The document summarizes the development of the EU-UN partnership in development and humanitarian cooperation. It discusses how their partnership was described as "natural" due to shared values, objectives, and responsibilities regarding issues like the Millennium Development Goals. The partnership covers a wide range of issues from governance to emergency relief. However, the document notes that the EU's development policies and relationship with the UN developed strategically over time, rather than the EU simply accepting existing frameworks.
Competing World-Visions? China’s and the EU’s Africa-PoliciesGlobusHamburg
As European politicians realized that China’s successful Africa-strategy potentially undermines their traditional influence in Africa, they started to question their normative policy-approach. While Europe conducts a policy that is based on ethical and normative considerations, such as good governance, democracy, human rights and the promotion of sustainable economic development, China promotes a no-strings-attached, business-like approach. In contrast to the EU, China presents itself rather as an investor who wants to do business rather than donor who wants to provide aid.
This paper will shed light on the differences between China’s and the EU’s Africa policies. It argues that China’s engagement has contributed to the fact that Africa has again become a priority of the European political agenda.
Well being and economic growth: a case study of Costa Rican development by Da...Danika Tynes, Ph.D.
This exploration is pursued through the application of happiness research, which has demonstrated the mis-alignment of economic growth and happiness to explore the fundamental research question: ‘Are we measuring the wrong thing?’ And, specifically reviews whether the prevailing MDG indicators are useful predictors of progress and development. It is considered whether a shift toward focus on self-growth can replace economic growth as the fundamental institutional push and better facilitate achievement of the desired state of equilibrium in the world.
HRD SYSTEMS (Prof. Mitsuru WAKABAYASHI)
June 17th, 2002
Chapter 8: Economic Growth Performance of Indonesia,
The Philippines, and Thailand
Tri Widodo W. Utomo (M1-DICOS)
IMF: Analysis of Policy Recommendations after the Global Financial CrisisUNDP Policy Centre
IMF policy recommendations are often criticised for being orthodox, restrictive and prociclycal in their policy recommendations for developing countries. The global financial and economic crisis has led the Fund to publish papers and organize conferences that show some rethinking on these positions. But, to which extent IMF recent willingness to rethinking has led to actual changes in its policy advice to the developing countries?
This new paper by the Brasilia-based International Policy Centre for Inclusive Growth (IPC-IG) analyses recent recommendations given by the IMF to 26 developing countries to assess whether this ‘change’ discourse has been translated into action in the field. Our analysis looked at the recommendations around exchange rate, inflation, fiscal consolidation, employment and social protection policies. It also covers the theoretical debate behind the policies recommended: the underlying arguments, the criticisms received and the IMF’s position.
Competing World-Visions? China’s and the EU’s Africa-PoliciesGlobusHamburg
As European politicians realized that China’s successful Africa-strategy potentially undermines their traditional influence in Africa, they started to question their normative policy-approach. While Europe conducts a policy that is based on ethical and normative considerations, such as good governance, democracy, human rights and the promotion of sustainable economic development, China promotes a no-strings-attached, business-like approach. In contrast to the EU, China presents itself rather as an investor who wants to do business rather than donor who wants to provide aid.
This paper will shed light on the differences between China’s and the EU’s Africa policies. It argues that China’s engagement has contributed to the fact that Africa has again become a priority of the European political agenda.
Well being and economic growth: a case study of Costa Rican development by Da...Danika Tynes, Ph.D.
This exploration is pursued through the application of happiness research, which has demonstrated the mis-alignment of economic growth and happiness to explore the fundamental research question: ‘Are we measuring the wrong thing?’ And, specifically reviews whether the prevailing MDG indicators are useful predictors of progress and development. It is considered whether a shift toward focus on self-growth can replace economic growth as the fundamental institutional push and better facilitate achievement of the desired state of equilibrium in the world.
HRD SYSTEMS (Prof. Mitsuru WAKABAYASHI)
June 17th, 2002
Chapter 8: Economic Growth Performance of Indonesia,
The Philippines, and Thailand
Tri Widodo W. Utomo (M1-DICOS)
IMF: Analysis of Policy Recommendations after the Global Financial CrisisUNDP Policy Centre
IMF policy recommendations are often criticised for being orthodox, restrictive and prociclycal in their policy recommendations for developing countries. The global financial and economic crisis has led the Fund to publish papers and organize conferences that show some rethinking on these positions. But, to which extent IMF recent willingness to rethinking has led to actual changes in its policy advice to the developing countries?
This new paper by the Brasilia-based International Policy Centre for Inclusive Growth (IPC-IG) analyses recent recommendations given by the IMF to 26 developing countries to assess whether this ‘change’ discourse has been translated into action in the field. Our analysis looked at the recommendations around exchange rate, inflation, fiscal consolidation, employment and social protection policies. It also covers the theoretical debate behind the policies recommended: the underlying arguments, the criticisms received and the IMF’s position.
China: Dimensions of the Dragon’s Rise in International Influence and Its Imp...CrimsonPublishersAAOA
Mao said, “The world is in chaos, the situation is excellent” [1].
China has achieved spectacular progress in face of immense difficulties. It has maintained a rapid pace of economic growth for over twenty-five years without significant political liberalization. In only three decades, China has risen to become a global economic power.
https://crimsonpublishers.com/aaoa/fulltext/AAOA.000507.php
For more open access journals in Crimson Publishers please click on link: https://crimsonpublishers.com/
For more articles in open access Archaeology journals please click on link: https://crimsonpublishers.com/aaoa/
International Monetary System: The International Financial System - Reform of International Monetary Affairs
- The Bretton Wood System and the International Monetary Fund, Controversy over Regulation of International
Finance, Developing Countries' Concerns, Exchange Rate Policy of Developing Economies.
Strategy formation and policy making in government powerpoint showUniversity of Tampere
The show represents macro government strategies in orienting public policy between economy government and civil society. The show contains strategic orientations of public agencies in the micro level of government. Both macro and micro strategies represent strategy modes of strategic desgin, internal strategic scanning and strategic governance. The show contains links to references and by clicking the pictures you'll find more usefull and entertaining material. The content is based on the book Strategy formation and policy making in government, published By Palgrave in 2019.
European Good Governance Policies Meet China in Africa: Insights from Angola ...Dr Lendy Spires
Chinese engagement in Africa with „no strings attached‟ has been blamed for reducing the effectiveness of traditional actors‟ policies of promoting democracy, human rights and good governance. Using the example of Angola and Ethiopia, the paper analyses how Chinese en-gagement influences the effectiveness of the European Commission‟s policies to promote good governance. While the paper argues that the EC‟s policies of promoting good governance face considerable difficul-ties in both countries, the findings suggest that China‟s activities have little to no immediate negative consequences for the EC‟s policies of promoting good governance. Although the EC and China indeed have different objectives and set up different instruments of engagement, in practise their policies in Angola and Ethiopia have few points of contact and do not conflict directly, since they engage mostly in different policy fields. Effects of Chinese policies for the effectiveness of the EC‟s poli-cies of promoting good governance therefore might not be the greatest challenge for the EC stemming from Chinese engagement in Africa. Rather, Chinese engagement reveals more clearly the gap between normative aspirations in European rhetoric on the one hand and the quality of concrete EC interventions on the other.
This article analyzes the history of the World Bank during its first fifty years. It is argued that since its beginnings the Bank has used credit as a lever to expand its influ-ence and institutionalize economic ideas, concepts of the world, and political prescrip-tions in client states. Behind its technical façade, the Bank has always acted, albeit in different forms, in the interface of the political, economic, and intellectual fields at the international level, due to its singular condition as a lender, political actor, and inductor of ideas and prescriptions about what to do in questions of capitalist development, from an Anglo-Saxon perspective. Based on a wide and varied international literature and the sources of the institution itself, the text approaches the theme taking into account the US policy towards the institution, changes in international economic policy, and the principal
deisios of the Baks oad.
This is a presentation of the book "Strategy formation and policy making in government". This book describes the options offered by strategic management in guiding public organisations. The book is based on the idea that planning is only one option in orienting the functioning of public organisations and applies resource-based and network studies. This book examines developments within central governments and public agencies. The book also addresses the strategic distinction between politics and administration, and illustrates the connection between goal setting and actual performance of government organisations.
