average prior-year EVAAS estimates are slightly above
the standardized mean.
2
	This sample is limited to students and teachers in traditional (non-charter) public schools in North Carolina.We exclude charter schools since many credential and
prior effectiveness measures are not available for charter school teachers.
3
	High-performing students have prior standardized test scores more than one standard deviation above the mean; low-performing students have prior standardized test
scores more than one standard deviation below the mean.
4
	We do not assess the distribution of teachers with advanced degrees since this credential is not consistently associated with teacher effectiveness.
5
	Level 1 is not demonstrated, level 2 is developing, level 3 is proficient, level 4 is accomplished, and level 5 is distinguished.
Note: This table displays characteristics of the students and teachers in our analytical
sample—i.e. students in core content classes and the teachers of those classes in the
2018–19 school year. EDS=economically disadvantaged students.
EDUCATION POLICY INITIATIVE at CAROLINA 3
The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
Figure 1:Access to a Well-Credentialed and Effective Teacher Workforce
Note: This figure displays students’ access to a well-credentialed and effective teacher workforce—the percentage of students’ core content classes taught by a
first-year teacher and an NBC teacher, the average prior-year NCEES ratings of core content area teachers, and the average prior-year EVAAS estimates (Std.) of
core content area teachers. EDS=economically disadvantaged students.
Low-Performing
Middle-Performing
High-Performing
Hispanic/EDS
Hispanic/Non-EDS
Black/EDS
Black/Non-EDS
White/EDS
White/Non-EDS
Panel A: % of Core Classes Taught by a 1st Year Teacher
5.36
6.59
9.46
9.26
10.80
9.98
8.70
7.83
5.27
Low-Performing
Middle-Performing
High-Performing
Hispanic/EDS
Hispanic/Non-EDS
Black/EDS
Black/Non-EDS
White/EDS
White/Non-EDS
Panel D: Prior EVAAS (Std.) for Teachers of Core Classes
0.149
0.059
0.01
0.05
-0.064
-0.066
0.025
0.062
0.205
Low-Performing
Middle-Performing
High-Performing
Hispanic EDS
Hispanic/Non-EDS
Black/EDS
Black/Non-EDS
White/EDS
White/Non-EDS
Panel B: % of Core Classes Taught by a NBC Teacher
14.38
10.84
8.95
9.01
6.73
7.40
8.58
10.26
15.19
Low-Performing
Middle-Performing
High-Performing
Hispanic/EDS
Hispanic/Non-EDS
Black/EDS
Black/Non-EDS
White/EDS
White/Non-EDS
Panel C: Prior NCEES Rating for Teachers of Core Classes
3.38
3.75
3.64
3.65
3.59
3.62
3.67
3.72
3.84
EDUCATION POLICY INITIATIVE at CAROLINA 4
The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
teachers. Regarding prior-year EVAAS estimates, we find gaps
of 21 percent of a standard deviation between those teaching
White non-economically disadvantaged students (0.149) and those
teaching Black economically disadvantaged students (-0.064).
Likewise, high-performing students have teachers with prior-year
EVAAS estimates that are 27 percent of a standard deviation higher
than the estimates for those teaching low-performing students. In
benchmarking these gaps, we note that the average difference in
EVAAS estimates between first and second-year teachers is 17
percent of a standard deviation. Overall, when considering gaps
in access to effective instructors (based on NCEES and EVAAS),
it is as if students from historically marginalized populations are
consistently assigned to first-year teachers while advantaged
students are consistently assigned to those with one or more years
of experience.
The data in Panels A–D may mask differences in access to teachers
based on characteristics of the school.As such, Figure 2 displays data
on teachers’ prior-year EVAAS estimates by student characteristics
and the poverty status of the school.Across school poverty levels—
high, middle, and low-poverty schools—we find substantial
variation in access to effective teachers within student groups.
For example, among students who are Black and economically
disadvantaged, those attending high-poverty schools6
are taught by
teachers with prior-year EVAAS estimates 30 percent of a standard
deviation lower than those attending low-poverty schools (-0.197
versus 0.099). Even more concerning are the differences in teacher
effectiveness between advantaged students in low-poverty schools
and students from historically marginalized populations in high-
poverty schools. For instance, there is a 47 percent of a standard
deviation difference between the prior-year EVAAS estimates of
those teaching high-performing students in low-poverty schools
and those teaching low-performing students in high-poverty
schools (0.267 versus -0.198).To put this difference into perspective,
we note that the average difference in EVAAS estimates between
first and tenth-year teachers is 40 percent of a standard deviation.
What explains differences in access
to well-credentialed and effective
teachers?
Figures 1 and 2 show that teachers are distributed in ways that
compound inequalities for students from historically marginalized
populations.This should incentivize state and local officials
to enact policies and practices that more equitably distribute
teachers. Doing so, however, requires an understanding of why
What is the distribution of well-
credentialed and effective teachers
in North Carolina?
Figure 1 presents the distribution of teachers to students in core
content classes in the 2018–19 school year. In particular, Panels
A–D display the following: (A) the percentage of students’ core
content classes taught by a first-year teacher; (B) the percentage
of students’ core content classes taught by an NBC teacher; (C)
the average prior-year NCEES ratings for students’ core content
teachers; and (D) the average prior-year EVAAS estimates
(standardized) for students’ core content teachers.
Panels A and B illustrate that students from historically marginalized
populations are less likely to be taught by well-credentialed teachers.
For students who areWhite and non-economically disadvantaged,
5.36 percent of their core content classes are taught by first-year
teachers. By comparison, the percentage of core content classes
taught by first-year teachers is two times higher (10.80 percent) for
students who are Black and economically disadvantaged. We find
similar gaps in exposure to first-year teachers for high and low-
performing students—5.27 percent of high-performing students’
core content classes are taught by a beginning teacher compared to
10 percent for low-performing students. Panel B shows comparable
inequities in access to NBC teachers. Over 14 percent of the
core content classes of White non-economically disadvantaged
students are taught by an NBC teacher. The rates are 6.73 percent
for students who are Black and economically disadvantaged and
8.58 percent for students who are Hispanic and economically
disadvantaged. Likewise, the percentage of core content classes
taught by an NBC teacher is two times higher for high (15.19)
versus low-performing students (7.40).
Beyond teacher credentials, Panels C and D display sizable gaps
in access to effective instructors for students from historically
marginalized populations.There is a gap of 0.24 points in the
prior-year NCEES ratings of those teaching students who are
White and non-economically disadvantaged (3.83) versus those
teaching students who are Black and economically disadvantaged
(3.59). Similarly, high-performing students have teachers with
prior-year NCEES ratings that are 0.22 points higher than the
ratings for those teaching low-performing students.To make these
differences more meaningful, we benchmark them against teachers’
gains in effectiveness as they become more experienced. In doing
so, we note that these NCEES gaps—by student demographics
or prior test performance—are equivalent in size to the average
difference in NCEES ratings between first and second-year
6
	We identify high-poverty schools as those in the top quartile for the percentage of economically disadvantaged students that they enroll. Low-poverty schools are in the
bottom quartile for the percentage of economically disadvantaged students that they enroll.
EDUCATION POLICY INITIATIVE at CAROLINA 5
The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
teachers are inequitably distributed.This can occur in three ways:
(1) when teachers are inequitably distributed between districts,
such that certain districts have better-credentialed or more
effective teachers; (2) when teachers are inequitably distributed
between schools within districts, such that certain schools in a
district have better-credentialed or more effective teachers; and
(3) when teachers are inequitably distributed within schools, such
that certain classes have better-credentialed or more effective
teachers. Each of these mechanisms necessitate a unique set of
policy and practice solutions.
To better understand these mechanisms, we decomposed the total
difference in access to well-credentialed and effective teachers
(shown in Figure 1) into three parts—the percent of the total
difference due to across district variation, the percent of the total
difference due to within district variation, and the percent of the
total difference due to within school variation.We decompose the
differences in access to teachers for White non-economically
disadvantaged students versus Black economically disadvantaged
students, White non-economically disadvantaged students
versus Hispanic economically disadvantaged students, and high-
performing versus low-performing students. Figure 3 displays
these results, where Panels A and B decompose differences
in access to first-year and NBC teachers and Panels C and D
decompose differences in the prior-year NCEES ratings and
EVAAS estimates of teachers.
Overall, there are two main takeaways from Figure 3. First,
across Panels A–D, the largest source of variation in access to
well-credentialed and effective teachers is between different
schools in the same district. This is especially true for EVAAS
estimates (Panel D), where between school variation accounts
Figure 2.Access to an Effective Teacher Workforce (EVAAS Estimates)—By School Poverty Status
Note: This figure displays the average prior-year EVAAS estimates (Std.) for students’ core content teachers by school poverty. High-poverty schools are in the top
quartile of economically-disadvantaged students; middle-poverty schools are in the middle two quartiles of economically-disadvantaged students; low-poverty
schools are in the bottom quartile of economically disadvantaged students. EDS=economically disadvantaged students.
Avg. Prior EVAAS Estimates (Std.) for Core Content Teachers in High-Poverty Schools
Avg. Prior EVAAS Estimates (Std.) for Core Content Teachers in Middle-Poverty Schools
Avg. Prior EVAAS Estimates (Std.) for Core Content Teachers in Low-Poverty Schools
-0.30 0.10 0.00 0.10 0.20 0.30
Low-Performing
Middle-Performing
High-Performing
Hispanic/EDS
Hispanic/Non-EDS
Black/EDS
Black/Non-EDS
White/EDS
White/Non-EDS
0.216
0.107
-0.061
0.161
0.067
-0.094
0.099
-0.034
-0.197
0.158
-0.011
-0.192
0.173
0.042
-0.094
0.267
0.165
-0.005
0.093
0.053
-0.083
0.063
-0.036
-0.198
0.172
0.056
-0.102
-0.20
EDUCATION POLICY INITIATIVE at CAROLINA 6
The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
Figure 3. Decomposing Differences in Access to Well-Credentialed and Effective Teachers
Note: Students may have inequitable access to well-credentialed and effective teachers due to variation in access across districts (District Level), variation in
access between schools within districts (School Level), and variation in access within schools (Classroom Level). This figure displays the decomposition of these
district, school, and classroom level effects for ((1) White/Non-EDS vs Black/EDS; (2) White/Non-EDS vs Hispanic/EDS; and (3) High-Performing Students vs
Low-Performing Students. EDS=economically disadvantaged students.
High-Performing vs.
Low-Performing
White/Non-EDS vs.
Hispanic/EDS
White/Non-EDS vs.
Black/EDS
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
School Level
District Level
Classroom Level
High-Performing vs.
Low-Performing
White/Non-EDS vs.
Hispanic/EDS
White/Non-EDS vs.
Black/EDS
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
11.58
50.55
37.87
18.56
59.88
21.56
28.03
51.59
20.38
15.95
48.50
35.55
20.34
56.21
23.45
44.42
23.36
Panel A: % of Core Classes Taught by a 1st Year Teacher Panel B: % of Core Classes Taught by a NBC Teacher
School Level
District Level
Classroom Level
High-Performing vs.
Low-Performing
White/Non-EDS vs.
Hispanic/EDS
White/Non-EDS vs.
Black/EDS
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
High-Performing vs.
Low-Performing
White/Non-EDS vs.
Hispanic/EDS
White/Non-EDS vs.