New directions in economic development localism act bentley and pugalisLee Pugalis
Since entering office in 2010, a distinct grammar of localism has pervaded the UK Government’s philosophical outlook, which has inflected localist policy discourses and practice. Now that the Coalition administration’s ‘local’ economic development policy is becoming a little clearer, it is timely to consider the implications of this new grammar for the scope, organisation and mobilisation of economic development interventions. The purpose of this paper, therefore, is to trace new and emergent directions in economic development through a focus on the 2011 Localism Act, which applies to England and Wales. The paper interprets these changes through a localist conceptual prism, which helps to refract different varieties of localism. The findings raise some serious concerns regarding localism in action and expose the controlling tendencies of central government. Analysis is also directed towards the uneasy relationship between centralised powers, conditional decentralisation and fragmented localism. Nevertheless, some cases of emergent practice are utilised to demonstrate how ‘constrained freedoms’ can be negotiated to undertake innovative actions. The paper concludes by suggesting some foundational elements that would support the notion of ‘empowered localities’ and may also secure the government’s imperative to enable private sector-led growth.
Key words
2011 Localism Act, local economic development, Local Enterprise Partnerships, Economic Prosperity Boards, Combined Authorities
Bentley, G. & Pugalis, L. (2013) 'New directions in economic development: localist policy discourses and the Localism Act', Local Economy
2012 Rebalancing England: Sub-National Development (Once Again) at the Crossr...Lee Pugalis
Abstract
Over the last two decades there has been continuous tinkering and wholesale review of the remit, governance and territorial focus of sub-national development in England. There has also been mounting agreement that subsidiarity will produce optimum material outcomes. It is against this background that we provide a critical reading of the UK Coalition government’s 2010 ‘White Paper’ on Local Growth. Revealing the peculiarities of an economic transition plan which dismantled a regional (strategic) framework, we explore the opportunities that cross-boundary Local Enterprise Partnerships (LEPs) may provide. After abandoning regions, LEPs have been promoted as the only possible ‘replacements’ for Regional Development Agencies and, thus, a prime example of new ‘techniques of government’. We probe the potentials and pitfalls from the dash to establish new sub-national techniques of government, and crystallise some key implications that apply beyond the shores of England. Our key contention is that LEPs have designed-in just as many issues as they have designed-out.
Pugalis, L. & Townsend, A. R. (2012) 'Rebalancing England: Sub-National Development (Once Again) at the Crossroads', Urban Research & Practice, 5 (1), 159-176.
Managing the risks of international tradeadnanessa
We all agree that going into business abroad can be risky. That's where we provide you with the necessary checks you need to consider which are often overlooked to prevent you from falling into the pitfalls when doing business abroad.
BIS LEPs and RGF inquiry pugalis bentley gibbons shuttLee Pugalis
The evidence summarised in this submission is based on the national research project: From Regionalism to Localism: Cross Country LEPs. The aim of this research is to monitor what steps are being taken by LEPs to support businesses to create jobs and support the development of local economies. The research explores the issues arising from the formation of the LEPs over their first three years, 2010-2013 and is monitoring the journey of the LEPs nationally. LEPs are the chief vehicle for economic development within the context of localism but are delivering national level initiatives, such as Enterprise Zones. Indeed, they have been set a considerable challenge – uniting business, public and community interests in a way that enables the economic regeneration and growth of local places. The research drills-down to focus on four particular ‘regions’: the North East; Yorkshire and the Humber; the West Midlands and the South West. Some of the project team’s initial and emerging research outputs are appended to this submission.
Political Economy of Multilateral Economic Cooperation and Third World Develo...inventionjournals
This paper undertook a longitudinal study of the evolution of international cooperation for the development of the Third World in the context of the Lome Conventions and their successors and the implications for Nigeria as a country. Based on a survey of the extant literature on the subject, the paper discovered the long duration of the close cooperation between the two partners did not offset the incapacity of the relationship to impact positively on the economic status of the ACP States that have been adjudged to have remained underdeveloped, stagnated and engrossed in poverty, in spite of the frequent changes in the cooperation instruments, the duration of the various Conventions and the continuous expansion of the cooperation partners on both sides. The paper came to the conclusion that the failure of this instance of NorthSouth cooperation to leverage Nigeria’s economic development and the transition to regionally based Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) has had very deleterious impact on Nigeria’s regional and South/South cooperation by destroying a major convergence zone of Nigeria’s foreign policy which used to be centered around the Lome Convention. The major recommendation of the paper is that unless the new ECOWAS-EU Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) is revised to the satisfaction of relevant Nigerian Stake-holders, namely the Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN), it should be repudiated.
China: Dimensions of the Dragon’s Rise in International Influence and Its Imp...CrimsonPublishersAAOA
Mao said, “The world is in chaos, the situation is excellent” [1].
China has achieved spectacular progress in face of immense difficulties. It has maintained a rapid pace of economic growth for over twenty-five years without significant political liberalization. In only three decades, China has risen to become a global economic power.
https://crimsonpublishers.com/aaoa/fulltext/AAOA.000507.php
For more open access journals in Crimson Publishers please click on link: https://crimsonpublishers.com/
For more articles in open access Archaeology journals please click on link: https://crimsonpublishers.com/aaoa/
International Monetary System: The International Financial System - Reform of International Monetary Affairs
- The Bretton Wood System and the International Monetary Fund, Controversy over Regulation of International
Finance, Developing Countries' Concerns, Exchange Rate Policy of Developing Economies.
Strategy formation and policy making in government powerpoint showUniversity of Tampere
The show represents macro government strategies in orienting public policy between economy government and civil society. The show contains strategic orientations of public agencies in the micro level of government. Both macro and micro strategies represent strategy modes of strategic desgin, internal strategic scanning and strategic governance. The show contains links to references and by clicking the pictures you'll find more usefull and entertaining material. The content is based on the book Strategy formation and policy making in government, published By Palgrave in 2019.
European Good Governance Policies Meet China in Africa: Insights from Angola ...Dr Lendy Spires
Chinese engagement in Africa with „no strings attached‟ has been blamed for reducing the effectiveness of traditional actors‟ policies of promoting democracy, human rights and good governance. Using the example of Angola and Ethiopia, the paper analyses how Chinese en-gagement influences the effectiveness of the European Commission‟s policies to promote good governance. While the paper argues that the EC‟s policies of promoting good governance face considerable difficul-ties in both countries, the findings suggest that China‟s activities have little to no immediate negative consequences for the EC‟s policies of promoting good governance. Although the EC and China indeed have different objectives and set up different instruments of engagement, in practise their policies in Angola and Ethiopia have few points of contact and do not conflict directly, since they engage mostly in different policy fields. Effects of Chinese policies for the effectiveness of the EC‟s poli-cies of promoting good governance therefore might not be the greatest challenge for the EC stemming from Chinese engagement in Africa. Rather, Chinese engagement reveals more clearly the gap between normative aspirations in European rhetoric on the one hand and the quality of concrete EC interventions on the other.
This article analyzes the history of the World Bank during its first fifty years. It is argued that since its beginnings the Bank has used credit as a lever to expand its influ-ence and institutionalize economic ideas, concepts of the world, and political prescrip-tions in client states. Behind its technical façade, the Bank has always acted, albeit in different forms, in the interface of the political, economic, and intellectual fields at the international level, due to its singular condition as a lender, political actor, and inductor of ideas and prescriptions about what to do in questions of capitalist development, from an Anglo-Saxon perspective. Based on a wide and varied international literature and the sources of the institution itself, the text approaches the theme taking into account the US policy towards the institution, changes in international economic policy, and the principal
deisios of the Baks oad.
This is a presentation of the book "Strategy formation and policy making in government". This book describes the options offered by strategic management in guiding public organisations. The book is based on the idea that planning is only one option in orienting the functioning of public organisations and applies resource-based and network studies. This book examines developments within central governments and public agencies. The book also addresses the strategic distinction between politics and administration, and illustrates the connection between goal setting and actual performance of government organisations.
New directions in economic development localism act bentley and pugalisLee Pugalis
Since entering office in 2010, a distinct grammar of localism has pervaded the UK Government’s philosophical outlook, which has inflected localist policy discourses and practice. Now that the Coalition administration’s ‘local’ economic development policy is becoming a little clearer, it is timely to consider the implications of this new grammar for the scope, organisation and mobilisation of economic development interventions. The purpose of this paper, therefore, is to trace new and emergent directions in economic development through a focus on the 2011 Localism Act, which applies to England and Wales. The paper interprets these changes through a localist conceptual prism, which helps to refract different varieties of localism. The findings raise some serious concerns regarding localism in action and expose the controlling tendencies of central government. Analysis is also directed towards the uneasy relationship between centralised powers, conditional decentralisation and fragmented localism. Nevertheless, some cases of emergent practice are utilised to demonstrate how ‘constrained freedoms’ can be negotiated to undertake innovative actions. The paper concludes by suggesting some foundational elements that would support the notion of ‘empowered localities’ and may also secure the government’s imperative to enable private sector-led growth.