Black/EDS
16.66
41.67
41.67
18.75
50.00
31.25
27.27
54.55
18.18
17.84
62.44
19.72
26.61
5.65
25.83
59.04
15.13
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
%
Panel C: Prior NCEES Rating for Teachers of Core Classes Panel D: Prior EVAAS (Std.) for Teachers of Core Classes
School Level
District Level
Classroom Level
School Level
District Level
Classroom Level
32.22
67.74
EDUCATION POLICY INITIATIVE at CAROLINA 7
The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
for approximately 60–67 percent of the differences in access to
effective teachers. For example, of the 27 percent of a standard
deviation difference in the prior-year EVAAS estimates of
those teaching high-performing versus low-performing
students (Figure 1, Panel D), 59 percent of that difference is
due to variation in the EVAAS estimates of teachers working
at different schools in the same district. Second, although
between school mechanisms account for the largest share of
variation in access to well-credentialed and effective teachers,
there are still meaningful differences explained by between
district and within school mechanisms. For example, between
district variation accounts for nearly 38 percent of the difference
in exposure to first-year teachers for students who areWhite and
non-economically disadvantaged versus Black and economically
disadvantaged.Within school variation accounts for 20 percent
of the difference in exposure to NBC teachers forWhite non-
economically disadvantaged students versus Hispanic economically
disadvantaged students.
What is the distribution of diverse
teachers in North Carolina?
As North Carolina’s student body becomes increasingly
diverse, state and local officials are interested in recruiting
and retaining more teachers of color. This is especially
important given research showing that students rate teachers
of color higher than White teachers and that same-race
teachers improve outcomes for students of color. To motivate
efforts to diversify the state’s workforce, Figure 4 presents
the percentage of students’ core content classes taught by
White teachers, teachers of the same race/ethnicity as the
student, and other teachers of color.
Overall,White students are the most likely to be taught by a
same race teacher—90 percent of their core classes are taught
by a White teacher and 10 percent are taught by a teacher of
Figure 4.Access to a Diverse Teacher Workforce
Note: This figure displays the percentage of students’ core content classes taught by White teachers, teachers of the same race as the student, and other
teachers of color. Same race data are not available for multiracial students because we do not know their specific race/ethnicity.
Multiracial Students
% of Core Content Classes Taught by Teachers with the Following Demographics
White Students 89.89 10.11
Black Students 68.52 26.46 5.02
Hispanic Students 77.33 3.67 19
American Indian Students 48.81 32.42 18.77
81.72 18.28
Asian Students 82.52 15.51
1.97
White Teacher Teacher-Student Race Match Other Teacher of Color
EDUCATION POLICY INITIATIVE at CAROLINA 8
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color. By comparison, the percentage of core classes taught
by a same race teacher is 26 percent for Black students, four
percent for Hispanic students, two percent for Asian students,
and 32 percent for American Indian students. Instead, these
students of color most often have White teachers for their core
content classes—e.g. 69 percent for Black students, 77 percent
for Hispanic students, and 82 percent for multiracial students.7
As with our analyses on the distribution of well-credentialed
and effective teachers, we recognize that the likelihood of
having a same race teacher may vary by school characteristics.
In response, Figure 5 displays the percentage of core content
classes taught by a same race teacher in high, middle, and
low-poverty schools. Unsurprisingly, the data show that
White students in high-poverty schools have a lower
percentage of core classes taught by a same race teacher
than their White peers in low-poverty schools (81 versus 91
percent, respectively). Conversely, Black students in high-
poverty schools have a much higher percentage of their core
classes taught by a same race teacher than Black students in
low-poverty schools (37 versus 17 percent, respectively).
Given the relatively small percentage of Hispanic and Asian
teachers in North Carolina, results for Hispanic and Asian
students are generally unchanged across school poverty
levels. Lastly, results show that American Indian students
are much more likely to be taught by an American Indian
teacher in a high-poverty school.
Discussion
To successfully confront educational inequities, state and local
officials need data and evidence to inform decision making.
With this motivation, we assessed the distribution of well-
credentialed, effective, and diverse teachers in North Carolina.
Figure 5.Access to a Diverse Teacher Workforce—By School Poverty Status
Note: This figure displays the percentage of core content area classes taught by a teacher who matches the race/ethnicity of the student. Data are presented
for high-poverty schools (top quartile of economically disadvantaged students), middle-poverty schools (middle two quartiles of economically disadvantaged
students), and low-poverty schools (bottom quartile of economically disadvantaged students). Same race data are not available for multiracial students
(excluded from the figure) because we do not know their specific race/ethnicity.
Teacher-Student Race Match in Middle Poverty Schools
Teacher-Student Race Match in High Poverty Schools
Teacher-Student Race Match in Low Poverty Schools
American Indian Students
Asian Students
Hispanic Students
Black Students
White Students
81.30
91.10
90.68
37.32
24.05
16.56
4.43
3.45
3.29
1.12
2.22
1.93
49.05
2.22
1.33
% of Core Content Classes Taught by a Same Race Teacher
7
	For multiracial students, we cannot identify the percentage of core content classes taught by a same-race teacher because we do not know the specific race/ethnicities
of the student.
EDUCATION POLICY INITIATIVE at CAROLINA 9
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Across each measure that we considered—exposure to first-
year and NBC teachers, prior-year NCEES ratings, prior-year
EVAAS estimates—we find that students from historically
marginalized populations have less access to well-credentialed
and effective teachers.These differences in access are meaningful
in size and add up over the course of a student’s K–12 education.
For example, if students were to take four content classes each
year, from kindergarten through 12th grade, we project that
White non-economically disadvantaged students would have a
first-year teacher 2.8 times and an NBC teacher 7.5 times. By
comparison, a Black economically disadvantaged student would
have a first-year teacher 5.6 times and an NBC teacher 3.5
times.When considering gaps in NCEES and EVAAS, it is as
if North Carolina consistently assigns students from historically
marginalized populations to first-year teachers and advantaged
students to those with one or more years of experience. Quite
simply, the distribution of teachers in North Carolina compounds
inequalities for those who are economically disadvantaged, of
color, or low-performing.