Key words
2011 Localism Act, local economic development, Local Enterprise Partnerships, Economic Prosperity Boards, Combined Authorities
Bentley, G. & Pugalis, L. (2013) 'New directions in economic development: localist policy discourses and the Localism Act', Local Economy
2012 Rebalancing England: Sub-National Development (Once Again) at the Crossr...Lee Pugalis
Abstract
Over the last two decades there has been continuous tinkering and wholesale review of the remit, governance and territorial focus of sub-national development in England. There has also been mounting agreement that subsidiarity will produce optimum material outcomes. It is against this background that we provide a critical reading of the UK Coalition government’s 2010 ‘White Paper’ on Local Growth. Revealing the peculiarities of an economic transition plan which dismantled a regional (strategic) framework, we explore the opportunities that cross-boundary Local Enterprise Partnerships (LEPs) may provide. After abandoning regions, LEPs have been promoted as the only possible ‘replacements’ for Regional Development Agencies and, thus, a prime example of new ‘techniques of government’. We probe the potentials and pitfalls from the dash to establish new sub-national techniques of government, and crystallise some key implications that apply beyond the shores of England. Our key contention is that LEPs have designed-in just as many issues as they have designed-out.
Pugalis, L. & Townsend, A. R. (2012) 'Rebalancing England: Sub-National Development (Once Again) at the Crossroads', Urban Research & Practice, 5 (1), 159-176.
Managing the risks of international tradeadnanessa
We all agree that going into business abroad can be risky. That's where we provide you with the necessary checks you need to consider which are often overlooked to prevent you from falling into the pitfalls when doing business abroad.
BIS LEPs and RGF inquiry pugalis bentley gibbons shuttLee Pugalis
The evidence summarised in this submission is based on the national research project: From Regionalism to Localism: Cross Country LEPs. The aim of this research is to monitor what steps are being taken by LEPs to support businesses to create jobs and support the development of local economies. The research explores the issues arising from the formation of the LEPs over their first three years, 2010-2013 and is monitoring the journey of the LEPs nationally. LEPs are the chief vehicle for economic development within the context of localism but are delivering national level initiatives, such as Enterprise Zones. Indeed, they have been set a considerable challenge – uniting business, public and community interests in a way that enables the economic regeneration and growth of local places. The research drills-down to focus on four particular ‘regions’: the North East; Yorkshire and the Humber; the West Midlands and the South West. Some of the project team’s initial and emerging research outputs are appended to this submission.
Political Economy of Multilateral Economic Cooperation and Third World Develo...inventionjournals
This paper undertook a longitudinal study of the evolution of international cooperation for the development of the Third World in the context of the Lome Conventions and their successors and the implications for Nigeria as a country. Based on a survey of the extant literature on the subject, the paper discovered the long duration of the close cooperation between the two partners did not offset the incapacity of the relationship to impact positively on the economic status of the ACP States that have been adjudged to have remained underdeveloped, stagnated and engrossed in poverty, in spite of the frequent changes in the cooperation instruments, the duration of the various Conventions and the continuous expansion of the cooperation partners on both sides. The paper came to the conclusion that the failure of this instance of NorthSouth cooperation to leverage Nigeria’s economic development and the transition to regionally based Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) has had very deleterious impact on Nigeria’s regional and South/South cooperation by destroying a major convergence zone of Nigeria’s foreign policy which used to be centered around the Lome Convention. The major recommendation of the paper is that unless the new ECOWAS-EU Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) is revised to the satisfaction of relevant Nigerian Stake-holders, namely the Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN), it should be repudiated.
Second Bi-Annual Progress Report - Ghana aAPRM NPoA (Jan - Jun 2007)Dr Lendy Spires
This report presents the findings and conclusions on a Monitoring and Evaluation survey of the status of implementation of Ghana’s National Program of Action. The overall purpose of the survey is to assess the extent to which various stakeholders have implemented the recommendations raised in the National Program of Action.
During the period under review, NAPRM-GC conducted a number of dissemination workshops aimed at promoting dialogue and obtaining feedback on the progress of implementation of the NPOA. The Council also used the opportunity to distribute copies of the 2006 Annual Progress Report to stakeholders.
14th APRM Forum: Assessment of the Addis Ababa SummitDr Lendy Spires
This edition features a report on the 14th Forum of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), held on 29 January 2011 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. We bring you highlights of this important event with an update on the major discussions and decisions of the Forum. This issue also features fascinating stories about APRM’s participation in the exhibition organized by the African Union on the margins of the 16th Summit of Heads of State and Government, held from 30 to 31 January 2011 at the United Nations Conference Centre in Addis Ababa.
Harnessing the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) potential to advance mine...Dr Lendy Spires
Sixteenth Meeting of the Intergovernmental Committee of Experts (ICE)
The main objective of the study is to bring to the attention of relevant entities the various angles that the APRM could be harnessed to foster a concrete transformation in the management of mineral resources in Africa. This transformation is intended to create the social compact that is needed to strengthen accountability in order to ensure that mining generates better development outcomes.
By highlighting the various issues pertaining to the effective governance of the Extractive Industries and by emphasizing on the potential and possibilities of the APRM, the background paper also aims at reflecting in depth on how to actually induce the much needed change in management, leadership as well as participation of all the relevant stakeholders.
Concord Europe Anual Report 2016. European NGO Confederation for Relief and D...Dominique Gross
In 2016, CONCORD embarked on a new seven-year strategy.
The process started two years ago when members decided to
shift our priorities and change the focus as well as the way the
confederation works so far. The main objective was to work
transversally and avoid thematic sillos. Twenty sixteen was the
first year of implementation of the strategy.
This new strategy is based on two pillars of work supported by
key principles:
1. Making sustainable development a reality for all. European
policy promotes sustainable economic, social and human
development, addressing the causes of poverty and inequality,
and is based on human rights, gender equality,
justice and democracy.
2. An enhanced sharing and learning space to support our
sector in transition. The rights and responsibilities of citizens
and organised civil society, to influence those representing
them in governments and EU institutions, are
promoted and respected.
This course introduces students by examining the multifaceted phenomenon of globalization. The focus on these issues is a multidimentional approach that integrates political, economic, historical geographical and sociological perspectives that created an increasing awareness of the interconnected- ness of peoples and places around the globe. The Contemporary World course is designed to provide students with an understanding of world events. To this end, the course provides an overview of the various debates in global governance, development, and sustainability. Beyond exposing the student to the world outside the Philippines, it seeks to inculcate a sense of global citizenship and global ethical responsibility.
Each Response will be 250 words eachResponse 1I believe .docxbudabrooks46239
Each Response will be 250 words each:
Response 1:
I believe that the IFI’s, such as the IMF, World Bank, and WTO, are run by their executive boards and bureaucratic staff, but are accountable to their member states. Through political ties and the United Nations, barrowing states can try to hold the IFI or lender states accountable, but unless a very large number of them band together, or the infraction against them was especially egregious, they are unlikely to receive any recompense from the international community. According to our lesson this week, the smallest 178 member countries of the IMF make up 32 percent of voting shares, while the largest five make up 39.39 percent. That makes it very difficult for a single small state to have much influence over who the IMF lends to, only by their combined strength do they make a significant impact on lending decisions. Unfortunately, it is very difficult to get 178 different countries to agree on anything. It can be argued then, that the IMF is accountable to the five largest states, or to the ten largest states who collectively make up 62.28 percent of the voting shares. It can easily be argued then, that the IMF primarily represents the interests of those ten richest states. Because any issue that comes before the voting board, or any request for a loan that the board must vote on, will almost inevitably go in favor of the big states’ interests, it can safely be said that they control the IMF. That influence can then be used by states as political leverage too. Copelovitch pointed out that states who vote with the five largest states on issues in the UN are more likely to receive larger IMF loans than states that do not vote with the top-five (G5) in the UN. (2010, 66). IFIs are therefore accountable to all member states in theory, but only some of those members have the power and authority (via their voting shares) to actually hold the organizations or their staff members accountable for their actions.
Despite the significant power wielded by states in voting for which requests the IMF (or other IFIs) will take action on, it is up to the massive bureaucracy of the IFI to execute that action. The staff of the IFI, therefore, wields significant power and influence as well, and sometimes acts in the interest of its bureaucracy’s own self-preservation. Copelovitch also pointed out that IMF “staff enjoys substantial autonomy, given its lead role in negotiating, designing, and proposing loans.” (2010, 50) The staff’s interests may sometimes then be at odds with those of the G5 states, but since they are not accountable to any one state they can execute an action in a way that is best for the bureaucracy at the large. This autonomy presents an accountability challenge, since one organization has multiple competing interests within it that may erode the efficiency of the organization.
The UN could theoretically also hold IFI’s accountable, but it suffers from the same accoun.
Each response 250 wordsResponse 1 I noticed two important t.docxjoellemurphey
Each response 250 words
Response 1:
I noticed two important themes in this weeks’ readings. First, the lack of consensus for defining international organizations (IOs) (Duffield 2007, Iriye 2004). This falls in line with my undergraduate Homeland Security studies and the lack of consencus for defining domestic terrorism. How can we really talk about something if we don’t agree on the basics? Reprocussions are readily visible thorughout “society”. Second, though not a recurring theme in our literature but to our current state of national politics is, “the international relations literature remains unnecessarily balkanized as adherents of different conceptions talk past one another, when they attempt to communicate at all” (Duffield 2007). So, scholars do not agree on definitions nor, as is suggested, will they listen to various points of view (ibid). I’m not sure which is more disconcerting.
I do like Iriye’s (2004) differentiation of the two types of IOs, one formed by states, such and the UN, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs). I see them both as gap-fillers (much like the third theme running through our reading…gaps in literature). NGO’s such as Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC), Clinton Health Access Initiative (CHAI) (BRAC 2020, CHAI 2019) play such a large, global humanitarian role in health care, sexual violence, access to medical care, ect. The World Bank (1995) clearly stated their importance when defining NGOs stating, “private organizations that pursue activities to relieve suffering, promote the interests of the poor, protect the environment, provide basic social services or undertake community development”. Mondal, Chowdhury and Basu concluded NGOs have faster reponse times due to less bureaucracy (2015). US disaster response is built on an escalting scale beginning with local response then escalating upward when resources are depleted or overwhelmed (FEMA 2011). Sometimes communication between agencies is disrupted, procedures unclear or not clearly communicated (Cole and Fellows 2008). The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), synonymous in the western world with relief through pop culture reference in movies (care packages provided to POWs), as well as disaster relief drives, is not an NGO (ICRC n.d). It functions independently from government based on its mandate and legal status.
I believe NGOs such as the ones previously listed are most crucial international politics for one reason; suffering should have nothing to do with politics. Whether it is a earthquake in Iran, a Hurricane in Puerto Rico, a cyclone in Bangledash, or famine in multiple African countries (Oxfam 2020), governments have limitations in funding, organization, and training. Chandra and Acosta note the importance of NGOs in disaster recovery but also note limitations such as lack of coordination with governemnt agencies (2009). As previously stated, NGOs are gap fillers mean to augment response or fill a.
This session provides a comprehensive overview of the latest updates to the Uniform Administrative Requirements, Cost Principles, and Audit Requirements for Federal Awards (commonly known as the Uniform Guidance) outlined in the 2 CFR 200.
With a focus on the 2024 revisions issued by the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), participants will gain insight into the key changes affecting federal grant recipients. The session will delve into critical regulatory updates, providing attendees with the knowledge and tools necessary to navigate and comply with the evolving landscape of federal grant management.
Learning Objectives:
- Understand the rationale behind the 2024 updates to the Uniform Guidance outlined in 2 CFR 200, and their implications for federal grant recipients.
- Identify the key changes and revisions introduced by the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) in the 2024 edition of 2 CFR 200.
- Gain proficiency in applying the updated regulations to ensure compliance with federal grant requirements and avoid potential audit findings.
- Develop strategies for effectively implementing the new guidelines within the grant management processes of their respective organizations, fostering efficiency and accountability in federal grant administration.
Jennifer Schaus and Associates hosts a complimentary webinar series on The FAR in 2024. Join the webinars on Wednesdays and Fridays at noon, eastern.
Recordings are on YouTube and the company website.
https://www.youtube.com/@jenniferschaus/videos
Canadian Immigration Tracker March 2024 - Key SlidesAndrew Griffith
Highlights
Permanent Residents decrease along with percentage of TR2PR decline to 52 percent of all Permanent Residents.
March asylum claim data not issued as of May 27 (unusually late). Irregular arrivals remain very small.
Study permit applications experiencing sharp decrease as a result of announced caps over 50 percent compared to February.
Citizenship numbers remain stable.
Slide 3 has the overall numbers and change.
What is the point of small housing associations.pptxPaul Smith
Given the small scale of housing associations and their relative high cost per home what is the point of them and how do we justify their continued existance
Understanding the Challenges of Street ChildrenSERUDS INDIA
By raising awareness, providing support, advocating for change, and offering assistance to children in need, individuals can play a crucial role in improving the lives of street children and helping them realize their full potential
Donate Us
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Presentation by Jared Jageler, David Adler, Noelia Duchovny, and Evan Herrnstadt, analysts in CBO’s Microeconomic Studies and Health Analysis Divisions, at the Association of Environmental and Resource Economists Summer Conference.
Effects of Extreme Temperatures From Climate Change on the Medicare Populatio...
Emerging powers in global covernance eu parnership with the un system in development and humanitarian cooperation
1. Discussion Paper Series A No.512
Emerging Power in Global Governance?:
EU Partnership with the UN System in Development
and Humanitarian Cooperation
Jun Inoue
December, 2008
The Institute of Economic Research
Hitotsubashi University
Kunitachi, Tokyo, 186-8603 Japan
2. Emerging Power in Global Governance?:
EU partnership with the UN System in development and humanitarian cooperation
Jun INOUE
Assistant Professor, Institute of Economic Research,
Hitotsubashi University
E-mail: jinoue@ier.hit-u.ac.jp
Abstract
This paper focuses on the partnership between the European Union (EU) and the United
Nations (UN) System concerning development and humanitarian cooperation. Converged
policy frameworks among donor agencies/organizations, the Millennium Declaration and
the Millennium Development Goals helped stakeholders share objectives and methods
toward development cooperation. It can be said that global governance exists in this policy
area. In recent years, the UN has come to regard the EU as a “natural” partner in
addressing development and humanitarian issues. This paper begins by examining the
EU-UN partnership to show that global governance is reinforced by the partnership. It
then evaluates the EU (EC) as the emerging power in global governance based on the
development of policy framework within the EU and its increasing financial contribution to
the UN System.
Key words: EU-UN partnership, Global governance and power, Development and
humanitarian cooperation, EU/EC external relations, UN System
3. 1
1. Introduction
In the study of international relations, it is considered that global governance can not be
realized and maintained without non-state actors such as international organizations and
NGOs1. Empirical studies on individual international organizations have successfully
showed that they are important players of global governance. They create and diffuse
discourses and norms2. These discourses and norms have been finally accepted by national
governments and have changed states’ behaviors3.
However, we have come to understand that many issues are deeply interrelated (e.g.
trade and environment) in today’s world, and the international organizations that are in
charge of those issues have to cooperate to address the problems effectively. It has become
necessary to study global governance brought by the intertwining of international
organizations. How do international organizations cooperate with each other? How are
discourses/norms that frame states’ behaviors created and reinforced through their
collaboration? To address these questions, this paper analyzes partnership between the
European Union (EU) and the United Nations (UN) System in the fields of development
and humanitarian cooperation.
Some official documents published by the UN in recent years tell us that the UN
regards the EU as a “natural” partner (United Nations System in Brussels, 2006: 6). What
is a rationale for “natural” partner, and what is a scope for the partnership? How was the
1 Study of international relations has long been seen as inter-governmental (Kjær, 2004:
59) affairs. However, growing economic interdependence since the 1960s,
internationalization (globalization) in world economy in the 1990s, and global concerns
which emerged after the end of the Cold War, changed the view. We have come to
understand that world order is created/maintained although we do not have world
“government” (Rosenau and Czempiel, 1992), and that non-state actors such as
international organizations and NGOs rather than states play more important roles in
addressing world problems. It also became clear that globalization in political, economic,
financial, environmental and military dimensions raised new concerns/problems that
needed to be addressed (Rosenau, 1995; Keohane and Nye, 2000; Keohane and Nye, 2001).
Global governance is to set up global frameworks that address these new concerns caused
by globalization (Kjær, 2004: 60).
2 For the relationship between norms and discourses, see Finnemore (1996). She argued
that norms create patterns of behavior in accordance with their prescriptions and that
norms might be articulated in discourses (Finnemore, 1996: 22-24).