We find that the largest source of variation in access to
well-credentialed and effective teachers is between schools
in the same district. Certain schools—high-performing
schools, low-poverty schools—have more well-credentialed
and effective teachers. Although smaller in magnitude, there
are also meaningful differences in access to teachers between
districts and within schools. This indicates that certain
districts better attract and retain effective teachers and that,
within schools, advantaged students are more likely to have
effective teachers.
Lastly, we find large mismatches between the demographics
of K–12 students and teachers.This matters given the benefits
of a diverse teacher workforce. White students frequently
have same-race teachers in their core content classes. By
comparison, it is rare for students of color to have a same-
race teacher.This is especially true for Hispanic students, who
make up nearly 19 percent of the K–12 population yet have a
same-race teacher in less than four percent of their core classes.
These results suggest that policymakers should prioritize
efforts to strengthen teacher recruitment, teacher retention,
and school working conditions, especially in high-priority
schools and for teachers of color.At the state level, examples
of such policies include funding for larger teacher salary
supplements and targeted teacher recruitment and retention
bonuses, greater investment in teacher preparation at the state’s
minority serving institutions (MSIs), the promotion of teacher
leadership roles, and initiatives to improve and diversify school
leadership.At the district level, examples of such policies
include reallocating funding for targeted recruitment and
retention bonuses and partnerships with teacher preparation
programs (especially with MSIs) to strengthen clinical
experiences and the preparation to employment pipeline.
Given that the inequitable distribution of teachers is related to
student enrollment at neighborhood schools, districts could also
explore assignment practices that reduce the concentration
of students from historically marginalized populations in
schools. Lastly, at the school level, our results highlight the role
of principals and leadership teams in more equitably assigning
well-credentialed and effective teachers to students from
historically marginalized populations.
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Authors: Kevin C. Bastian
EPIC is an interdisciplinary team that conducts rigorous research and evaluation to inform education policy and practice.We produce evidence to guide data-driven
decision-making using qualitative and quantitative methodologies tailored to the target audience. By serving multiple stakeholders, including policy-makers, administrators
in districts and institutions of higher education, and program implementers we strengthen the growing body of research on what works and in which context.
Our work is ultimately driven by a vision of high quality and equitable education experiences for all students, and particularly students in North Carolina.
publicpolicy.unc.edu/epic-home
For More onThisTopic
Cherng, H.Y.S. & Halpin, P.F. (2016).The importance of
minority teachers: Student perceptions of minority versus
White teachers. Educational Researcher, 45(7), 407–420.
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Would higher salaries keep teachers in high-poverty schools?
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on teacher labor supply.American Educational Research
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Lankford, H., Loeb, S., & Wyckoff, J. (2002).Teacher sorting
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EPIC: Access to diverse teacher workforce brief

  • 1. EDUCATION POLICY INITIATIVE at CAROLINA 1 The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Access to a Well-Credentialed, Effective, and Diverse Teacher Workforce in North Carolina In this research brief, we assess the distribution of well-credentialed, effective, and diverse teachers in North Carolina. There are three primary takeaways from these analyses. First, across every teacher measure considered, we find that students from historically marginalized populations have less access to well-credentialed and effective teachers. These differences in access are meaningful in size and show that teachers are distributed in ways that compound societal inequalities. Second, we find that the largest source of variation in access to well-credentialed and effective teachers is between schools in the same district. Although smaller in magnitude, there are also meaningful differences in access to teachers between districts and within schools. Lastly, we find large mismatches between the demographics of K–12 students and the teacher workforce. White students frequently have White teachers; it is rare for students of color to have a same race teacher. Introduction Teachers are the most important school-based resource explaining students’ academic development. Relative to peers taught by ineffective teachers, students taught by highly-effective teachers gain 7.5 additional months of learning in mathematics and 3 additional months of learning in reading. Likewise, students of color taught by a same race teacher are less likely to face exclusionary discipline practices, make larger achievement gains, and are more likely to graduate from high school and enroll in college. Given the importance of teachers, it is imperative that state and local education officials understand their distribution, especially to students from historically marginalized groups. Teachers can be distributed equitably, such that all students have the same likelihood of being taught by an effective instructor. Teachers may also be distributed in ways that compound or compensate for societal and educational inequalities. Prior work shows that teachers are distributed in ways that compound inequality, with students from historically marginalized populations being less likely to have well-credentialed and highly-effective teachers.1 In these analyses, EPIC uses recent data from North Carolina to update prior work on the distribution of well-credentialed and effective teachers. Furthermore, we extend analyses on the distribution of teachers by assessing the extent to which students are taught by same race teachers and other teachers of color. Our work is unique in its comprehensiveness, as we examine students in all grade levels (K–12), consider multiple indicators of student marginalization, and assess a range of teacher credential, performance, and demographic measures. In particular, we address the following questions: (1) What is the distribution of well-credentialed and effective teachers in North Carolina? (2) What explains differences in access to well-credentialed and effective teachers? and (3) What is the distribution of diverse teachers in North Carolina? 1 Examples of this prior work include Lankford, Loeb, & Wyckoff (2002); Clotfelter, Ladd, &Vigdor (2005); and Goldhaber, Lavery, & Theobald (2015).
  • 2. EDUCATION POLICY INITIATIVE at CAROLINA 2 The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill With answers to these questions, we hope to elevate the issue of access to an effective and diverse teacher workforce. Highlighting this issue is especially important as North Carolina confronts issues—e.g. Leandro recommendations, COVID-19—of educational inequality. Background In these analyses we focus on students and their core content area teachers (e.g. English/reading, mathematics, science, and social studies) in the 2018–19 school year.2 In particular, we use classroom roster data from the North Carolina Department of Public Instruction (NCDPI) and keep observations for all core content area classes. By connecting student and teacher characteristics to these course taking data, we assess the distribution of well-credentialed, effective, and diverse teachers. We are interested in differences in access to teachers based on students’race/ethnicity,economic status,and measures of prior-year (2017–18) test performance. The top panel of Table 1 presents descriptive data for K–12 students in 2018–19. Overall, 33 percent of North Carolina K–12 students are white and non-economically disadvantaged.The next highest percentages are for students who are Black and economically disadvantaged (17.4%),White and economically disadvantaged (14.0%),and Hispanic and economically disadvantaged (12.2%).A unique aspect of this work,relative to prior studies, is that we jointly consider student race/ethnicity and economic status—e.g. comparing access to teachers for White non-economically disadvantaged students versus Black economically disadvantaged students. For students with prior test score data, we classify approximately 15 percent as high-performing,69 percent as middle-performing,and 16 percent as low-performing.3 At the teacher level, we want to assess the distribution of well- credentialed, effective, and diverse educators. The bottom panel of Table 1 displays these focal characteristics for core content teachers in 2018–19. Demographically, approximately 84 percent of these teachers are female, 81 percent are White, and 15 percent are Black. Nearly eight percent are first-year teachers and 10 percent hold National Board Certification (NBC).We assess the distribution of teachers with these credentials since prior work shows that first-year teachers are less effective than their more experienced peers and that NBC teachers are more effective than peers without the credential.4 Lastly, descriptive data indicate that Table 1. Characteristics of Students and Teachers in Core Content Area Classes STUDENT CHARACTERISTICS MEAN VALUES % White/Non-EDS 32.89 % White/EDS 14.02 % Black/Non-EDS 7.50 % Black/EDS 17.44 % Hispanic/Non-EDS 6.64 % Hispanic/EDS 12.16 % Asian/Non-EDS 2.70 % Asian/EDS 0.95 % American Indian/Non-EDS 0.32 % American Indian/EDS 0.85 % Multiracial/Non-EDS 2.06 % Multiracial/EDS 2.47 % High-Performing Students 14.69 % Middle-Performing Students 68.97 % Low-Performing Students 16.34 TEACHER CHARACTERISTICS MEAN VALUES % Female 83.77 % White 80.52 % Black 14.65 % Hispanic 2.55 % Asian 0.93 % American Indian 1.09 % First-Year Teacher 7.86 % Nationally Board Certified 10.09 Avg. Prior-Year NCEES Rating 3.72 Avg. Prior-Year EVAAS Estimates (Std.) 0.053 teachers’ average prior-year NCEES ratings are 3.72—between proficient (level 3) and accomplished (level 4)5 —and that teachers’ average prior-year EVAAS estimates are slightly above the standardized mean. 2 This sample is limited to students and teachers in traditional (non-charter) public schools in North Carolina.We exclude charter schools since many credential and prior effectiveness measures are not available for charter school teachers. 3 High-performing students have prior standardized test scores more than one standard deviation above the mean; low-performing students have prior standardized test scores more than one standard deviation below the mean. 4 We do not assess the distribution of teachers with advanced degrees since this credential is not consistently associated with teacher effectiveness. 5 Level 1 is not demonstrated, level 2 is developing, level 3 is proficient, level 4 is accomplished, and level 5 is distinguished. Note: This table displays characteristics of the students and teachers in our analytical sample—i.e. students in core content classes and the teachers of those classes in the 2018–19 school year. EDS=economically disadvantaged students.
  • 3. EDUCATION POLICY INITIATIVE at CAROLINA 3 The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Figure 1:Access to a Well-Credentialed and Effective Teacher Workforce Note: This figure displays students’ access to a well-credentialed and effective teacher workforce—the percentage of students’ core content classes taught by a first-year teacher and an NBC teacher, the average prior-year NCEES ratings of core content area teachers, and the average prior-year EVAAS estimates (Std.) of core content area teachers. EDS=economically disadvantaged students. Low-Performing Middle-Performing High-Performing Hispanic/EDS Hispanic/Non-EDS Black/EDS Black/Non-EDS White/EDS White/Non-EDS Panel A: % of Core Classes Taught by a 1st Year Teacher 5.36 6.59 9.46 9.26 10.80 9.98 8.70 7.83 5.27 Low-Performing Middle-Performing High-Performing Hispanic/EDS Hispanic/Non-EDS Black/EDS Black/Non-EDS White/EDS White/Non-EDS Panel D: Prior EVAAS (Std.) for Teachers of Core Classes 0.149 0.059 0.01 0.05 -0.064 -0.066 0.025 0.062 0.205 Low-Performing Middle-Performing High-Performing Hispanic EDS Hispanic/Non-EDS Black/EDS Black/Non-EDS White/EDS White/Non-EDS Panel B: % of Core Classes Taught by a NBC Teacher 14.38 10.84 8.95 9.01 6.73 7.40 8.58 10.26 15.19 Low-Performing Middle-Performing High-Performing Hispanic/EDS Hispanic/Non-EDS Black/EDS Black/Non-EDS White/EDS White/Non-EDS Panel C: Prior NCEES Rating for Teachers of Core Classes 3.38 3.75 3.64 3.65 3.59 3.62 3.67 3.72 3.84
  • 4. EDUCATION POLICY INITIATIVE at CAROLINA 4 The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill teachers. Regarding prior-year EVAAS estimates, we find gaps of 21 percent of a standard deviation between those teaching White non-economically disadvantaged students (0.149) and those teaching Black economically disadvantaged students (-0.064). Likewise, high-performing students have teachers with prior-year EVAAS estimates that are 27 percent of a standard deviation higher than the estimates for those teaching low-performing students. In benchmarking these gaps, we note that the average difference in EVAAS estimates between first and second-year teachers is 17 percent of a standard deviation. Overall, when considering gaps in access to effective instructors (based on NCEES and EVAAS), it is as if students from historically marginalized populations are consistently assigned to first-year teachers while advantaged students are consistently assigned to those with one or more years of experience. The data in Panels A–D may mask differences in access to teachers based on characteristics of the school.As such, Figure 2 displays data on teachers’ prior-year EVAAS estimates by student characteristics and the poverty status of the school.Across school poverty levels— high, middle, and low-poverty schools—we find substantial variation in access to effective teachers within student groups. For example, among students who are Black and economically disadvantaged, those attending