3 For example, see case studies by Finnemore (1996).
4. 2
partnership formed? What will the consequence of collaboration between the EU with
twenty-seven member states and the UN System be? Has global governance in this policy
area been reinforced by the EU-UN partnership?
To address these questions above, first, this paper examines how the UN System
established and diffused its practices in development and humanitarian cooperation
(section 2). Through the 1990s, policy frameworks of the UN System and major donors
became converged. It seems that the world began to share the objectives and methods
toward development cooperation in the twenty-first century.
Secondly, this paper focuses on the partnership between the EU and the UN which
started at the beginning of this century (section 3). Rationale and scope of partnership
between the two bodies seem to uphold the global governance in this policy area. However,
their partnership can be described strategic rather than “natural” if we carefully look at the
development of the EC’s4 development policy and the EU’s arrangement of the EU-UN
partnership. So, thirdly, it describes milestones of the EC’s policy framework and
collaboration with the UN (section 4).
Lastly, this paper introduces the EC’s increasing contribution to the UN System with
aid statistics (section 5). Increasing amount of financial contribution as well as the
development of policy framework within the EC will show us the EU-UN partnership is
more than “natural”. In fact, the EU might play a much stronger role than merely
upholding global governance in this policy field.
2. Global Governance in Development and Humanitarian Cooperation
It was in the 1990s when the basis of today’s policy framework in development and
humanitarian cooperation was established. International donor agencies and organizations
began to revise their policy framework to improve the effect of aid and to manage their
4 The EC stands for the European Community. The EC is a body of the EU, and it is in
charge of economic issues such as market integration and monetary unification. It is also a
legitimate body of the EU for concluding international agreements and it has some
independent external economic policies.
5. 3
limited financial resource effectively. In the end of the 1980s, they found that their aid had
improved the situation in East Asia drastically while there was not much improvement in
Sub-Saharan Africa. They also found that they cannot expect peace dividend after the end
of the Cold War, because developed countries did not increase their contribution due to aid
fatigue and private capital did not flow into Least Developed Countries (LDCs) and Heavily
Indebted Poor Countries (HIPCs)5. They needed new aid strategy and practice to address
these challenges.
The World Bank, a body of the Bretton Woods Institutions, for example, revised its
development policy framework through the 1990s. It reaffirmed poverty reduction was its
priority objective and began to focus on institutional aspect of development (e.g. good
governance and anti-corruption) as well as actual situation in recipient countries when
helping developing countries6. Similarly, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), another
body of the Bretton Woods Institutions, had kept pace with the World Bank7. Their efforts
resulted in Comprehensive Development Framework (CDF) and Poverty Reduction
Strategy Paper (PRSP) which are adopted at the annual meetings between the World Bank
Group and the IMF.
CDF emphasized on taking comprehensive approach toward multidimensional nature
of development8 . It also requested donors to respect ownership of partner/recipient
countries and asked partner/recipient countries to seek for partnership with donors, civil
society and NGOs. PRSP is a documented poverty reduction plan which HIPCs and the
countries indebted to the International Development Association (IDA)9 have to submit to
5 For detailed description of the situation with aid statistics, see Pincus and Winters (2002),
pp.5-8.
6 For the shift of policy in the World Bank, see World Bank (1992, 1997, 2003); Ohno
(2000); Oshiba (1995).
7 For detailed explanation and description of the IMF, see Yamashita (2005), pp.306-307.;
Ninomiya (2005), pp.328-333.; Ohno (2000), pp.33-46.; IMF (1997).
8 “Multidimensional” means all of the elements in development such as economic issues,
structural issues, governance and environment, are interrelated.
9 The World Bank Group consists of the IDA, the International Bank for Reconstruction
and Development (IBRD) and three other bodies. While the IBRD is financed by the world's
financial markets, the IDA is usually financed by developed countries. (In the IDA, donors
have meetings in every three years to reach agreements for replenishment of IDA funds.)
Low income countries are supported by the IDA, as they are not eligible to borrow money
from the IBRD.
6. 4
the World Bank and the IMF. It requested partner/recipient countries to respect the
principles of ownership and partnership.
The UN agencies, funds and programmes also address poverty reduction. For example,
the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), a subsidiary organization under the
General Assembly and also known as the publisher of the Human Development Reports
and the founder of the Human Development Index, helps developing countries improve
vulnerability of people and promotes sustainable human development. It focuses on six
areas; establishment of democratic governance, poverty reduction, crisis prevention and
recovery, environment and energy, treatment and prevention of HIV/AIDS, and the
empowerment of women. UNDP also covers issues related to democracy, while the Bretton
Woods Institutions do not due to their non-political character provided in their agreement.
Similarly, many organizations and the UN agencies, funds and programmes have
assisted developing countries within their mandates. Soon it became clear that their
collaboration was necessary. In 1997, the Secretary General of the UN founded the United
Nations Development Group (UNDG) in order to promote the communication among
organizations in the UN System so that they would work as a “system” to implement
development assistance effectively.
Collaboration among donors was not seen only in the UN System. Bilateral donors
(developed countries) also addressed improvement of aid effectiveness in the Development
Assistance Committee (DAC) of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development (OECD). In the DAC, donors are requested to promote effective international
support and to respect partnership and ownership in helping partner/recipient countries
(DAC, 1996 and 1997).
These efforts yielded results in 2000. At the General Assembly of the UN, a resolution
known as the Millennium Declaration is adopted. It covered: Development and Poverty
Eradication; Environmental Protection; Democracy and Good Governance; Protection of
the Vulnerable; and Meeting the Special Needs of Africa (General Assembly, 2000).
Following with the Millennium Declaration, the UNDG released the Millennium
7. 5
Development Goals (MDGs) in the same year. The MDGs set eight major goals10 to be
achieved by 2015 and urged stakeholders (donors, partners, civil society, NGOs and
citizens) to improve global partnership in assisting LDCs and HIPCs. These goals and
targets were thought to be effective for assessing achievement and improving global
partnership for poverty reduction.
As for monitoring achievements, global engagement for aid effectiveness was further
developed in the International Forum for Aid Effectiveness. After the International
Conference on Financing for Development in Monterrey, multilateral/bilateral donors and
partner countries gathered in Rome for the High-Level Forum on Harmonization in
February 2003. The Rome Declaration, concluded at the meeting, reaffirmed their
commitment to eradicating poverty and achieving sustainable economic growth and
development. It also emphasized that donors are to be aligned with the recipient's priorities,
and that their efforts are to be adapted to the country’s policies, procedures and practices to
facilitate harmonization11. Two years later, donors and partners met again at the Paris
High-Level Forum and concluded the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness. The Paris
Declaration provided a framework to improve the effectiveness, development results,
quality and impact of aid. Both donors and recipients were expected to be mutually
accountable. The Declaration also developed twelve indicators so that it would be easy to
measure the progress12.
The Millennium Declaration and the MDGs contributed to make development efforts
and goals clearer for stakeholders, while the High-Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness
promoted collaboration and division of labor among stakeholders. As a result, donors,
partners, civil societies, NGOs and citizens have come to share objectives and methods to
10 They are: 1) Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger; 2) Achieve universal primary
education; 3) Promote gender equality and empower women; 4) Reduce child mortality; 5)
Improve maternal health; 6) Combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases; 7) Ensure
environmental sustainability; and 8) Develop a global partnership for development.
11 http://www.aidharmonization.org/ah-wh/secondary-pages/why-RomeDeclaration;
http://www.aidharmonization.org/secondary-pages/editable?key=106 (accessed on October
6, 2008).
12 http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/11/41/34428351.pdf;
http://www.aidharmonization.org/secondary-pages/Paris2005 (accessed on October 6, 2008).
In September 2008, the third High-Level Forum was held in Accra, Ghana.
8. 6
support LDCs/HIPCs. A successful situation where stakeholders come to have common
targets and guidelines for achieving their goals indicates the existence of global governance
in the field of development cooperation.
3. “Natural” Partners: Rationale and Scope of the EU-UN partnership
As described in the previous section, international organizations/agencies in the UN
System came to be concerned about effective management of resources and hammered out
similar policy frameworks in the late 1990s. They also tried to work as a system, directed
by Secretary-General Kofi Annan. Aided by the similar trend in the DAC and the
Millennium Declaration, they succeeded in providing the world with the MDGs. It proved
that global governance exists where bilateral/multilateral donors, recipient countries, civil
society and NGOs share their objectives and practices.
At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the UN began to seek for a partnership
with the EU. The EU is a regional organization in Europe with twenty-seven member
states. It promotes completion of its internal market and facilitates common actions in
external policy. As for foreign economic/trade policy, the European Community (EC), which
is an organization of the EU and is in charge of economic issues, acts in the international
arena. Why did the UN System seek for a partnership with the EU (EC)? Where and how
was the partnerships sought for? How will the partnership affect existing global
governance in this policy area? In order to assess the first and second questions above, this
section briefly describes rationale and scope of the EU-UN partnership. The third question
will be discussed in the following sections.
A report published by the UN stressed that the EU and the UN were “natural” partners
(United Nations System in Brussels, 2006: 6), although their partnership was remarkably
developed at the very beginning of the twenty-first century. The report said that the UN
and the EU (“Commission” in original) are united by shared values/principles, objectives
and responsibilities and that the core values of the UN had also been the foundation of the
European Integration project at the inception. The report also said that the EU has made it
9. 7
clear that democracy and human rights are universal values (United Nations System in
Brussels, 2007: 10). The EU’s and the UN’s shared values/principles originated in the
provisions outlined in the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights as well as the values provided in the Millennium Declaration (ibid.: 4, 10;
United Nations System in Brussels, 2006: 6). Their shared objectives in development issues
were outlined in the MDGs; it implied that the EU-UN relationship would function in the
domains of humanitarian assistance, development cooperation and conflict prevention
(United Nations System in Brussels, 2007: 10-12). Their shared responsibility is seen in
their strong commitment to the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness which provides an
outline to improve quality and effectiveness of aid with stronger accountability (ibid: 12).
In order to accomplish those objectives and fulfill their responsibilities, their
cooperation covered a wide range of domains: 1) Governance and human rights; 2)
Agricultural development, trade and market access; 3) Education, child protection, water &
sanitation, and health; 4) Crisis prevention, recovery and reconstruction; 5) Emergency
relief and humanitarian action (United Nations System in Brussels, 2006)13.
Ownership and participation were also regarded as important in the EU-UN
partnership. Their comprehensive approaches were overlapped by international efforts as
was described in the previous section. The rationale and scope of the partnership literally
show that the EU-UN partnership upholds the global governance in the fields of
development and humanitarian cooperation.
Then, why and how has the partnership developed? Did the EU just accept the existing
objectives and methods of development cooperation already established by the UN System?
The next section describes the milestones of EC development policy and cooperation with
the UN.
13 The report published in 2007 (United Nations System in Brussels, 2007) focused
specifically on the humanitarian aspects of the EU-UN partnership: 1) Human rights; 2)
Emergency relief and humanitarian assistance; 3) Crisis prevention, reintegration,
rehabilitation and recovery; 4) Education, health, water and sanitation; 5) Food Security,
rural development, trade and small enterprise development; 6) Democracy, the rule of law
and the sustainable management of cultural heritage and the environment. For another
series of activity reports of their partnership, see the reports of the Secretary General of the
UN. For example, see General Assembly (2004), para.61. and 253.; idem (2005), para.64.;
idem (2006), para.67.
10. 8
4. Milestones of EC Development Policy and Cooperation with the UN
After the end of the Cold War, we have witnessed that the international organizations
engage in global issues such as underdevelopment, sustainable development and
international trade. The EU attempted to address these issues vigorously. However, it had
to overcome two major obstacles to attain its goals. One obstacle was that there was
fragmentation of external policy between the EU and its member states as they separately
pursued the same issues. Another obstacle was the invisibility of the EC in the
international scene despite the fact that the EC was one of the principal donors to the UN
agencies, funds and programmes14. This section will describe the milestones of the EC’s
development policy15 and those of the EU-UN cooperation to evaluate the nature of their
partnership in the fields of development and humanitarian cooperation.
The EC’s development assistance together with trade policy and foreign
(political/security) policy are the components of EU external relations. The Treaty of the
European Community (TEC) provides that the Community’s development assistance policy
shall foster the sustainable economic and social development, the campaign against poverty,
and the smooth and gradual integration of the developing countries into the world economy
(article 177). It also declared that three-Cs (Coherence, Co-ordination and
Complementarity) are the principles of the EC development policy16.
Although the three-Cs are stated in the TEC as the principles of the EC development
policy, division of labor between the EC and its member states is not accomplished. In order
to prevent policy duplication and to maximize the impact of the EC's assistance to the
recipient countries, the EU issued some policy documents in the late 1990s. They were to
streamline the development policy within the EC.
In order to enhance operational coordination between the EC and its member states,
14 The EC does not contribute to the general budget of the UN itself, as the EC is not a
sovereign state and is not a legitimate member of the UN.
15 This section does not describe the details of politics itself within the EU (between the EU
and the member states), due to the scope of this paper. For an excellent study of the politics
of foreign aid between the EU and its member states, see Carbone (2007).
16 For a comprehensive study of development of the EC’s development policy, see Maeda
(2000).
11. 9
the Council of the European Union representing the member states issued a
communication document (Council, 1998). The Commission also issued a communication
document which encouraged enhancement of policy complementarity between the member
states and the EC to obtain a higher profile in the international arena (CEC, 1999). The
Commission took one step further in April 2000. It issued the document which provided a
framework of the EC development policy (CEC 2000).
The document emphasized the EC development policy should be consistent with the
comprehensive approach established by the World Bank, the IMF and the DAC. The
Commission refocused the EC development policy on poverty reduction, and also identified
some issues where the EC’s action could provide added value: trade and development;
regional integration and co-operation; support for macroeconomic policies and the
promotion of equitable access to social services; transport; food security and sustainable
rural development; institutional capacity building including good governance and the rule
of law. Other issues such as human rights, sustainable environment, gender equality,
ownership and participation, were also taken into consideration.
The Council supported the position of the Commission and they endorsed a Joint
Statement on the EC development Policy in November 200017. Thus, the policy framework
within the EC became closer to the comprehensive framework adopted by the World Bank,
IMF and the UN System. Member states confirmed the scopes and levels of operational
coordination between the EC and themselves again at the General Affairs Council held in
January 2001. In the same month, the Europe Aid Co-operation Office, an agency which is
in charge of external aid of the EC18, was established.
Collaboration between the EC and the UN was accelerated after they adopted the
17 Joint Statement of Council and Commission, “The European Community’s Development
Policy – Statement by the Council and the Commission” (10 November, 2000). After the
statement was released, the Commission regarded the EU’s role as promoting human
rights and democratization in third countries (CEC, 2001a). The Commission also regarded
poverty reduction as the main objective of the EC development policy and called for
democracy and good governance to achieve successful development. Good governance, as
well as human rights, democracy and rule of law were seen as indispensable for effective
aid management. Such way of thinking toward development was emphasized again in a
document issued in 2003 (CEC, 2003a). See Inoue (2006), pp.88-90.
18 Humanitarian activities, pre-accession programmes and the Common Foreign Security
Policy were excluded from its tasks.
12. 10
document for effective partnership in 2001. The Commission issued a document to discuss
an effective partnership with the UN in the fields of development and humanitarian
cooperation (CEC, 2001b). The Commission considered that the UN had a strong
international legitimacy and operational capability based on the fact that the UN had
developed numerous agencies, funds and programmes to address development and
humanitarian issues (ibid.: 3). It also considered that underdevelopment and poverty in
their multiple aspects were at the root of many conflicts and called for the exercise of global
responsibilities (ibid.), and that the activities of the EC had a long tradition in this domain.
The document said that these consideration stated above were the rationale for
strengthening its relationship with the UN 19 , and that the Commission regarded
development and humanitarian affairs as the first step for effective, efficient and coherent
partnership with the UN (ibid.: 2).
However, the document also pointed some constraints on the effective partnership at
political/policy-making and operational levels. It said that the constraints came from the
EC’s weak status among the UN agencies20, less effective coordination within the EC
(between the EC and its member states), and lack of systematic framework such as
contract or agreement on the project and financial management with the UN21.
Thus, the Commission called for a more transparent, financially predictable, and
easily-monitored partnership with the certain UN agency, fund or programme. It provided
some recommendations both at the policy and operational levels.
At the policy level, the Commission called for speaking “one voice” whenever possible.
This means policy coordination and coherence between the EC and its member states at
the UN level, and strengthening Commission’s participation in the UN agencies, funds and
programmes (ibid.: 11-12). In order to discuss development issues and to enhance policy
coherence and coordination within the EU, the representatives of the member states
19 In this document, definition of the “United Nations” is limited to agencies, funds and
programmes of the UN. It excludes the IMF, the World Bank and WTO. This document also
carefully excluded security and peace issues, as those issues belong to the Common Foreign
Security Policy, the domain the EC does not have mandates (CEC, 2001b: 2).