high-poverty schools6 are taught by teachers with prior-year EVAAS estimates 30 percent of a standard deviation lower than those attending low-poverty schools (-0.197 versus 0.099). Even more concerning are the differences in teacher effectiveness between advantaged students in low-poverty schools and students from historically marginalized populations in high- poverty schools. For instance, there is a 47 percent of a standard deviation difference between the prior-year EVAAS estimates of those teaching high-performing students in low-poverty schools and those teaching low-performing students in high-poverty schools (0.267 versus -0.198).To put this difference into perspective, we note that the average difference in EVAAS estimates between first and tenth-year teachers is 40 percent of a standard deviation. What explains differences in access to well-credentialed and effective teachers? Figures 1 and 2 show that teachers are distributed in ways that compound inequalities for students from historically marginalized populations.This should incentivize state and local officials to enact policies and practices that more equitably distribute teachers. Doing so, however, requires an understanding of why What is the distribution of well- credentialed and effective teachers in North Carolina? Figure 1 presents the distribution of teachers to students in core content classes in the 2018–19 school year. In particular, Panels A–D display the following: (A) the percentage of students’ core content classes taught by a first-year teacher; (B) the percentage of students’ core content classes taught by an NBC teacher; (C) the average prior-year NCEES ratings for students’ core content teachers; and (D) the average prior-year EVAAS estimates (standardized) for students’ core content teachers. Panels A and B illustrate that students from historically marginalized populations are less likely to be taught by well-credentialed teachers. For students who areWhite and non-economically disadvantaged, 5.36 percent of their core content classes are taught by first-year teachers. By comparison, the percentage of core content classes taught by first-year teachers is two times higher (10.80 percent) for students who are Black and economically disadvantaged. We find similar gaps in exposure to first-year teachers for high and low- performing students—5.27 percent of high-performing students’ core content classes are taught by a beginning teacher compared to 10 percent for low-performing students. Panel B shows comparable inequities in access to NBC teachers. Over 14 percent of the core content classes of White non-economically disadvantaged students are taught by an NBC teacher. The rates are 6.73 percent for students who are Black and economically disadvantaged and 8.58 percent for students who are Hispanic and economically disadvantaged. Likewise, the percentage of core content classes taught by an NBC teacher is two times higher for high (15.19) versus low-performing students (7.40). Beyond teacher credentials, Panels C and D display sizable gaps in access to effective instructors for students from historically marginalized populations.There is a gap of 0.24 points in the prior-year NCEES ratings of those teaching students who are White and non-economically disadvantaged (3.83) versus those teaching students who are Black and economically disadvantaged (3.59). Similarly, high-performing students have teachers with prior-year NCEES ratings that are 0.22 points higher than the ratings for those teaching low-performing students.To make these differences more meaningful, we benchmark them against teachers’ gains in effectiveness as they become more experienced. In doing so, we note that these NCEES gaps—by student demographics or prior test performance—are equivalent in size to the average difference in NCEES ratings between first and second-year 6 We identify high-poverty schools as those in the top quartile for the percentage of economically disadvantaged students that they enroll. Low-poverty schools are in the bottom quartile for the percentage of economically disadvantaged students that they enroll.
  • 5. EDUCATION POLICY INITIATIVE at CAROLINA 5 The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill teachers are inequitably distributed.This can occur in three ways: (1) when teachers are inequitably distributed between districts, such that certain districts have better-credentialed or more effective teachers; (2) when teachers are inequitably distributed between schools within districts, such that certain schools in a district have better-credentialed or more effective teachers; and (3) when teachers are inequitably distributed within schools, such that certain classes have better-credentialed or more effective teachers. Each of these mechanisms necessitate a unique set of policy and practice solutions. To better understand these mechanisms, we decomposed the total difference in access to well-credentialed and effective teachers (shown in Figure 1) into three parts—the percent of the total difference due to across district variation, the percent of the total difference due to within district variation, and the percent of the total difference due to within school variation.We decompose the differences in access to teachers for White non-economically disadvantaged students versus Black economically disadvantaged students, White non-economically disadvantaged students versus Hispanic economically disadvantaged students, and high- performing versus low-performing students. Figure 3 displays these results, where Panels A and B decompose differences in access to first-year and NBC teachers and Panels C and D decompose differences in the prior-year NCEES ratings and EVAAS estimates of teachers. Overall, there are two main takeaways from Figure 3. First, across Panels A–D, the largest source of variation in access to well-credentialed and effective teachers is between different schools in the same district. This is especially true for EVAAS estimates (Panel D), where between school variation accounts Figure 2.Access to an Effective Teacher Workforce (EVAAS Estimates)—By School Poverty Status Note: This figure displays the average prior-year EVAAS estimates (Std.) for students’ core content teachers by school poverty. High-poverty schools are in the top quartile of economically-disadvantaged students; middle-poverty schools are in the middle two quartiles of economically-disadvantaged students; low-poverty schools are in the bottom quartile of economically disadvantaged students. EDS=economically disadvantaged students. Avg. Prior EVAAS Estimates (Std.) for Core Content Teachers in High-Poverty Schools Avg. Prior EVAAS Estimates (Std.) for Core Content Teachers in Middle-Poverty Schools Avg. Prior EVAAS Estimates (Std.) for Core Content Teachers in Low-Poverty Schools -0.30 0.10 0.00 0.10 0.20 0.30 Low-Performing Middle-Performing High-Performing Hispanic/EDS Hispanic/Non-EDS Black/EDS Black/Non-EDS White/EDS White/Non-EDS 0.216 0.107 -0.061 0.161 0.067 -0.094 0.099 -0.034 -0.197 0.158 -0.011 -0.192 0.173 0.042 -0.094 0.267 0.165 -0.005 0.093 0.053 -0.083 0.063 -0.036 -0.198 0.172 0.056 -0.102 -0.20