20 Usually, the EC (EU) merely has observer status in the UN agencies, funds and
programmes except for the FAO.
21 For detailed arguments on constrains at the policy and operational levels, see CEC
(2001b), pp.4-6.
13. 11
started to hold the General Affairs and External Relations Council (GAERC) since June
2002.
At the operational level, the Commission called for a “shift of EC’s funding measure”,
from case by case basis to programme funding. Later, in April 2003, the EU and the UN
signed the Financial and Administrative Framework Agreement (FAFA). It allows funding
of multi-donor UN operations on a basis of result-oriented, rather than input-oriented
approach to achieve EU’s effective financing and operation22 . The Commission also
requested itself to analyze the mandates and comparative advantages of the UN entities so
that the EC could define areas of common interest and match their key capacities to the EC
policy priorities (ibid.: 12-13).
While the constraints on the effective partnership both at the policy and operational
levels were addressed, the partnership itself was expanded to security issues. The
Secretary-General of the UN and the Presidency of the Council of the European Union
signed the Joint Declaration on UN-EU cooperation in Crisis Management in September
2003. They welcomed the existing cooperation between the EU and the UN in the area of
civilian and military crisis management and the measures in order to enhance the
cooperation further23.
Before the declaration, the Commission issued a document titled The European Union
and the United Nations: The choice of multilateralism (CEC, 2003b). It declared that the
commitment to multilateralism was the central strand of the EU's external action and that
the EU regarded the UN as the backbone/pivot of the multilateral system (ibid.: 3, 23). On
that basis, the document analyzed the EU works in/with the UN to assess its effectiveness
in helping the UN deliver global governance in the fields of sustainable development,
poverty reduction, security and peace.
The document highly evaluated the cooperation with the UN System, which was
already seen in a wide range of areas, especially in development/humanitarian issues.
However, the document indicated that the EU could do more in the area of international
22 For detailed explanation of the FAFA, see Wouters, Hoffmeister and Ruys (2006),
pp.391-392.
23 http://europa-eu-un.org/articles/en/article_2768_en.htm (accessed on September 26,
2008)
14. 12
peace and security. On that basis, it encouraged more effective contribution to global
governance (multilateral system) with the UN. It should be noted that this document
began to touch on the peace and security aspects of the EU-UN cooperation24. The
document regarded conflict prevention and crisis management as the intersection of the
development and security agendas (ibid: 13). Such way of thinking was different from the
scope of the document issued in 2001 (CEC, 2001b) which did not cover the security issues.
As was described above, comprehensive partnership between the EC and the UN was
developed at the beginning of the twenty-first century. In addition to FAFA, the EU also
attempted to establish partnership with the UN agencies, funds and programmes. In 2004,
the EC adopted Memorandum of understanding (MoU) with the UN agencies such as
UNDP, WHO, ILO and FAO25. For example, the agreements with the UNDP defined
political governance, post conflict resolution and conflict prevention as the areas of policy
dialog and programming cooperation26. Specifically, the partnership covers the areas of
governance, conflict prevention, and post-conflict reconstruction including the broader
post-conflict agenda such as relief, rehabilitation and development (LRRD), and transition
issues. Human rights and gender issues have been dealt with as cross-cutting issues under
these thematic areas27. Provisions in the FAFA and the MoU requested UNDP and other
agencies, funds and programmes to publish reports in order to make the EC’s contribution
24 The EU began to develop the policy framework for conflict prevention in the latter half of
the 1990s, and saw the UN as the one of the international organizations with which the EU
had to cooperate. In the light of the EU-UN partnership, the Council decided to reinforce
political dialogue between the two and strengthen their cooperation by mutually
reinforcing approaches at the Göteborg (Gothenburg) Council held in June 2001. In detail,
see CEC (2001c).; Bulletin of the European Union (June 2001), I.30.52. and I.31.53.. The
UN also highly evaluated that the document Choice of multilateralism called for
strengthening and mainstreaming of EU-UN relations, and dialog between the
Commission and the UN has been strengthened (United Nations in Brussels, 2006: 8).
25 UNHCR and the WFP signed the agreements in 2005 (United Nation System in
Brussels, 2007: 13 (foot note 5)).
26 Memorandum of Understanding: Concerning the establishment of a strategic
partnership between the European Commission and the United Nations Development
Programme.
(http://ec.europa.eu/development/icenter/repository/memorandum-of-understanding%20EC
-UNDP%20signed%2029-6-2004_en.pdf, downloaded on September 1, 2008.) As for FAO,
http://ec.europa.eu/development/icenter/repository/memorandum-of-understanding-EC-FA
O-signed-13-09-2004_en.pdf (downloaded on September 1, 2008)
27 http://www.undp.org/eu/overview.shtml (accessed on September 1, 2008)
15. 13
clearer28.
In 2005, the EU focused again on the EC development policy itself. The EU and the
representatives of the member states reached an agreement on development cooperation.
First, in May 2005, the EC and the member sates agreed to increase their ODA to meet a
minimum target of 0.56% of Gross National Income (GNI) in 2010, and 0.7% by 201529.
Second, in December 2005, The European Consensus on Development was signed by the
Council, the European Parliament and the Commission (CEC, Council and the European
Parliament, 2006)30. The Consensus consisted of two parts (The EU Vision of Development
and The European Community Development Policy), and provided the EC and the member
states with principles and policy frameworks to promote implementing their development
policy in a complementary manner. The consensus regarded poverty reduction and
achievement of the MDGs as the objective of the EU development cooperation 31 .
Comprehensive approach towards multidimensional aspect of poverty was confirmed. This
included ownership, partnership, participation of civil society, governance and
economic/social reforms. Also confirmed were the three-Cs of the European development
policy and the areas for the Community actions32. The consensus also addressed the
partnership with stakeholders outside the EU, the UN especially, for delivering better and
effective aid as well.
28 For example, the amount of EC contribution was required to be printed/displayed in
euro.
29 This was not the first time that the target ratio of ODA/GNI was decided. In 2002, after
the Monterrey Conference on Financing for Development, the EU decided to increase
average ODA/GNI from 0.33% in 2002 to 0.39% in 2006 toward 0.7% set by the UN.
30 In the area of humanitarian cooperation, they also adopted the Consensus on
Humanitarian Aid. Before the signing of the Consensus, the Commission issued a
document which confirmed the EU’s commitment to policy coherence, quality and
effectiveness of aid, special focus on Africa, as well as its commitment to increasing the
financial contribution (CEC, 2005).
31 The Council conclusion of 26 April 2004 once declared that achieving the MDGs is a key
objective for the European Union.
32 They were: trade and regional integration; the environment and sustainable
management of natural resources; infrastructure, communications and transport; water
and energy; rural development, territorial planning, agriculture and food security;
governance, democracy, human rights and support for economic and institutional reforms;
conflict prevention and strengthening fragile states; human development; social cohesion
and employment; democracy, good governance, human rights, the rights of children and
indigenous peoples; gender equality; environmental sustainability; and HIV/AIDS.
16. 14
As described above, the EU has addressed both the fragmentation of external policy
between the EC and its member states, and the low profile of the EC in the world. The EC
provided the frameworks both at the operational and policy levels by sharing the same
objectives, values and principles with the UN and by defining areas where the Community
actions had added value. The EU chose development issues when cooperating with the UN,
because both had a long tradition and practice in this area. The EC streamlined its
partnership with the UN System both at the policy and operational levels. Negotiations for
effective and efficient partnership contributed not only to the division of labor among the
UN, the EC and its member states, but also to EC’s visibility in the world. The EC had
successfully made the UN agencies, funds and programmes specify the EC’s financial
contribution in euro. It also had succeeded in broadening of the Community actions to the
security issues. It can be said that the EC development policy and the EU-UN partnership
were developed strategically by the EU.
5. Increasing EC Contribution to the UN System
The previous section identified the strategic nature of the EC development policy and its
partnership with the UN. This section will try to reaffirm the EC’s position and its strategy
by examining data of EC’s financial contribution in the fields of development and
humanitarian cooperation.
Broadly speaking, the EC is one of the major ODA contributors in the world. Table.1
(p.22) shows that the EC contribution has exceeded 10 billion US dollars and that it is
9-10% share of the total contribution by OECD-DAC members. Since the EU member
states’ share of contribution is about 55%, the EU (the EC and member states combined)
has nearly two thirds share of ODA in the world33.