  • 6. EDUCATION POLICY INITIATIVE at CAROLINA 6 The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Figure 3. Decomposing Differences in Access to Well-Credentialed and Effective Teachers Note: Students may have inequitable access to well-credentialed and effective teachers due to variation in access across districts (District Level), variation in access between schools within districts (School Level), and variation in access within schools (Classroom Level). This figure displays the decomposition of these district, school, and classroom level effects for ((1) White/Non-EDS vs Black/EDS; (2) White/Non-EDS vs Hispanic/EDS; and (3) High-Performing Students vs Low-Performing Students. EDS=economically disadvantaged students. High-Performing vs. Low-Performing White/Non-EDS vs. Hispanic/EDS White/Non-EDS vs. Black/EDS 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 % % % % % % % % % % % School Level District Level Classroom Level High-Performing vs. Low-Performing White/Non-EDS vs. Hispanic/EDS White/Non-EDS vs. Black/EDS 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 % % % % % % % % % % % 11.58 50.55 37.87 18.56 59.88 21.56 28.03 51.59 20.38 15.95 48.50 35.55 20.34 56.21 23.45 44.42 23.36 Panel A: % of Core Classes Taught by a 1st Year Teacher Panel B: % of Core Classes Taught by a NBC Teacher School Level District Level Classroom Level High-Performing vs. Low-Performing White/Non-EDS vs. Hispanic/EDS White/Non-EDS vs. Black/EDS 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 % % % % % % % % % % % High-Performing vs. Low-Performing White/Non-EDS vs. Hispanic/EDS White/Non-EDS vs. Black/EDS 16.66 41.67 41.67 18.75 50.00 31.25 27.27 54.55 18.18 17.84 62.44 19.72 26.61 5.65 25.83 59.04 15.13 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 % % % % % % % % % % % Panel C: Prior NCEES Rating for Teachers of Core Classes Panel D: Prior EVAAS (Std.) for Teachers of Core Classes School Level District Level Classroom Level School Level District Level Classroom Level 32.22 67.74
  • 7. EDUCATION POLICY INITIATIVE at CAROLINA 7 The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill for approximately 60–67 percent of the differences in access to effective teachers. For example, of the 27 percent of a standard deviation difference in the prior-year EVAAS estimates of those teaching high-performing versus low-performing students (Figure 1, Panel D), 59 percent of that difference is due to variation in the EVAAS estimates of teachers working at different schools in the same district. Second, although between school mechanisms account for the largest share of variation in access to well-credentialed and effective teachers, there are still meaningful differences explained by between district and within school mechanisms. For example, between district variation accounts for nearly 38 percent of the difference in exposure to first-year teachers for students who areWhite and non-economically disadvantaged versus Black and economically disadvantaged.Within school variation accounts for 20 percent of the difference in exposure to NBC teachers forWhite non- economically disadvantaged students versus Hispanic economically disadvantaged students. What is the distribution of diverse teachers in North Carolina? As North Carolina’s student body becomes increasingly diverse, state and local officials are interested in recruiting and retaining more teachers of color. This is especially important given research showing that students rate teachers of color higher than White teachers and that same-race teachers improve outcomes for students of color. To motivate efforts to diversify the state’s workforce, Figure 4 presents the percentage of students’ core content classes taught by White teachers, teachers of the same race/ethnicity as the student, and other teachers of color. Overall,White students are the most likely to be taught by a same race teacher—90 percent of their core classes are taught by a White teacher and 10 percent are taught by a teacher of Figure 4.Access to a Diverse Teacher Workforce Note: This figure displays the percentage of students’ core content classes taught by White teachers, teachers of the same race as the student, and other teachers of color. Same race data are not available for multiracial students because we do not know their specific race/ethnicity. Multiracial Students % of Core Content Classes Taught by Teachers with the Following Demographics White Students 89.89 10.11 Black Students 68.52 26.46 5.02 Hispanic Students 77.33 3.67 19 American Indian Students 48.81 32.42 18.77 81.72 18.28 Asian Students 82.52 15.51 1.97 White Teacher Teacher-Student Race Match Other Teacher of Color
  • 8. EDUCATION POLICY INITIATIVE at CAROLINA 8 The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill color. By comparison, the percentage of core classes taught by a same race teacher is 26 percent for Black students, four percent for Hispanic students, two percent for Asian students, and 32 percent for American Indian students. Instead, these students of color most often have White teachers for their core content classes—e.g. 69 percent for Black students, 77 percent for Hispanic students, and 82 percent for multiracial students.7 As with our analyses on the distribution of well-credentialed and effective teachers, we recognize that the likelihood of having a same race teacher may vary by school characteristics. In response, Figure 5 displays the percentage of core content classes taught by a same race teacher in high, middle, and low-poverty schools. Unsurprisingly, the data show that White students in high-poverty schools have a lower percentage of core classes taught by a same race teacher than their White peers in low-poverty schools (81 versus 91 percent, respectively). Conversely, Black students in high- poverty schools have a much higher percentage of their core classes taught by a same race teacher than Black students in low-poverty schools (37 versus 17 percent, respectively). Given the relatively small percentage of Hispanic and Asian teachers in North Carolina, results for Hispanic and Asian students are generally unchanged across school poverty levels. Lastly, results show that American Indian students are much more likely to be taught by an American Indian teacher in a high-poverty school. Discussion To successfully confront educational inequities, state and local officials need data and evidence to inform decision making. With this motivation, we assessed the distribution of well- credentialed, effective, and diverse teachers in North Carolina. Figure 5.Access to a Diverse Teacher Workforce—By School Poverty Status Note: This figure displays the percentage of core content area classes taught by a teacher who matches the race/ethnicity of the student. Data are presented for high-poverty schools (top quartile of economically disadvantaged students), middle-poverty schools (middle two quartiles of economically disadvantaged students), and low-poverty schools (bottom quartile of economically disadvantaged students). Same race data are not available for multiracial students (excluded from the figure) because we do not know their specific race/ethnicity. Teacher-Student Race Match in Middle Poverty Schools Teacher-Student Race Match in High Poverty Schools Teacher-Student Race Match in Low Poverty Schools American Indian Students Asian Students Hispanic Students Black Students White Students 81.30 91.10 90.68 37.32 24.05 16.56 4.43 3.45 3.29 1.12 2.22 1.93 49.05 2.22 1.33 % of Core Content Classes Taught by a Same Race Teacher 7 For multiracial students, we cannot identify the percentage of core content classes taught by a same-race teacher because we do not know the specific race/ethnicities of the student.
  • 9. EDUCATION POLICY INITIATIVE at CAROLINA 9 The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Across each measure that we considered—exposure to first- year and NBC teachers, prior-year NCEES ratings, prior-year EVAAS estimates—we find that students from historically marginalized populations have less access to well-credentialed and effective teachers.These differences in access are meaningful in size and add up over the course of a student’s K–12 education. For example, if students were to take four content classes each year, from kindergarten through 12th grade, we project that White non-economically disadvantaged students would have a first-year teacher 2.8 times and an NBC teacher 7.5 times. By comparison, a Black economically disadvantaged student would have a first-year teacher 5.6 times and an NBC teacher 3.5 times.When considering gaps in NCEES and EVAAS, it is as if North Carolina consistently assigns students from historically marginalized populations to first-year teachers and advantaged students to those with one or more years of experience. Quite simply, the distribution of teachers in North Carolina compounds inequalities for those who are economically disadvantaged, of color, or low-performing. We find that the largest source of variation in access to well-credentialed and effective teachers is between schools in the same district. Certain schools—high-performing schools, low-poverty schools—have more well-credentialed and effective teachers. Although smaller in magnitude, there are also meaningful differences in access to teachers between districts and within schools. This indicates that certain districts better attract and retain effective teachers and that, within schools, advantaged students are more likely to have effective teachers. Lastly, we find large mismatches between the demographics of K–12 students and teachers.This matters given the benefits of a diverse teacher workforce. White students frequently have same-race teachers in their core content classes. By comparison, it is rare for students of color to have a same- race teacher.This is especially true for Hispanic students, who make up nearly 19 percent of the K–12 population yet have a same-race teacher in less than four percent of their core classes. These results suggest that policymakers should prioritize efforts to strengthen teacher recruitment, teacher retention, and school working conditions, especially in high-priority schools and for teachers of color.At the state level, examples of such policies include funding for larger teacher salary supplements and targeted teacher recruitment and retention bonuses, greater investment in teacher preparation at the state’s minority serving institutions (MSIs), the promotion of teacher leadership roles, and initiatives to improve and diversify school leadership.At the district level, examples of such policies include reallocating funding for targeted recruitment and retention bonuses and partnerships with teacher preparation programs (especially with MSIs) to strengthen clinical experiences and the preparation to employment pipeline. Given that the inequitable distribution of teachers is related to student enrollment at neighborhood schools, districts could also explore assignment practices that reduce the concentration of students from historically marginalized populations in schools. Lastly, at the school level, our results highlight the role of principals and leadership teams in more equitably assigning well-credentialed and effective teachers to students from historically marginalized populations.
  • 10. EDUCATION POLICY INITIATIVE at CAROLINA 10 The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Authors: Kevin C. Bastian EPIC is an interdisciplinary team that conducts rigorous research and evaluation to inform education policy and practice.We produce evidence to guide data-driven decision-making using qualitative and quantitative methodologies tailored to the target audience. By serving multiple stakeholders, including policy-makers, administrators in districts and institutions of higher education, and program implementers we strengthen the growing body of research on what works and in which context. Our work is ultimately driven by a vision of high quality and equitable education experiences for all students, and particularly students in North Carolina. publicpolicy.unc.edu/epic-home For More onThisTopic Cherng, H.Y.S. & Halpin, P.F. (2016).The importance of minority teachers: Student perceptions of minority versus White teachers. Educational Researcher, 45(7), 407–420. Clotfelter, C.T., Ladd, H.F., &Vigdor, J. (2005).Who teaches whom? Race and the distribution of novice teachers. Economics of Education Review, 24(4), 377–392. Clotfelter, C.T., Glennie, E., Ladd, H.F., &Vigdor, J. (2008). Would higher salaries keep teachers in high-poverty schools? Evidence from a policy intervention in North Carolina. Journal of Public Economics, 92(5-6), 1352–1370. Engel, M., Jacob, B.A., & Curran, F.C. (2014). New evidence on teacher labor supply.American Educational Research Journal, 51(1), 36–72. Goldhaber, D., Lavery, L., & Theobald, R. (2015). Uneven playing field? Assessing the teacher quality gap between advantaged and disadvantaged students. Educational Researcher, 44(5), 293–307. Lankford, H., Loeb, S., & Wyckoff, J. (2002).Teacher sorting and the plight of urban schools:A descriptive analysis. Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis, 24(1), 37–62.