In terms of the EC’s financial contribution to the international organizations, the EC
itself cannot contribute to the UN itself34 and the Bretton Woods Institutions because they
33 The share of the USA is around 20% and that of Japan is around 15%.
34 Total amount of the contribution by EU member states in the UN regular budget is 38%,
17. 15
have sovereign states as their legitimate members. However, its donation to the IDA is
worth examining. In the IDA, the member states’ contributions are decided every three
years (IDA Replenishment)35. In the 13th replenishment (FY2002 to 2004), the contribution
by the EU member states in total36 was 42.52%, while the USA contributed 20.12%, and
Japan, 16.00%37. In the 14th replenishment (FY2005 to 2007), the contribution by the EU
member states in total38 was 47.33%, while the USA was 13.78%, and Japan, 12.24%39. In
the latest replenishment (15th: FY2008 to 2010), the contribution by the EU member
states in total40 is 46.86%, while the USA is 12%, and Japan, 10%41.
The EC independently contributes to the UN agencies, funds and programmes such as
UNDP, UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) and WFP (World Food
Program).
Annual Reports published by the UNDP say that the EC is a major contributor of
co-financing. The EC funded 25 million euro in 1997 and increased the amount to nearly
100 million euro in 2002, to 200 million euro in 2003, to 403 million in 2004, and to 500
million euro in 200542. Although the exact amount of the EC contribution is not reported in
every annual report, some reports said that the EC provided 426.9 million US dollars in
“Other” (non-core) resources in 2005, and over 350 million US dollars in 2006.
Table.2 (p.23) shows the EC contribution to the UNHCR. The EC has been the third
largest donor after the USA43 and Japan. The EC has been donating around 80 million US
dollars. However, the percentage fell in 2005-2007 due to the marked increase of the total
funding. Sweden, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Denmark and Germany are
and it is more than two fifths of UN peacekeeping operations, and it’s around a half of all
UN member states’ contributions to voluntary funded UN funds and programmes (United
Nations System in Brussels, 2006: 8).
35 See f.n.9.
36 Excluded: Bulgaria, Cyprus, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Romania and Slovenia.
37 http://siteresources.worldbank.org/IDA/Resources/FinaltextIDA13Report.pdf
(downloaded on September 1, 2008)
38 Excluded: Bulgaria, Cyprus, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta and Romania.
39 http://siteresources.worldbank.org/IDA/Resources/14th_Replenishment_Final.pdf
(downloaded on September 1, 2008)
40 Excluded: Bulgaria, Malta and Romania.
41 http://siteresources.worldbank.org/IDA/Resources/Table1IDA15.pdf (downloaded on
September 1, 2008)
42 http://www.undp.org/eu/overview.shtml#funding (accessed on September 1, 2008)
43 The USA is the biggest donor which contributes 20-30% of the total funding.
18. 16
among the 10 biggest donors; the sum of their donation is around 25% of the total and it is
larger than the donation by the USA if combined with the one by the EC and other member
states.
Table.3 (p.24) shows the EC contribution to the WFP. The USA contributes around 50%
of the total. The EC increased its donation by nearly 10%. Member states of the EU such as
the UK, the Netherlands, Germany and Sweden are among the 10 biggest donors and their
combined donation is about 10% of the total.
The EC has increased its financial commitment to the organizations that the EC is
legally allowed to, and it has ranked high among the donors. They make the EC visible in
the UN entities. The EC seems to have come to gain influence in this policy area. At the
same time, some member states have come to occupy high ranks in contribution to the DAC
and the UN entities as well. The EC and its member states will have bigger influence on
the stakeholders than ever, when they succeed in addressing the division of labor which is
discussed in the previous section.
6. Concluding Remarks
We can say that the EU upholds the global governance because they have come to share
objectives, principles and practices of development cooperation with the UN System
through the EU-UN partnership. However, the process of establishing the partnership and
developing the EC’s policy showed us its calculated strategy to secure the position as an
indispensable and visible actor in the world. The EC has increased its financial
contribution to the UN agencies, funds and programmes. The EU has succeeded in
streamlining the EC development policy and defining the areas where the EC has more
added value than its member states. Furthermore, the EC has succeeded in making some
UN agencies, funds and programmes publish reports and demonstrate the EC’s
contribution in euro, not in US dollars. Some of the documents say that the EU is an
indispensable partner for the UN and for the achievement of the MDGs (United Nation
System in Brussels, 2006: 6; idem, 2007: 9). These facts prove that the EU does not merely
19. 17
uphold the global governance, but it plays an important and indispensable role in the fields
of development and humanitarian cooperation.
Yet, it is still questionable to say that the EU comes to have an established power. The
EU declared in its document that the EC should request for the voting right in the UN
System. How the member states of the EU and the UN will react to the EU’s request, and
whether the EU will succeed in obtaining the voting right, are yet to be examined.
The EU’s power over its member states is also in question. Some member states such as
Luxemburg and France decreased their financial assistance. Whether the EU can promote
them to increase the amount or not44 could be a good indicator of its power over the
member states. Moreover, the EU’s influence over other developed countries such as the
USA, Japan, as well as emerging countries to increase financial contribution (CEC, 2008:
7) should be examined as well, in order to evaluate its external influence.
Lastly, the EU’s power over recipient countries should be examined. While the EC
respects the principles of partnership and ownership in helping developing countries, it
owns the power which allows the EC and its member states to suspend aid, although it is
limited to the case of “severe corruption”45.
Assessing these questions above will contribute to measuring the EU’s actual power and
examining where it stands in global governance.
44 The Commission of the EU urged the member states to engage in development by
publishing a document named “EU must stand by its promises and deliver on development
aid if we are to meet the Millennium Development Goals”. For example, see CEC (2008).
45 The Cotonou Agreement, the agreement with the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP)
countries, has a procedure for political dialog with those countries and suspension clause.
For example, see Inoue (2006), pp.83-88.
20. 18
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24. 22
Table.1 EC Contribution (ODA)
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007
EC contribution*
(%)**
8,146
(10.7)
9,881
(12.6)
8,346
(9.9)
8,700
(9.6)
9,413
(9.9)
10,009
(8.3)
10,678
(9.1)
10,924
(10.1)
Member States total*** contribution*
(%)****
171,706
(54.8)
197,648
(56.4)
180,360
(56.0)
176,187
(53.9)
172,253
(52.3)
163,617
(52.0)
165,345
(55.9)
157,565
(57.1)
Source: OECD DAC
*Amount is Constant Prices (2006 USD million) and Gross Disbursements.
** Percentage of the total contribution by DAC members. Calculated by author.
*** EU member states which are at the same time the member of the DAC are: Austria, Belgium, Czech Republic (since 2004), Denmark, Finland,
France, Germany, Greece, Hungary (Since 2004), Ireland, Italy, Luxemburg, Netherlands, Poland (since 2004), Portugal, Slovak Republic (since
2004), Spain, Sweden and United Kingdom. Each amount is calculated by author.
**** Percentage of the total contribution by DAC members. Calculated by author.
25. 23
Table.2 EC Contribution to UNHCR
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007
Amount *
(% **)
40.9
(5.80)
65.7
(8.43)
65.7
(8.05)
86.5
(9.15)
80.5
(8.37)
86.1
(7.86)
79.6
(7.37)
84.6
(6.67)
Rank 5 3 3 3 3 3 2 4
Source: UNHCR ***
* USD million
** Percentage of the total contribution. Calculated by author.
*** Data was recorded annually.
2007: http://www.unhcr.org/partners/PARTNERS/47de84e32.pdf
2006: http://www.unhcr.org/publ/PUBL/4666d25b0.pdf
2005: http://www.unhcr.org/publ/PUBL/449267630.pdf
2004: http://www.unhcr.org/publ/PUBL/42ad4d9c0.pdf
2003: http://www.unhcr.org/publ/PUBL/40c6d7470.pdf
2002: http://www.unhcr.org/publ/PUBL/3edf4fce0.pdf
2001: http://www.unhcr.org/publ/PUBL/3dafdcec6.pdf
2000: http://www.unhcr.org/publ/PUBL/3e23eb53e.pdf
(Downloaded on September 1, 2008)
26. 24
Table.3 EC Contribution to WFP
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007
Amount *
(% **)
117.8
(6.95)
126.8
(6.65)
177.3
(9.73)
200.9
(7.86)
200.5
(8.94)
263.9
(9.69)
265.8
(9.83)
250.4
(9.23)
Rank 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 2
Source: WFP ***
* USD million
** Percentage of the total contribution. Calculated by author.
*** Donor contribution in multiple years can be seen on http://www.wfp.org/appeals/Wfp_donors/index.asp?section=3&sub_section=4
(Accessed on September 1, 2008)